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Central Organ of the Comintern (SH)

August - September



October 1, 2014 - October 1, 2016

Long live the 2nd anniversary of the
International Communist Solidarity !




Messages of Solidarity


On occasion of the 2nd anniversary of the foundation of the

International Communist Solidarity (ICS)


October 1, 2014 - October 1, 2016


Dear comrades !

On ocasion of the 2nd anniversary of the founding of the ICS, the Comintern (SH) sends revolutionary greetings to all comrades across the world who suffer from the violence of the counter-revolution. We declare our unconditional solidarity with all comrades in prison and their families. We declare to actively struggle against police brutality and against all other violence of the counter-revolution. We raise our fists in remembrance of all comrades who were killed in action of class-struggle.

On 2nd anniversary of the founding of the ICS, we want to draw our principled demarcation line against "Amnesty International" which was established 55 years ago (1961).

Just as Obama was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize - for USA-imperialistic war crimes (!); so also Amnesty International was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1977 - for refusing (!) solidarity with revolutionaries and communists who are hounded by the counter-revolution.

Tasks according to the own statement of Amnesty International:

against torture, the death penalty, political murder, cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment and the "disappearances" of people,
for the investigation of human rights violations and punishing the perpetrators,
for the release of prisoners of conscience who have been imprisoned because of their origin, color, language, religion or belief,
for the protection of human rights defenders and -verteidigern,
for the protection of migrants, refugees and asylum seekers,
for the protection of human rights in armed conflicts,
for ensuring effective control of the arms trade,
for the protection of women and girls from violence and oppression,
for the promotion of economic, social and cultural rights,
for receipt of human rights in international and regional agreements and conventions,
for fair and expeditious trial, particularly in political prisoners,
for programs on human rights education and to promote awareness of human rights,
for cooperation of non-governmental organizations, the United Nations and regional intergovernmental organizations to defend human rights

Amnesty International pretends to fight against violations of human rights. However, support against violations of human rights of Communists and revolutionaries is ruled out. The reason is very simple: Amnesty International categorizes communists and revolutionaries as a sort of people "who, themselves, violate human rights". (!)

Amnesty International pretends to fight for "a world free of human rights violations". However, we communists say that "a world without human rights violations" is not realizable in capitalism. A world without human rights violations can be realized only in world communism, namely if class society has completely ceased to exist. Amnesty International does not strive for the classless society. Amnesty International even denies the existence of the class society, the existence ofv class-struggle, the existence of the counter-revolutionary rule of the world bourgeoisie.
We Communists say: As long as the class society exists, human rights violations are inevitable.
So if we do not fight for the abolition of class society, then the abolition of the human rights violations is impossible and thus dwindles into empty phraseology.
Precisely this is the essential task of the fight against human rights violations, namely the elimination of their unavoidability under conditions of capitalism.

Amnesty International is an anti-communist world organization. It serves directly or indirectly the maintenance of today's world-imperialist oppressive and exploitative system, the most brutal system of human rights violation that has ever given rise in the history of mankind. Amnesty International calls it a "democratic world order", a "civilized world community" which basically respects "human rights".

Admittedly, most of the 7 million members and supporters of Amnesty International in more than 150 countries are honestly convinced about their work for human rights. Therefore, we must inform them about the goals of world communism and try to win at least the most progressive elements for the world socialist revolution. Especially we have to unmask the double standard of Amnesty International, namely to refuse solidarity with the revolutionary struggle of the world proletariat. If you really want to fight for human rights then you cannotignore or exclude the solidarity with the communists and revolutionaries, thus the most consistent and most radical fighters for human rights in the world.
Those who refuse to support revolutionaries and communists in their fight against human rights violations, must accept the criticism that they are in truth henchmen of the capitalist world system of exploitation and oppression - no matter whether consciously or unconsciously.

The world proletariat, as the only revolutionary class of the world, can not alone lead the fight for the elimination of the inevitability of human rights violations. It needs solidarity and alliance with other exploited and oppressed classes. Therefore, in principle, we do not reject our cooperation with human rights organizations. However, we reject cooperation "at all costs". We have always in mind the revolutionary interests of the world proletariat:
Our cooperation with human rights organizations is based on the joint fight against the roots and causes of human rights violations, namely the struggle for the abolition of capitalism. That is the only correct Stalinist-Hoxhaist position on the question of cooperation with human rights organizations.
Amnesty International is not guided by the ideology of the proletariat but by the ideology of the bourgeoisie. This is the essential reason why we refuse cooperation with Amnesty International.
Amnesty International is guided by the ideology of pacifism and follows the principle of "non-violence of resistance."
With other words: Amnesty International leaves the existing "freedom" of private ownership and its capitalist monopoly of violence basically untouched.
Amnesty International is very well aware about the fact that the "human rights" of capitalism are all based on the "freedom" of exploitation of man by man. Therefore, the so-called "human rights" in capitalism are nothing but a lie and a sham. It's precisely Amnesty International that spreads these dangerous illusions around the world and thus works against the world socialist revolution. Democracy for the vast majority of the world society can only be achieved by the dictatorship of the proletariat, by world socialism.

What is the essential difference between Amnesty International and the ICS?

For Amnesty International there is no difference between counter-revolutionary and revolutionary violence. The pacifistic Amnesty International opposes in principle any revolutionary violence and consequently denies also any solidarity with revolutionaries and communists who are hounded by the counter-revolution. In class-struggle, there is no "neutrality", no position beyond the class society. Those who decline the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat, do nothing other than supporting the bourgeoisie. Amnesty International condemns revolutionary violence and parrots the well-trodden anti-communist propaganda of the bourgeoisie. Therefore, Amnesty International must be combated as a hostile organization of the socialist revolution.
For Amnesty International, any violence is inhumane. However, violence has always played also another role in history of the class-society, namely a revolutionary role. Revolutionary violence is the midwife of every old society that is pregnant with a new society. Revolutionary violence is the instrument, with which the social movement overcomes all the dead political forms of the old society. Obviously, Amnesty International does not need a new society. Injustice can allegedly be "overcome" by reforms within the old system. However, capitalism is irreformable. Therefore Amnesty International prefers to defend the old society and is thus ready to perish commonly with the old society which is characterized by its systematic human rights violations.
Amnesty International confines itself to the sole power of condemnation of human rights violations, thus considers revolutionary violence not only superflous, but moreover damnable.

What is the trend of the capitalist system of human rights violations? Since its founding 55 years ago - and despite of the activities of its 7 million members-, the human rights violations worsened dramatically all over the world. Even Amnesty International cannot ignore the rapid development of global fascism with all its evils of human rights violations.
If people practice only "peaceful" criticism at global fascism, they can - in the best case - only minimize the repressions of the violence of the capitalists ( that's good, but not enough!), but not stop it or still less eliminate it (that's absolutely necessary!). Reactionary violence is the immanent nature of capitalism. Only by means of revolutionary violence can reactionary violence of capitalism be abolished. The revolutionary violence is unnecessary not until the moment when there is no more reactionary violence. Instead, Amnesty International appeals to the human rights violators, to respect human rights and thus Amnesty International awakens the illusion that one could bring the despot to reason with petitions. Capitalism can not be brought to reason, can not become humane. Capitalist violence can only be eliminated by revolutionary violence.

From the moment when the world proletariat distances itself from the bourgeois-liberal, pacifist ideology, when it begins to follow its own proletarian ideology, then Amnesty International can not any longer uphold its position as a human rights organization. Then Amnesty International will openly side with the counter-revolution which it pretends to combat supposedly.
Against all condemnation on the part of Amnesty International, we say:
Everyone has the right to defend themselves against human rights violations and respond to violence with violence. That is also the opinion of Karl Marx who said:

"Where counter-revolutionary authorities seek forcibly to frustrate the formation and official activity of these committees of public safety, force must be opposed by every kind of force. Passive resistance must have active resistance as its basis. Otherwise it will resemble the vain struggle of a calf against its slaughterer." (Written by Marx on November 18, 1848; Volume 8, page 38)

All peoples have the collective right to respond to the violence of the international counter-revolution by means of their common revolutionary violence. Proletarian internationalism means solidarity with the violent struggle against the reactionary violence of the ruling classes. The common revolutionary violence of the world proletariat and the revolutionary peoples is both a force of self-defense, a force of social and national liberation. But it is even more: Revolutionary violence is the key to eliminate the inevitability of reactionary violence. Revolutionary violence eliminates its roots and causes - world capitalism.
Revolutionary violence is there indispensable where ever new human rights violations follow those which have been already eliminated.
Only when no more human rights violators exist which have to be combated, people will be able to abdicate from revolutionary violence. However, never beforehand!
The end of human rights violations begins in the moment when the society abolishes violently the violence as cruel expression of inhumanity.





in Russian language 

The Modern Revisionists on the Way to Degenerating Into Social-Democrats and to Fusing with Social-Democracy

Zëri i Popullit dated April 7, 1964

- Enver Hoxha, Volume 26, Albanian edition -


«Н. Хрущев искажает идеи Ленина, чтобы открыть путь своему проимпериалистическому курсу»


thanks to: www.enverhoxha.ru



Historical events of the international revolutionary movement

95 Years Ago:








What is the main lesson of the Tulsa Massacre ?

The main lesson of the Tulsa Massacre is the necessity of revolutionary violence against rascism of the American bourgeoisie, is the unification of all oppressed and exploited classes for the revolutionary overthrow of the classes of exploiters and oppressors.

The Tulsa Massacre differs from all the previous Massacres in this:

The organized armed struggle of resistance.


The struggle of the bourgeoisie against the truth of history develops in three main steps:

First main step:

The bourgeoisie keeps quit about her crimes and pretended Tulsa Massacre "never happened".

Second main step can be defined by the words of Frederick Engels:

"The bourgeoisie turns everything into a commodity, hence also the writing of history. It is in its nature, a condition of its existence, to falsify all commodities: it falsified history. And the version of history which is most highly paid is that which is best falsified for the purposes of the bourgeoisie."

(MECWSH, Volume 21, page 313; Plan of Chapter Two and Fragments for The History of Ireland)

Third main step:

The bourgeoisie turns history into an open weapon against the opressed and exploited classes, against communism.


* * *

The history can not cheat itself.

History is always falsified by the bourgeoisie.

The truth of history can only be liberated by the working class.

- Comintern (SH) -

* * *

The 95 years long history of the Tulsa Massacre teaches that the worldwide genocide, committed by air assaults of the USA-imperialists, had started in America - thus in the own country.



A Black Holocaust in America



And today ?



"Black Lives Matter!"


Proletarian Anti-Rascism is a matter of revolutionary class struggle, is a matter of proletarian internationalism.


The question of rascism, in general, and the black question, in particular, will be solved by the world socialist revolution.


- Comintern (SH), 1st of July 2016 -







New publication of our Archives


Communist Party USA

(will be completed soon)




Collection of publications of Enver Hoxha


in: "Albania Today":


1971 No 1 - 1976 No 2

1976 No 4 - 1978 No 3

1978 No 5 - 1985 No 2


thanks to the

Chinese Section of the Young Communist International




new publications of

speeches, conversations and articles


(thanks to our Chinese Section of the Young Communist International (Stalinist-Hoxhaists)


Speeches 1961 - 1962



Speeches and Articles

1963 - 1964



Speeches and Articles

1965 - 1966



Speeches, conversations and articles

1967 - 1968


On further revolutionizing our party and the life of our country as a whole



Speeches 1969 - 1970


On further revolutionizing our party and the life of our country as a whole



Speeches, conversations and articles

1969 - 1970



published by the Greek Section of the Comintern (SH):

75 Years Ago


September 27, 1941 - September 27, 2016

historical events of the revolutionary world movement

(Εθνικό Απελευθερωτικό Μέτωπο, Ethniko Apeleftherotiko Metopo, EAM)






founding on September 27, 1941



special website in Greek/English language ...





German Section


in Action !


320 000 People !!!!


in 7 German Cities on the Streets






Get rid of the imperialist world system!

In a capitalist world there is no free trade!

A free trade exists only in world socialism!

Long live the socialist world trade under the dictatorship of the world proletariat!

Long live the world socialist revolution!

Long live the Comintern (SH)!




(in German language)

































100 Years ago ...


1916 -2016













    100 Years ago ...

    1916 -2016



    also available in:






    of the world socialist revolution


    "Turn the rifles around !"


    20 military guiding principles of the Comintern (SH)

    - adopted on September 9, 2016 -

    written by Wolfgang Eggers


    also available in German language:

    Das Militärprogramm der


    Komintern (SH)


    * * *

    September 9, 1916 - September 9, 2016

    On occasion of the

    Centenary Anniversary

    of Lenin's


    "Military-Program of the proletarian Revolution"

    Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 23, pp. 77-87.

    September 1916

    The “Disarmament” Slogan

    revised version of the Military-Program in October 1916 

    in PDF-Format


    special website on occasion of the 100th Anniversary of

    Lenin's Military-Program also available in German language:

    Greeting message of the Comintern (SH)

    from 9th of September 2016

    * * *

    Lenin's Military Program

    now published by the Comintern (SH)

    in 14 languages !!


















    in Italian language

    V. I. Lenin


    Opere complete - volumi 1- 45


    thanks to our Georgian Section which has published the complete works of Lenin in Italian language !



    Lenin Archives

    in Slovenian language




    Messages of Solidarity


    Call of the Comintern (SH)

    Take to the streets for the

    war against imperialist war!

    77 Years ago

     Begin of the Second World War

    September 1, 1939 - September 1, 2016




    "War against imperialist war!"

    What does it mean on a world scale and particularly applied to Syria ?


    What is an imperialist war?

    "An imperialist war is the inevitable redivision of the world by continuing the imperialist policy by military means.
    An imperialist war is the inevitable continuation of the political struggle of the imperialist world powers for the conquest or maintenance of world domination by military means."
    - Comintern (SH)

    What is an anti-imperialist war?

    "An anti-imperialist war is the inevitable continuation of the political struggle of all the oppressed and exploited classes, under the leadership of the world proletariat, on the Elimination of world imperialism by military means." - Comintern (SH)

    What is Stalinism - Hoxhaism in today's question of war and peace?

    "Stalinism-Hoxhaism in the question of war and peace is the Marxist-Leninist theory and tactics of victory in the anti-imperialist war by means of the world proletarian revolution under the conditions of globalization in general;
    And in particular, it is the Marxist-Leninist theory and tactics of the armed defense of the dictatorship of the world proletariat.
    Stalinism-Hoxhaism is the doctrine of the abolition of the wars of world imperialism, is the doctrine of the abolition of the inevitability of imperialist war, is the doctrine of the victory of socialist peace over the imperialist war on a global scale, is the military doctrine to protect the world domination of the proletariat as a guarantor of world peace.

    Furthermore, Stalinism-Hoxhaism is the theory and tactics of the transition to non-violent and classless society on a global scale, the abolition of class wars in the period of the world communism."

    Comintern (SH


    Our opinion on

    the war in Syria


    Allegedly the foreign imperialist powers and not the Syrian people decide on war and peace in Syria. Looking more closely at the development of the situation in Syria, however, this is not quite true. On the surface, the situation is complicated and difficult ("each against all"), but the war fronts have polarized and assumed clear contours. The truth is that the revolution of the peace-loving and freedom-loving people of Syria - which began in 2011 - will be victorious in the end, while the bloody counter-revolution and its imperialist backers are doomed to the defeat.

    The true war aims of the imperialists in Syria and in the whole Middle East come more and more clearly to the fore: Behind the smokescreen of alleged "common war on terrorism ' is hidden the naked robbery interests of imperialist great powers and their lackeys, and moreover their common fears about the collapse of their own world order. The imperialists and their lackeys are faced with the destabilization and ruins of their world order in the Middle East.

    The world bourgeoisie tries unsuccessfully to bring back her old profitable colonial times in the Middle East but the "Arab Spring" sends packing one imperialist puppet regime after another. Unavoidably the counter-revolution had to follow the Arab revolution swiftly. Syria shows that there is no "Arab Spring" without the counter-revolutionary revenge of the blood-thirsty regimes who act as an extension of the global imperialists:

    1. Setting on fire the Arab world with the intention to extinguish the Arab Spring. Machinations of Civil War, foreign interventions and bombings as a last resort in the fight against the Arab revolution.
    2. Weakening and destruction of the unity of the Arab Liberation Front against the common enemy, the imperialists and their watchdog in the Middle East - Israel.
    3. Protection of the predatory interests of the imperialists in the Middle East by instigating fratricide among the Arab peoples, by their criminal tactics of mass starvation, refugee dramas, unemployment etc. Pauperization of the peoples of the Middle East - this is their answer to the "Arab Spring".

    In the early 14th century gunpowder came from the Arabs to Western Europeans and determined the international warfare. Today, the weapons come from Western European countries to the rich Arab rulers in order to annihilate the "Arab Spring".

    The US imperialists and the Russian imperialists are not only worried because of maintaining oil supplies, which, by the way, are much more urgently needed by the European, Chinese and Japanese imperialists. It's also not just about military protection of "free" imperialist trade routes. And it's also not just about the war profiteers who enrich themselves at the chaos and suffering of the Arab peoples - namely arms deals for the destruction of Arab countries, and new profitable business for their reconstruction. And finally it's not just about cheap wage slaves which they recruit out of flows of refugees.

    Primarily, the Arab Spring causes their pure fear about the lost "stability" of their capitalist world order. Protection of the crisis-shaken capitalist world - this is today the main driving power of global imperialist military operations. Global maintenance of "peaceful" conditions for trouble-free exploitation of the labour forces is impossible without military power. Military interventions are necessary to forestall the global broadening of revolutionary regional trouble spots of the Middle East. The imperialists all over the world know very well that the main danger comes from the world proletariat as the only revolutionary force which is able to smash the world order of capitalism. And they also know very well that the Arab Spring inspires the global proletarian solidarity in the struggle against imperialist exploitation and oppression.

    Between the powers of the East and West, it is not just about their rivalry in their striving for supremacy in the world , but not least about their common control and protection of the world imperialist system against uprisings and revolutions, in particular against the Arab Spring.

    The world capital itself has the tendency to overcome national borders - if necessary by military means -, and with its globalization it paves the way for the dissolution of the contradiction between "East and West" in the long run. Half of the whole world capital is already concentrated and centralized in the private hands of transnational, global owners and thus increasingly beyond the control of the rival "Eastern and Western" camps.

    The actual masterminds who instigate wars of imperialist powers, are the global players, especially those who monopolize the global arms markets. Killing is their business. The question of war and peace is subject to the universal law of capitalism. For the warmongers it does not matter what is right or wrong but only what is profitable. The profit is the driving force of imperialist war. By means of their lobbying influence, the transnational armament monopolies squeeze the biggest arms contracts out of such rich states and dominating governments which guarantee maximum profits. Those who are able to pay for weapons, get the demanded weapons - thus the richest states which intend to become still richer. Exactly these monopoly capitalists are one of the most aggressive warmongers of world imperialism and therefore a major threat to world peace. They can be rendered harmless - only by means of the world socialist revolution. If we want to fully disarm the world bourgeoisie, then we can not exclude the destruction of the economic basis of her warfare. The transnational armament monopolies are the economic basis of the militarization of the imperialist world society, which alone, serves the interests of world imperialist wars. The class which has the material weapons, has also the spiritual weapons that are indispensable for war propaganda. Those who want peace in the world, need to direct the counter-revolutionary material and spiritual weapons against the world bourgeoisie, need to transform the imperialist weapons into weapons of the dictatorship of the world proletariat.

    Where the military violence of the world order of the imperialist community destroys global productive forces, it comes in insoluble conflict with the driving forces of the further development of the global economy. The economical progress cannot be stopped. Vice versa in the history, economy breaks through every fetters of political violence and wars in a revolutionary process. The globalization of production, once destroyed by the collapse of crises and imperialist wars, will unavoidably continue its way towards world socialism by means of the world socialist revolution.

    Globalization of world capital means globalization of conflicts with world labour, including unfettering global wars and global revolutions. If we want to prevent the globalization of imperialist wars then we must not only overthrow the capitalist world order. We must also avert the deadly effect of the transnational world capital by means of its global socialization.

    If we want to abolish imperialist wars, we must abolish imperialism, namely on a global scale. Maintenance of the capitalist world order - if necessary by means of imperialist wars - this is the general line of world capital , as now in Syria. Smashing the capitalist world order and disempowerment of world capital - this is our world-proletarian general line in our struggle against imperialist wars.

    The US imperialists can no longer continue their former military supremacy under present conditions of the world crisis of capital. The newly kindled struggle for world domination is in full swing, not only represented by the rivalry of this or that individual imperialist power or its alliances, but increasingly instigated by transnational owners of globalized world capital, especially private owners of the global finance capital.

    Globalisation of the main contradiction between world capital and world labour sets on fire the entire imperialist military system of states. Today's world crisis is an expression of the ever faster progressing putrefaction of the global exploitation- and oppression system. This putrefaction can not be stopped even with the most extreme military means of imperialist wars - on the contrary, every imperialist war implicates unavoidably the acceleration of the process of putrefaction of world capitalism. The intensification of the internal contradictions within the imperialist camp increases the risk of a third world war. The issue today is not longer just about the flare up of (c)old war of the great powers over their spoils. In its boundless lust for power the globalized world capital revolts against its own imperialist world order and all its national borders. Globalized world capital unfetters wars which can be characterized as "boundless wars" - permanently unrestrained in its means, independent of time and space. Meanwhile the imperialist world system can be protected just on a global military scale, namely at the cost of the protection of exploiter systems of individual nations. The protection of private ownership at the globalized means of production is of higher priority than that of the national ones.

    According to the globalization of classes, there is a shift in the balance of power within the camp of the world bourgeoisie. Meanwhile, the cosmopolitan elements form the overweight and they rule over the national bourgeoisie - not least in questions of war and peace. Simultaneously, the global players cannot do without the national bourgeoisie. The globalized world system is unable to solve this problem, which will increase by the growing global military operations. For the benefit of the world revolution we must take advantage of this contradiction, which weakens the camp of the world bourgeoisie and which simultaneously strengthens the camp of the world proletariat.

    We need not only to struggle against the world bourgeoisie as a whole global class, but in particular to overthrow the dominant transnational capitalists. Is the mainstay of the world bourgeoisie broken, especially the transnational world capital, then this will herald the end of the rule of the world bourgeoisie and thus the end of imperialist wars. The gravedigger of the transnational capital is the united revolutionary front of the industrial world proletariat.

    The United States no longer suffice as the sole protector of world capital, which is why in addition other imperialist powers outside NATO are forced , to participate in the military protection of the capitalist world order ("struggle against terrorism"). Almost the entire imperialist world is directly or indirectly involved in the Syria war. This far exceeds the dimension of the intervention war of the Entente against the young Soviet Russia. The war in Syria reveals today the whole perplexity and military weakness of the crises-ridden world capitalist system. This changed world situation of social, its economical and political instability, opens new perspectives for the unification of the revolutionary anti-imperialist liberation forces of the peoples.

    Even with their technically superior military means, their proxy wars, their secret diplomacy and countless machinations against the peoples, they are less and less capable to get under control all the growing trouble spots across the world which they have caused by themselves. World capitalism of today gets increasingly out of control and prepares its own demise by its imperialist war adventures.

    At the present moment, it is our primary task to fight for the immediate end of the genocide in Syria, and to prevent its expansion to a global genocide. We have to organize help and solidarity with the Syrian people.

    Even now, the war leaps from Syria to other Arab countries, and incriminates nearly the entire Arab world. Therefore, the Arab peoples must unite their weapons against the imperialist war mongers and give them hell, including all their Arab puppet regimes. The failure of the imperialist war aims in Syria are not only favourable for the growing instability of the Arab countries by which the revolutionary situation is maturing. Instability of imperialist rulership in the Middle East creates better conditions for the continuation of the Arab Spring, for the anti-imperialist war of liberation of the Arab peoples and thus for the globalization of the anti-imperialist liberation war of all peoples of the world.

    If a new world war would break out, then this leads inevitably to the global unification of the liberation wars in all countries against the world imperialist war - inclusively in the imperialist countries. Either way the peoples will emerge from a new world war victoriously and the world imperialism will be the loser. Either way, the Arab Spring is accelerating the approach of world socialist revolution which is the only way to prevent the Third World War.

    Either the world socialist revolution will prevent a new world war or a new world war will cause the outbreak of the world socialist revolution. The one or the other means the end of the epoch of world capitalism, and simultaneously the beginning of the epoch of world socialism.

    With every new year the military strength of all the imperialists of the world is exhausting throughout the Middle East - not at last by the deepening world crisis through which world imperialism has no longer cart blanche.

    The shed blood of the Arab brother peoples, the wretched condition of the masses in Syria, the refugees, the rapid impoverishment of the masses throughout the Arab world provoke inevitable discontent, riots and revolts against the imperialist war, against reaction and terrorism, forcing the Arab world to continue the "Arab spring" , namely until the defeat of the odious despots and their imperialist overlords. Whatever the strength of world imperialism may be, it can not harm the Arab peoples if they fight together for their liberation. The longer the war in Syria lasts, the more does it seem to be hopeless. But in reality this is not true. Hopeless is always the imperialist war but never the anti-imperialist war. The contradictions among the belligerent imperialist powers and their Arab lackeys worsen day by day. The own front of the imperialists weakens because of unsoluble inner contradictions and conflicts. This makes it easier for the Arab peoples to break through this counter-revolutionary front at its weakest point. The end of the bloody reign of terror of Assad is coming nearer and nearer, and also the end of the bloody reign of terror of the IS-State, and all the other despotic regimes in the Arab world. World imperialism can protect its regimes in the Middle East no longer and will loose successively its hinterland in the Middle East under the relentless pressure of the Arab Spring.

    Who are those who want to continue the war in Syria and other Arab states endlessly? These are above all the American and Russian imperialists and their allies in the wake. They all are afraid of the Arab Spring, which has just begun and will ultimately be continued victoriously. But above all, there can be no peace in the Middle East unless the Palestinian people obtain freedom. No Arab nation can be free without freedom of the Palestinian nation.


    In the Middle East, there are those who say:
    "Better the West as an enemy, than the East as a friend."
    And there are, vice versa, also those who say:
    "Better the East as an enemy, than the West as a friend."

    Both the West and the East are evil, and nobody can replace one evil by another. World imperialism is the international main enemy of the peoples of the Middle East which prevails both in the West and in the East. In Syria, the different world-imperialist forces do not fight for the freedom of the Syrian people, but only for their own predatory interests. The true friends of the Arab people are the world proletariat and the peoples of the world. The Comintern (SH) expresses internationalist solidarity with the Arab Spring of the Arab peoples.

    The common enemy of all peoples, that is the world-imperialist globalized system of exploitation which can be eliminated only by the globally unified liberation struggle of the peoples all over the world, and not by taking sides with either the Western or the Eastern imperialism. The question on East and West, on war and peace, can only be considered and resolved by the stand point of the class of the world proletariat. Accordingly, enemies of the world socialist revolution are all the forces of the world imperialist system, and our friends are all the forces which fight with us against the world-imperialist system. Today the global class front runs between both the classes - world proletariat and world bourgeoisie. One of both these classes decides on war and peace, and nobody else. The Syrian war takes place in the epoch of world imperialism and proletarian world revolution, in the epoch of the destruction of the dictatorship of the world bourgeoisie and the establishment of the dictatorship of the world proletariat. We Communists can and will lead our anti-imperialist war only with the aim of the establishment of the dictatorship of the world proletariat. Only from the standpoint of world socialist revolution can the question be answered, what forces we have to support in Syria and what forces we have to combat. In the Arab world of today - and thus in Syria - the main contradiction is the contradiction between labour and capital, between proletariat and bourgeoisie. Therefore the Comintern (SH) supports expressively the struggle of the Arab proletariat for its national and social revolutionary liberation - thus also in Syria.

    Above all, we support the Syrian working class in the formation of its own revolutionary leadership, namely the founding of the Syrian Section of the Comintern (SH). Only under the leadership of our Syrian Section, the national liberation war can be transformed into the people's revolution and finally into the socialist revolution. Without the dictatorship of the proletariat there will be no lasting peace in Syria. The victory of the Syrian people over its internal and external tormentors is impossible if the working class is not guided by the ideology of Stalinism-Hoxhaism.

    We can not stop halfway. Smashing the IS-State, overthrowing the Assad regime, etc., this is not the end of class war in the Arab world. The present fight includes its continuation against all those new exploitive and oppressive regimes which will inevitably follow, namely as long as world imperialism exists.

    How do we prevent that the old regime will be replaced only by new regimes that will even better serve the interests of world imperialism than the overthrown old regimes?

    Our answer to this is clear: we do not want that the one exploitive and suppressive regime is replaced by another. We fight for the elimination of all exploitation and oppression in Syria and around the world. The unavoidability of the replacement of the one exploitive and suppressive regime by another one exists, as long as world imperialism exists. Therefore, we want, above all, the elimination of the domination of world capital, which is based on exploitation and oppression of the world proletariat and the peoples of the world. We want the world socialist revolution and the creation of its armed detachments in every country in the world. The anti-imperialist, anti-fascist proletarian front in Syria must become the recruiting field of an armed detachment of the world revolution. We recognize the Syrian working class in alliance with the poor peasants as the only leading revolutionary force, which represents the interests of the Syrian people. No one else. We stick to the fight for the proletarian dictatorship in Syria.

    The systematic incitement of splitting the unity of the Arab peoples and the instigation of wars among them, that is the old instrument of domination of world imperialism on the Arab world along the lines of "divide and rule". It is therefore the task of the world proletariat and its vanguard, the Comintern (SH), to take sides with the Arab peoples in the spirit of proletarian internationalism, and to unite them in the fight against all world imperialist powers who want to continue the war in Syria unabatedly.

    War against the imperialist war! This slogan must be implemented especially in Syria and throughout the Arab world.

    Imperialism means war!

    World imperialism is the cause of all imperialist wars!

    The imperialist world powers must all be overthrown!

    World imperialism will be overthrown by the violent proletarian, socialist world revolution!

    At the forefront of anti-imperialist peoples, the revolutionary world proletariat will establish its armed proletarian dictatorship in order to guarantee a lasting world peace!

    On the ruins of world imperialism, we will build world socialism and eliminate the inevitability of imperialist wars forever!

    Let us fight for a world without classes and without wars!

    Let us fight for world communism!

    Comintern (SH)

    September 1, 2016



    special website:

    Antiwar Day 2016

    also available in

    German language



    Socialist worldrevolution fight against every world wars
    the next Section of Comintern (SH) opens some doors
    more class struggle , let the heads of the imperialist hydra roll
    Socialist world revolution, fight for the working class rights of every working man,
    About profit and finance oligarchy we don`t give a damn!
    Socialist world revolution, fight for what's class war  right,
    classwar for peasants life!

    When world war three comes crashing down, and it hurts inside,
    workers of the world  gotta take a stand, Comintern (SH) don't help to hide,
    Well, imperialists wars  hurt our class brothers, and hurt our class pride,
    So workers of the world and farmers stand and fight side by side
    Socialist world revolution, fight for the working class rights of every working man,
    About profit and finance oligarchy we give a damn!
    Socialist world revolution, fight for what's class war  right,
    classfight for peasants life!

    word bourgoisie feels strong about right and wrong,
      bur their capital  reign doesn`t stay  for very long,
    1. September world war one and  two is what we see,
    socialist world revolution is the only  thing that keeps us free,
    Socialist world revolution, fight for the working class rights of every working man,
    About profit and finance oligarchy we don`t give a damn!
    Socialist world revolution, fight for what's class war  right,
    class fight for peasants life!

    Well, imperialists wars  hurt our class brothers, and hurt our class pride,
    So workers of the world and farmers unite and  stand and fight side by side
    Socialist world revolution, fight for the working class rights of every working man,
    About profit and finance oligarchy we don`t give a damn!
    Socialist world revolution, fight for what's class war  right,
    class war for peasants life!









    Enver Hoxha

    Selected Works

    in Bosnian language

    published by the Yugoslav Section of the Comintern (SH)






    15 Years after the Issue of the Inform Bureau Resolution «On the Situation in the Jugoslav Communist Party»

    (Article published in the daily «Zeri i Popullit» June 29, 1963)


    The Khrushchev-Tito Revisionist Group Concoct New Plans against the Cause of Socialism

    Article published in the newspaper
    Zeri i Popullit
    January 8, 1963



    The Titoite Clique and the Draft of the New Jugoslav Constitution 

    (Article published in the daily «Zeri i Popullit»
    Dec. 13, 1962)


    Whom Do Khrushchev’s Viewpoints and Actions Serve?

    Article published in the newspaper Zeri i Popullit
    March 2, 1962



    The Yugoslav Revisionist Leaders — Dangerous Enemies of the International Communist and Workers’ Movement

    Article published in the newspaper
    Zeri i Popullit
    January 17, 1962


    Results of Khrushchev’s Visit to Yugoslavia

    Article published in the newspaper Zeri i Popullit
    September 13, 1963



    Alliance and Complete Harmony between Titoite Clique and Soviet Khrushchevite Revisionist Leaders 

    (Article published on the «Zeri i Popullit» daily of July 10, 1965)



    Slanders and Fabrications Cannot Stand Up To Facts and Documents

    The "Naim Frasheri” State Publishing Enterprise
    Tirana 1963



    The Moscow Declaration,
    The Invincible Banner of the War against Imperialism and Revisionism

    (Reproduced from the «Zerl i Popullit» daily, December 6, 1963)
    The Naim Frasheri State Publishing House

    Tirana. 1963



    For the Militant Unity of the Communist Movement Under the Victorious Banner of Marxism-Leninism

    (Reproduced from the daily «Zeri i Popullit», February 7, 1963)



    Revolutionary Communists All Over the World Firmly Oppose Modern Revisionism and Uphold Marxism-Leninism

    Article published in the newspaper
    Zeri i Popullit
    September 6, 1963



    J.V. Stalin’s Name and Work Are Immortal
    Just as Immortal Is Marxism-Leninism

    From «Zëri I Populitt» the organ of the Central Committee of the P.L.A.
    December 21, 1961.


    J. V. STALIN


    Stalin - Reports



    New Conditions - new Tasks

    June 23, 1931




    The Stakhanov Movement in the Soviet Union





    FEBRUARY 19, 1933




    January 1933




    September 1952



    August 17, 1956


    Communist Party of Germany

    special website

    (in German language)



    - For 60 years -
    Ban of the Communist Party of Germany still in force

    [It is meant the old genuine KPD - the German Bolshevik Party of Luxemburg, Liebknecht and Thalmann – and it is NOT meant the revisionist “D'K'P” which was founded and legalized by the German imperialist state in 1968 ]

    Special website including the

    speech of comrade Wolfgang Eggers,

    delivered on a public party event in Hamburg (Germany), on August 17, 1986


    Wolfgang Eggers - Chairman of the KPD (photo: on the right)

    - 1986 - one year after the death of Ernst Aust - the founder of our party.



    Messages of Solidarity


    Greeting message

    of the Comintern (SH) to her German Section

    on occasion of the 60th anniversary of the struggle against the KPD ban

    August 17, 1956 - August 17, 2016


    Dear Comrades of the German Section of the Comintern (SH)!

    The Comintern (SH) sends you internationalist, revolutionary greetings on the occasion of your struggle against the KPD ban which is still in force for 60 years.

    Your tenacious struggle against the KPD ban is unique in the world and a great model for the entire world proletariat and all communists around the world in their struggle against bans, brutal persecution and punishment of communists and revolutionaries.

    From the capitalists' point of view, they accuse us communists as "criminals" because we want to eliminate their exploitative world system. They themselves do not want to go voluntarily. Therefore we need to force them to go, by means of the socialist revolution, as the only alternative for paving the way towards the creation of a peaceful communist society without exploitation and oppression of man by man.

    The Marxist-Leninists members in the old KPD, led by Comrade Ernst Aust, fought long time before the ban of 1956 for the legality of the party. The breaching of the KPD ban finally succeeded with the establishment of the KPD / ML in 1968. The KPD / ML, under the leadership of Comrade Ernst Aust, has fought against the ban of the KPD from the very beginning. The KPD/ML successfully took part at parliamentary elections in West Germany. Honour to our German Section of the Comintern (SH) who continues courageously the struggle of Comrade Ernst Aust, until the KPD ban ends on the dungheap of history.

    Overall, there are now 65 years since the Communists in Germany fight for their legal party after the Second World War. Most of the time, to this day, the history of the communist movement in Germany is a history of ban. The banning started with the first Communist Party of the world, which was founded in Germany by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, who were hunted by the German state across Europe and who lived and fought in English exile until their death. Also the revolutionary German Social Democracy was banned by the so-called "socialist laws" in the 19th century, and the leader August Bebel was imprisoned for many years.

    Our KPD exists since nearly a century (founded in 1918/19), and our party founders and leaders had been assassinated: Rosa Luxemburg, Karl Liebknecht and Ernst Thalmann.

    Hundreds of thousands of German Communists were hunted, persecuted imprisoned or killed because of their struggle for a classless society without exploitation and oppression. Why is the ruling bourgeoisie so afraid of us Communists ? That is because there will be no peaceful classless society without the abolition of private property at the global means of production. This is only possible by the world socialist revolution, which will overthrow the world bourgeoisie whose material world domination over the global society is based on riches which she squeezes out of the labor force of the world proletariat and of other working people.

    The today's fight against the KPD ban is more relevant than ever.

    Today's world crisis has shaken the capitalist world and threatens its very existence. The power of the rulers is increasingly getting out of control. So they prepare the strengthening of their fascist, counter-revolutionary forces against the forthcoming storms of the world revolution that will sweep them away. The rulers of this world will never cede voluntarily. They will do anything to prevent the world proletariat from establishing its dictatorship.

    The KPD ban is one of the terrorist instruments against our communist world party, the Comintern (SH) – and thus not restricted locally to our German Section. The international counter-revolution will grasp the opportunity to ban our global political activities as soons as the global masses will follow us towards the world socialist revolution.

    Behind the so-called "fight against terrorism" the bourgeoisie hides her counterrevolutionary preparations against the world socialist revolution, such as the further armament of the police state and the globalization of her spy network, the fascisation and militarization of the public life of the capitalist class society, imperialist wars, anti-communist propaganda, machinations of pogroms and conspiracies among the masses, etc.

    The prohibition of communist and revolutionary organizations is one of the countless means of capitalist state terror. Today's counter-revolution has globalized character. Therefore, the Revolution can only win globally. Only under the leadership of the Comintern (SH), the Communists can join together around the world in their fight against the brutal terror of the counter-revolution.
    We communists have been hunted as “criminal outlaws” for over 150 years. However, the capitalists never succeeded us to silence. We will lead the world proletariat for armed struggle, to the victory of the world socialist revolution and the establishment of the global dictatorship of the proletariat. The counter-revolution can ban our organisations and kill us Communists, but the capitalists do not escape from their own fate. Communism can not be banned and communism will inevitably triumph over capitalism.

    In this sense, the Comintern (SH) wishes you a lot of success in the fight against the KPD ban, especially in the fight against those elements that “support” the struggle for the elimination of the KPD ban, in words, but who prove to be lackeys of the exploitive classes and their suppressing state, in deeds.

    Communism cannot be banned !

    Away with the KPD ban!

    Away with the worldwide prohibitions against revolutionary organizations!

    Long live the Comintern (SH) and her German Section!

    Long live world socialism and world communism!

    Wolfgang Eggers

    Comintern (SH)

    August 17, 2016


    KPD is still alive!




    J. V. STALIN


    Dialectical and Historical Materialism

    (September 1938)



    V. I. LENIN

    J. V. STALIN

    Marxism and Revisionism

    published 1946



    Report to the Eighteenth Congress of the C.P.S.U. [B]

    (March 10, 1939)



    The Road to Power

    published 1937



    Interview with Emil Ludwig

    December 13, 1931




    (Speech - January, 11 1933)


    Interview with H. G. Wells



    The Soviets and the Individual

    Adress to the Graduates of the Red Army Academy

    May 4, 1935




    (November 1936)



    On the War and the Second Front in Europe



    The War of National Liberation

    published 1943


    How the workers and peasants of Tsarist Russia lived and fought for their emancipation

    published in 1952




    60th Day of Death

    August 14, 1956 - August 14, 2016



    In Praise of Communism

    It's sensible,
    anyone can understand it.
    It's easy.
    You're not an exploiter,
    so you can grasp it.
    It's a good thing for you,
    find out more about it.
    The stupid call it stupid
    and the squalid call it squalid.
    It is against squalor and
    against stupidity.
    the exploiters call it a crime
    But we know:
    It is the end of crime.
    It is not madness, but
    The end of madness.
    It is not the riddle
    But the solution.
    It is the simple thing
    So hard to achieve.

    (Bertolt Brecht)


    special website:



June 17, 1953

(Brecht against the social-fascist regime of the GDR)






Messages of Solidarity


Message of Solidarity

with Moroccan comrades

on occasion of commemoration of Martyrs' Day

August 13, 2016


Mustapha Meziani

One can imprison freedom fighters,

but not the fight for freedom!


Dear comrades and freedom fighters in Morocco !

On occasion of the Martyrs' Day, on August 13, the ICS (International Communist Solidarity) and the Comintern (SH) send greetings of solidarity to you.

Although we can not participate at the celebrations in Morocco, we are with you in thoughts and with our hearts.

We stand by your side in your revolutionary fight for the liberation of the Moroccan people which began with the great revolution in 2011, over 5 years ago.

The liberation struggle will go on until the final victory over the counter-revolution.

The world imperialists and their lackeys in Morocco will be overthrown who exploit and suppress the Moroccan people to the death !

We support the courageous struggle of the students and the revolutionary youth for democratic freedoms.

We condemn the barbaric violence of the police and other counter-revolutionary forces by which the bloody regimes tortures the Moroccan revolutionaries. The political prisoners must be released immediately !

On August 13, 2016, on your Martyrs' Day, we wish you a mighty demonstration of the invincible international solidarity.


Long live the Moroccan martyrs !

Long live the hero Mustapha Meziani!

Long live proletarian internationalism!

Long live the victory of the liberation of Morocco!

Let us fight for the dictatorship of the Morrocan proletariat !

Let us establish the Morrocan Soviets of workers peasants and soldiers !
Let us fight for a socialist Morocco in a socialist world !
Long live the world socialist revolution!

Let us found the Morrocan Section of the Comintern (SH) !


August 10, 2016

ICS and Comintern (SH)








Speeches on the CPUSA


Delivered in the AMERICAN COMMISSION of the Presidium of the Executive Committee of the Communist International - May 6, 1929

and delivered in THE PRESIDIUM of the Executive Committee of the Communist International on the American Question - May 14th, 1929

PDF - Format







Interviews with Foreign Workers' Delegations





Frederick Engels


121st Day of Death


August 5, 1895 - August 5, 2016




special website ...


(including a lot of new publications)



also available in German language...





Messages of Solidarity


Message of the Comintern (SH)

on occasion of the 121st anniversary

of Frederick Engels’ death day

August 5, 1895 – August 5, 2016


121 years ago, Friedrich Engels died.

"Let us always honour the memory of Frederick Engels, a great fighter and teacher of the proletariat!"

Lenin wrote this 121 years ago in his famous eulogy, which the Comintern (SH) has published in 16 languages ​​of the world.


On the occasion of the 121st death anniversary we want to introduce the teachings of Friedrich Engels and Karl Marx on conspiracy.


Marx and Engels

On Conspiracy


Marx and Engels desribed the milieu and class character of the Paris conspirators in:

"Les Conspirateurs" (1850).


We select some quotations from this article:


Concerning conspirators ... "there can be no question of any understanding of the revolutionary movement."

"The propensity of the Latin peoples to conspiracy and the part which conspiracies have played in modern Spanish, Italian and
French history are well known. After the defeat of the Spanish and Italian conspirators at the beginning of the twenties, Lyons and especially Paris became the centres of revolutionary clubs. It is a well-known fact that the liberal bourgeoisie headed the conspiracies against the Restoration up to 1830. After the July Revolution the republican bourgeoisie took their place; the proletariat, trained in conspiracy even under the Restoration, began to dominate to the extent that the republican bourgeoisie were deterred from conspiring by the unsuccessful street battles."
(MECWSH, Volume 10, page 316)


"It need scarcely be added that these conspirators do not confine themselves to the general organising of the revolutionary proletariat. It is precisely their business to anticipate the process of revolutionary development, to bring it artificially to crisis-point, to launch a revolution on the spur of the moment, without the conditions for a revolution. For them the only condition for revolution is the adequate preparation of their conspiracy. They are the alchemists of the revolution and are characterised by exactly the same chaotic thinking and blinkered obsessions as the alchemists of old. They leap at inventions which are supposed to work revolutionary miracles: incendiary bombs, destructive devices of magic effect, revolts which are expected to be all the more miraculous and astonishing in effect as their basis is less rational. Occupied with such scheming, they have no other purpose than the most immediate one of overthrowing the existing government and have the profoundest contempt for the more theoretical enlightenment of the proletariat about their class interests." (MECWSH, Volume 10, page 318)


"The chief characteristic of the conspirators' way of life is their battle with the police, to whom they have precisely the same relationship as thieves and prostitutes." (MECWSH, Volume 10, page 319)


"To the extent that the Paris proletariat came to the fore itself as a party, these conspirators lost some of their dominant influence, they were dispersed and they encountered dangerous competition in proletarian secret societies, whose purpose was not immediate insurrection but the organisation and development of the proletariat.

Even the 1839 revolt was decidedly proletarian and communist. But afterwards the divisions occurred which the veteran conspirators bemoan so much; divisions which had their origin in the workers' need to clarify their class interests and which found expression partly in the earlier conspiracies themselves and partly in new propagandist associations.

The communist agitation which Cabet began so forcefully soon after 1839 and the controversies which arose within the Communist Party soon had the conspirators out of their depth. Both Chenu and de la Hodde admit that at the time of the February Revolution the Communists were by far the strongest party group among the revolutionary proletariat. The conspirators, if they were not to lose their influence on the workers and thus their importance as a counterbalance to the habits noirs, were obliged to go along with this trend and adopt socialist or communist ideas.

The 1847 bomb affair, a matter in which direct police action was greater than in any previous case, finally scattered the most obstinate and contrary-minded of the veteran conspirators and drove their former sections into the proletarian movement proper." (MECWSH, Volume 10, page 319-320)


Marx himself was accused to be a "conspirator" and he declared:

"It is really ridiculous to pretend, in the face of such facts, that the revolutionary party had anything to do with that attempt. The revolutionary party have no interest in seeing the Prince of Prussia arrive speedily at the throne, but the ultra-Royalists have. And yet the Prussian Government is making the Radical Opposition pay for the attempt, as is shown by the new law against the liberty of the press, and by the activity of the Prussian Embassy in London.

We may state, at the same time, that about a fortnight before the attempt, persons whom we have the conviction to be Prussian agents, presented themselves to us, trying to entrap us into regicidal conspiracies. We were, of course, not to be made the dupes of such attempts."

"The Prussian Government declare the shot fired at their King to be the result of widespread revolutionary conspiracies, the centre of which is to be sought in London. In accordance with this, they firstly destroy the liberty of the press at home, and secondly demand the English Government to remove from this country the pretended chiefs of the pretended conspiracy".

"Considering the personal character and qualities of the present King of Prussia, and those of his brother, the heir to the throne, which party has a greater interest in the speedy succession of the latter—the Revolutionary party or the ultra-Royalists?"

"Allow us to state, that a fortnight before the attempt was made at Berlin, persons whom we have every reason to consider as agents either of the Prussian Government or the ultra-Royalists, presented themselves to us, and almost directly engaged us to enter into conspiracies for organising regicide in Berlin and elsewhere. We need not add, that these persons found no chance of making their dupes of us".

"Allow us to state, Some eight years ago, when we, in Prussia, attacked the existing system of government, the official functionaries and press replied, why, if these gentlemen do not like the Prussian system, they are perfectly at liberty to leave the country. We left the country, and we knew the reason why. But after leaving it, we found Prussia everywhere; in France, in Belgium, in Switzerland, we felt the influence of the Prussian Ambassador. If, through his influence, we are to be made to leave this last refuge left to us in Europe, why,then Prussia will think herself the ruling power of the world".

"I have the honour of belonging to those, whom the persecution of the Prussian government has followed everywhere they went. Editor of the Rheinische Zeitung (of Cologne) in 1842, and of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung in 1848 and 1849, both of which papers were directly or indirectly stopped by the forcible interference of the Prussian government, I have been expelled from France in 1845 and 1849, from Belgium in 1848, upon the direct request and by the influence of the Prussian embassy; and during my stay in Prussia, in 1848 and 1849, I had about a dozen political actions brought against me, the whole of which were, however, abandoned after my having been twice acquitted by the jury." (MECWSH, Volume 10, pages 378-384)

* * *

"The Communist or Proletarian party, as well as other parties, had lost, by suppression of the rights of association and meeting, the means of giving to itself a legal organization on the Continent. Its leaders, besides, had been exiled from their countries. But no political party can exist without an organization; and that organization which both the Liberal bourgeois and the Democratic shopkeeping class were enabled more or less to supply by the social station, advantages, and long-established, everyday intercourse of their members, the proletarian class, without such social station and pecuniary means, was necessarily compelled to seek in secret association. Hence, both in France and Germany, sprang up those numerous secret societies which have, ever since 1849, one after another been discovered by the police and prosecuted as conspiracies; but if many of them were really conspiracies, formed with the actual intention of upsetting the Government for the time being—and he is a coward that under certain circumstances would not conspire, just as he is a fool who, under other circumstances, would do so—there were some other societies which were formed with a wider and more elevated purpose, which knew, that the upsetting of an existing Government was but a passing stage in the great impending struggle, and which intended to keep together and to prepare the party, whose nucleus they formed, for the last, decisive combat which must one day or another crush forever in Europe the domination, not of mere "tyrants," "despots" and "usurpers," but of a power far superior, and far more formidable than theirs; that of capital over labor.

The organization of the advanced Communist party in Germany was of this kind. In accordance with the principles of its "Manifesto" (published in 1848) and with those explained in the series of articles on Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Germany, published in The New-York Daily Tribune, this party never imagined itself capable of producing, at any time and at its pleasure, that revolution which was to carry its ideas into practice. It studied the causes that had produced the revolutionary movements of 1848, and the causes that made them fail. Recognizing the social antagonism of classes at the bottom of all political struggles, it applied itself to the study of the conditions under which one class of society can and must be called on to represent the whole of the interests of a nation, and thus politically to rule over it. History showed to the Communist party, how, after the landed aristocracy of the Middle Ages, the monied power of the first capitalists arose and seized the reins of Government; how the social influence and political rule of this financial section of capitalists was superseded by the rising strength, since the introduction of steam, of the manufacturing capitalists, and how at the present moment two more classes claim their turn of domination, the petty trading class, and the industrial working class.

The practical revolutionary experience of 1848-49 confirmed the reasonings of theory, which led to the conclusion that the democracy of the petty traders must first have its turn, before the Communist working class could hope to permanendy establish itself in power and destroy that system of wages-slavery which keeps it under the yoke of the bourgeoisie. Thus the secret organization of the Communists could not have the direct purpose of upsetting the present governments of Germany. Being formed to upset not these, but the insurrectionary government, which is sooner or later to follow them, its members might, and certainly would, individually lend an active hand to a revolutionary movement against the present status quo in its time; but the preparation of such a movement, otherwise than by secret spreading of Communist opinions by the masses, could not be an object of the Association.b So well was this foundation of the society understood by the majority of its members, that when the place-hunting ambition of some tried to turn it into a conspiracy for making an ex tempore revolution, they were speedily turned out.

Now, according to no law upon the face of the earth, could such an association be called a plot, a conspiracy for purposes of high treason. If it was a conspiracy, it was one against, not the existing Government, but its probable successors. And the Prussian Government was aware of it". (MECWSH, Volume 11, pages 388-390)

* * *

"Mazzini's friends affirm now, to a man, that the Milanese insurrection was forced upon him and his associates by circumstances which it was beyond his power to control. But, on one side, it belongs to the very nature of conspiracies to be driven to a premature outbreak, either by treason or by accidents. On the other side, if you cry, during three years, action, action, action—if your entire revolutionary vocabulary be exhausted by the one word "Insurrection," you cannot expect to hold sufficient authority for dictating, at any given moment: there shall be no insurrection. Be this as it may, Austrian brutality has turned the Milanese failure into the real commencement of a national revolution". (MECWSH, Volume 11, page 536)

* * *

"I, for my part, think Mazzini to be mistaken, both in his opinions about the Piedmontese people and in his dreams of an Italian revolution, which he supposes is not to be effected by the favorable chances of European complications, but by the private action of Italian conspirators acting by surprise." (MECWSH, Volume 12, page 512)


Frederick Engels wrote on Mazzini's attacks against the First International following:

"The International did away with Mazzini.

Mazzini had never been a member of the International Association and that his proposals, manifestoes, and rules had been rejected. Mazzini has also made frenzied attacks on the Paris Commune in the English press.b This is just what he always did when the proletariat rose up. He did the same after the insurrection of June 1848, denouncing the insurgent proletarians in such offensive terms that Louis Blanc himself wrote a pamphlet against him. And Louis Blanc repeated on several occasions at that time that the June insurrection was the work of Bonapartist agents!

Mazzini calls Marx a man of corrosive ... intellect, of domineering temper, etc., perhaps because Marx knew very well how to corrode away the cabal plotted against the International by Mazzini, dominating the old conspirator's poorly disguised lusting for authority so effectively that he has been rendered permanently harmless to the Association. This being the case, the International should be delighted to number among its members an intellect and a temper which, by corroding and domineering in this way, have kept it going for seven years, one working more than any other man to bring it to its present exalted position". (MECWSH, Volume 22, page 386)

* * *


(MECWSH, Volume 26, Engels:"On the History of the Communist League", 1885)

"We opposed this playing with revolution most decisively. To carry an invasion, which was to import the revolution forcibly from outside, into the midst of the ferment then going on in Germany, meant to undermine the revolution in Germany itself, to strengthen the governments. (page 324)

"The League was undoubtedly the only revolutionary organisation that had any significance in Germany.

But what purpose this organisation should serve depended very substantially on whether the prospects of a renewed upsurge of the revolution materialised. And in the course of the year 1850 this became more and more improbable, indeed impossible. The industrial crisis of 1847, which had paved the way for the Revolution of 1848, had been overcome; a new, unprecedented period of industrial prosperity had set in; whoever had eyes to see and used them must have clearly perceived that the revolutionary storm of 1848 was gradually declining.

"With this general prosperity, in which the productive forces of bourgeois society develop as luxuriantly as is at all possible within bourgeois relationships, there can be no talk of a real revolution. Such a revolution is only possible in the periods when both these factors, the modern productive forces and the bourgeois forms of production, come in collision with each other". (Page 327)

"One was to enter into the game of making revolutions. We most decisively refused to do so. A split ensued". (page 328)

"At that time the few persons who reached an understanding of the historical role of the proletariat had to gather in secret, to assemble clandestinely in small communities of 3 to 20 persons. Today the German proletariat no longer needs any official organisation, either public or secret. The simple self-evident interconnection of like-minded class comrades suffices, without any rules, authorities, resolutions or other tangible forms, to shake the whole German Empire". (Page 329)

"The international movement of the European and American proletariat has so grown in strength that not only its first narrow form—the secret League—but even its second, infinitely broader form—the open International Working Men's Association—has become a fetter for it, and that the simple feeling of solidarity based on the understanding of the identity of class position suffices to create and to hold together one and the same great party of the proletariat among the workers of all countries and tongues". (Page 330)


From Karl Marx there is a Resolution of the First International in 1868, July 7, in which the First International drew her demarcation-line to the French Félix Pyat, who had called for terrorist actions against Napoleon III. "on behalf" of the First International. This resolution of Karl Marx protected the workers from being discredit and especially from being arrest in France and Belgium. The grouping by Félix Pyat occurred as supporters of anti-proletarian groups afterwards, again, "on behalf" of the First International.

Proceeded similarly the First International with the so-called conspiracy of Nechayev. At the London Conference of Delegates of the IAA was decided:

"The Conference of the Delegates of the International Workingmen's Association, assembled at London from the 17th to the 23d September 1871, has charged the General Council to declare publicly:

that Netschajeff has never been a member or an agent of the International Workingmen's Association;

that his assertions to have founded a branch at Brussels and to have been sent by a Brussels branch on a mission to Geneva, are false;

that the above said Netschajeff has fraudulently used the name of the International Workingmen's Association in order to make dupes and victims in Russia.

By order of the General Council, etc.

14 October 1871

Adopted by the General Council on October 16, 1871" (MECWSH, Volume 23, page 23)


* * *

Fictitious Splits in the International



(MECWSH, Volume 23, pages 85 - 122)

[Bakunin] "... created a special instrument, the International Alliance of Socialist Democracy, intended to become an International within the International". (page 85)


that the existence of a second international body operating within and outside the International Working Men's Association would be the surest means of its disorganisation;" (page 86)

"The International Alliance of Socialist Democracy may not be admitted as a branch of the International Working Men's Association". (page 87)

"The equalisation of classes, literally interpreted, means harmony between Capital and Labour so persistently preached by the bourgeois socialists. It is not the logically impossible equalisation of classes, but on the contrary the abolition of classes, this true secret of the proletarian movement, which forms the great aim of the International Working Men's Association". (page 88)

"3) The French branch in London, which had admitted people of a more than dubious character, had been gradually transformed into a sleeping partners concern run by Mr. Félix Pyat. He used it to organise damaging demonstrations calling for the assassination of Louis Bonaparte, etc., and to spread his absurd manifestos in France under cover of the International.

General Council confined itself to declaring in the Association's organs that Mr. Pyat was not a member of the International and it could not be responsible for his actions. The French branch then declared that it no longer recognised either the General Council or the Congresses; it plastered the walls of London with bills proclaiming that with the exception of itself the International was an anti-revolutionary society. The arrest of French members of the International on the eve of the plebiscite, on the pretext of a conspiracy, plotted in reality by the police and to which Pyat's manifestos gave an air of credibility, forced the General Council to publish in the Marseillaise and Réveil its resolution of May 10, 1870,b declaring that the so-called French branch had not belonged to the International for over two years, and that its agitation was the work of police agents. The need for this démarche was proved by the declaration of the Paris Federal Committee, published in the same newspapers, and by that of the Paris members of the International during their trial, both declarations referring to the Council's resolution. The French branch disappeared at the outbreak of the war, but like the Alliance in Switzerland, it was to reappear in London with new allies and under other names". (page 96)

"The first phase of the proletariat's struggle against the bourgeoisie is marked by a sectarian movement. That is logical at a time when the proletariat has not yet developed sufficiently to act as a class. Certain thinkers criticise social antagonisms and suggest fantastic solutions thereof, which the mass of workers is left to accept, preach and put into practice. The sects formed by these initiators are abstentionist by their very nature, i.e., alien to all real action, politics, strikes, coalitions, or, in a word, to any united movement. The mass of the proletariat always remains indifferent or even hostile to their propaganda". (page 106)

"These sects act as levers of the movement in the beginning, but become an obstruction as soon as the movement outgrows them;" (page 107)

"Contrary to the sectarian organisations with their vagaries and rivalries, the International is a genuine and militant organisation of the proletarian class of all countries united in their common struggle against the capitalists and the landowners, against their class power organised in the state". (page 107)

"Just as in every new historical phase old mistakes reappear momentarily only to disappear forthwith, so within the International there followed a resurrection of sectarian sections, though in a less obvious form". (page 107)

The Conference, at which all shades of socialism were represented, unanimously acclaimed the resolution against sectarian sections, fully convinced that this resolution, bringing the International back to its true ground, would mark a new stage of its development. (page 107)

"Anarchy, then, is the great war-horse of their master Bakunin, who has taken nothing from the socialist systems except a set of labels. All socialists see anarchy as the following programme: once the aim of the proletarian movement, i.e., abolition of classes, is attained, the power of the State, which serves to keep the great majority of producers in bondage to a very small exploiter minority, disappears, and the functions of government become simple administrative functions. The Alliance reverses the whole process. It proclaims anarchy in proletarian ranks as the most infallible means of breaking the powerful concentration of social and political forces in the hands of the exploiters". (pages 121-122)

* * *

"We are therefore under the necessity of denouncing to all the members of the Association, and above all to the Spanish Internationals, the Spanish Federal Council as traitors towards the International Working Men's Association. Instead of faithfully fulfilling the mandate entrusted to them by the Spanish Internationals, they have made themselves the organ of a society not only foreign, but hostile to the International. Instead of obeying the General Rules and Regulations, and the resolutions of the General and Spanish Congresses, they obey to secret orders emanating from M. Bakounine. The very existence of a Federal Council composed, in its majority, of members of a secret society foreign to the International, is a flagrant violation of our General Rules." (MECWSH, Volume 23, page 209)

"To unveil the existence of this secret society of dupers, is to crush its power. The men of the Alliance themselves are not foolish enough to expect that the great mass of the Internationals would knowingly submit to an organisation like theirs, its existence once made known. Yet there is complete incompatibility between the dupers and those who are intended for the dupes, between the Alliance and the International.

Moreover, it is time once and for all to put a stop to those internal quarrels provoked every day afresh within our Association, by the presence of this parasite body. These quarrels only serve to squander forces which ought to be employed in fighting the present middle-class régime. The Alliance, in so far as it paralyses the action of the International against the enemies of the working class, serves admirably the middle class and the governments.

For these reasons, the General Council will call upon the Congress of The Hague to expel from the International all and every member of the Alliance and to give the Council such powers as shall enable it effectually to prevent the recurrence of similar conspiracies." (MECWSH, Volume 23, page 210)

* * *

"The Alliance is a secret society formed within the International itself, having a programme of its own differing widely from that of the International, a society which has as its aim the propaganda of that programme which it considers to be the only true revolutionary one. The society binds its members to act in such a way inside their local federation of the International as to prevent it from embarking on a reactionary or anti-revolutionary course, i.e., from the slightest deviation from the programme of the Alliance. In other words, the aim of the Alliance is to impose its sectarian programme on the whole International by means of its secret organisation. This can be most effectively achieved by taking over the local and Federal Councils and the General Council, using the power of a secret organisation to elect members of the Alliance to these bodies. This was precisely what the Alliance did in cases where it felt that it had a good chance of success". (MECWSH, Volume 23, page 231)

* * *

Marx and Engels wrote in

"The Alliance and the I.W.M.A.—VIII":

(MECWSH, Volume 23, page 526)


"What terrible revolutionaries! They want to annihilate and amorphise everything, "absolutely everything". They draw up lists of proscribed persons, doomed to die by their daggers, their poison, their ropes, by the bullets from their revolvers; they "will tear out the tongues" of many, but they will bow before the majesty of the tsar. Indeed, the tsar, the officials, the nobility, the bourgeoisie may sleep in peace. The Alliance does not make war on the established states, but on the revolutionaries who do not stoop to the role of supernumeraries in this tragicomedy. Peace to the palaces, war on the cottages! Chernyshevsky was libelled; the editors of The People's Cause were warned that they would be silenced "by various practical means at our disposal"; the Alliance threatened to assassinate all revolutionaries who were not with it.

This is the only part of their pan-destructive programme which they began to carry out".


* * *




"Marx reads out the following motion.

In countries where the regular organisation of the International Association has become temporarily impracticable in consequence of government intervention, the Association and its local groups may reconstitute themselves under various designations, but any secret society in the strict sense is formally prohibited. (a)

By secret organisation we do not mean secret societies in the strict sense, which, on the contrary, must be fought against. In France and Italy, where the political situation is such that the right of assembly is an offence, there will be strong tendencies for men to become involved in secret societies, the results of which are always negative. Moreover, this type of organisation is opposed to the development of the proletarian movement because, instead of instructing the workers, these societies subject them to authoritarian, mystical laws which cramp their independence and distort their powers of reason (b) —He seeks acceptance of the motion".

(a) See this volume, pp. 427-28.— Ed.

(b) The rough notes by Martin continue as follows: "Secret societies would annihilate the spirit of the International Association. This is good for the carbonari. They cannot suit the proletarian movement."—Ed.

(MECWSH, Volume 22, page 621)


* * *

Friedrich Engels wrote an article on the "Programme of the Blanquist Commune refugees" in "Refugee Literature", in which he sharply criticized the conspiratorial character of Blanquism:








We Stalinist-Hoxhaists do not believe in conspiracies, and we are no conspirators.

And the Comintern (SH) is also not a secret organization of a conspirational group of conspirators.

Following the example of the First International, we are fighting against the old and new tactics of conspiracy as an anti-proletarian tactics that harms the world socialist revolution, which is directed against the world proletarian movement, which is unavoidably ending in capitalism, and therefore it is an impasse on the way to world communism.

The world socialist revolution must be led by the international revolutionary industrial proletariat, to win, and not by a group of conspirators, which confines itself in individual actions, which exclusively serve to provoke insurrections !

The struggle for smashing the rule of the world bourgeoisie cannot be led by individual groups of conspirators but only by the Comintern (SH), the world revolutionary party which centralizes the united forces of the whole world proletariat.

Today, it is often talked about "conspiracy theories", particularly of those that serve a political purpose, namely to maintain/overthrow the power of the ruling class. The old professional conspirators of the 19th century attempted assassinations on "dictators", "despots","kings" and "governments". Meanwhile, all the people all over the world are target of terrorism - the evil product of globalized capitalism.

We Stalinist-Hoxhaists consider the conspiracy "theories" critically, namely from the standpoint of dialectical and historical materialism. We have to expose the interests of those classes who create and spread conspiracy "theories", and as well those who "oppose" them with other lies. Conspiracy "theories" are incompatible with the scientific socialism. They are sensational dishes that are brewed in the rumor mill of oppressors and exploiters or of their lackeys, garnished with few half-truths as appetizer.
It is not surprising that some conspiracy "theories" have been fabricated in one and the same bourgeois camp. They serve the exchange of the one pigs through the other ones. Only the feeding troughs remain the same.

Still other conspiracy "theories" come from the ranks of the radicalized petty bourgeoisie, in particular from uprooted intellectual circles. These "anti-repressive theories" are often an expression of the powerlessness and dispair of the petty bourgeoisie in face of the omnipotence of the bourgeoisie. Conspiracy groups have therefore quite often a petty-bourgeois class background.
The history of human society is the history of class struggles, led by classes, today mainly by the world bourgeoisie and the world proletariat and not by isolated petty-bourgeois conspiracy groups. Revolutionary is only the world- proletarian ideology, and not the conspiracy ideology of some elements among the radicalized petty bourgeoisie. The proletarian world view has a critical stand to the conspiracy theorists. Conspiracy theories do not serve the liberation of the world proletariat, but contribute ultimately to the continuation of labour enslavement in some way or other.

Without revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement. And there is no conspiracy without conspiracy theory. That's true. The difference, however, is this that the ruling class can only be destroyed by the revolutionary world movement, while the conspiracy and their worshipers are doomed to failure because they do not believe in the revolutionary power of the masses. They dream of being the "liberators" who are called to lift the world off its hinges - in substitution of the exploited and oppressed masses. The revolutionary subjective factor for the elimination of class society, however, can be none other than the world proletariat.

In every class society there was and there will always be conspiracies with which a class is trying to overthrow the rule of another. Conspiracies are an unavoidable side effect in every class society. Only the proletariat is called to eliminate the inevitability of conspiracies forever, namely by means of the creation of conditions for a classless society.

The world bourgeoisie possesses the material world power, and thus the power over the spiritual world, too. Conspiracy theories serve as an instrument of her global rulership. The bourgeoisie starts rumors, in order to deceive the masses and to hide her criminal intentions and actions, whereas conspiracy "theories" are only a small part of bourgeois lies.

Against conspiracies in words and conspiracies in deeds - this is one of the tactics of the world bourgeoisie against the world proletariat.

The world bourgeoisie does not flinch from equating our political struggle with political conspiracy.

The world bourgeoisie does not flinch from equating our Communist organizations with "organizations of conspirators", namely to make it easier for her to take us into custody.

And the world bourgeoisie does not flinch from equating our whole proletarian ideology with a "conspiracy ideology".

And not only the proletarian ideology:

Certain brisant political revealments about the crimes of the bourgeoisie are covered with the mantle of conspiracy "theories" by means of her lackeys, just for the purpose to lend the truth more incredibility.

Conspiracy has a class character.

The conspiracy of the world proletariat serves to the overthrow of the world bourgeoisie, to the conquest or reconquest of the dictatorship of the proletariat, while the conspiracy of the world bourgeoisie serves to the maintaining or regaining of her class rule. Conspiratorial tactics against the bourgeoisie is used by the working class in regard of the liberation of the whole mankind from the class society, while the bourgeoisie uses the conspiracy for her own interests, in relation to the maintenance of her exploiters and suppression system.

It is the ruling class that tries to push us into illegality by means of her counter-revolutionary pressure. The bourgeoisie governs, not least through the help of her agencies within the working class and the communist movement. The spy network, intelligence Services and undercover agents are an inherent part of every bourgeois police state, both on a national and interconnected global scale. They are the true professional conspirators, and not those who they call "conspirators", like us communists! Vice versa, it is the ruling class that uses conspirative methods to penetrate into our communist organizations and to decompose us from the inside and to provoke conspiracies, or just to control us by infiltration.

It is the world bourgeoisie, who has world wide networked intelligence services and who instigates conspiracies against the peoples, against the working class, against the revolutionaries and their organizations. We are not a secret society, but vanguard of the world proletariat. We are the open and public Communist International.

For the working class we are as open as possible and in regard to the counter-revolution we are as conspiratorial as necessary. In contrast to the counter-revolution, we Communists do not conspire against the working class. We have nothing to hide from the workers. We would never deceive our own class, and we we would never betray our own class. And we always strive for acting as legal as possible - despite being banned, despite persecution, despite conspiracies against us communists. Despite all the counter-revolutionary terror we fight for our legal political activity. We strive for the long-term aim of the final abolition of all kinds of conspiracies. In the classless society there is no need for conspiracy anymore.

Our illegality has always the struggle for legality to the main goal. The illegality of the world revolutionaries is purely protective measure of the revolutionary proletariat, which neither raises the conspiracy to principle, nor accepts it as the one and only political tactics of its liberation struggle. We Communists have always opposed the narrowing of our political struggle through conspiracy and we will continue to oppose it. Not by means of instigating conspiracies, the capitalist exploitation and oppression will be eliminated, but only by the centralized organization of the class struggle of the entire world proletariat by the Bolshevik Party.

Our illegal activity is nothing else than the protection of the world proletariat and its organizations against criminal assaults of the counter-revolution. The world bourgeoisie knows very well that the spontaneous struggle of the world proletariat becomes dangerous for the maintenance of her power, only if it is led by a strong international organization of revolutionaries which prepares the world socialist revolution for the purpose to seize political power of the world proletariat, for the purpose of the construction of the world socialism and world communism.


The Comintern (SH) declines any dissociation from the international labor movement. Our world communist policy is closely connected to the international labor movement, and not confined to conspiracy actions. We follow the great communist principle of Marx and Engels:

The liberation of the international working class can only be the work of the international working class itself!

Long live comrade Engels, the 2nd Classic of Marxism-Leninism!

Long live the invincible teachings of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism: Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Enver Hoxha!

Long live violent world socialist proletarian revolution and world armed proletarian dictatorship!

Long live world socialism and world communism!

Long live the Comintern (SH)!


Wolfgang Eggers

Comintern (SH)

August 5, 2016



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World crisis can never be finished by the world capitalists. World crisis can only be finished by the world proletariat.

If - all over the world - every labourer, every unemployed worker, every cook, every poor peasant sees - not from the internet but with his own eyes -,

- that the world-state of the proletariat does not strive for "global wealth", but is helping the poor on this planet,

- that this world-proletarian state does not hesitate, to adopt world-revolutionary measures,

- that it confiscates ALL surplus stocks of provisions from ALL parasites on the globe and distributes them to the world's hungry,

- that it forcibly installs every homeless on earth in the houses of the rich,

- that it compels the rich to pay for milk, (but does not give them a drop until the children of ALL poor families are sufficiently supplied),

- that the land of the whole world is being transferred to the working people and the factories und banks all over the world are being placed under the control of the world proletariat,

- that immediate and severe punishment is meted out to every single millionaire who conceals his wealth,


- when the poor in every country see and feel all this,

then, never again, world capitalist forces, no forces of world finance capital, no forces of countries' finance capital, no force of exploiters in the countries which manipulates millions of millions, will tantalize the peoples,

then, the socialist world revolution will triumph all over the world and shall mature in all countries.


After the establishment of the Socialist World Republic

every citizen of the world will receive a universal and uniform world passport

- globally valid in all countries -

[Decision of the Comintern (SH)]



Long live Stalinism-Hoxhaism ! (English)


Es lebe der Stalinismus-Hoxhaismus ! (German) DEUTSCH

Да здравствует сталинизм - Ходжаизм ! (Russian)

გაუმარჯოს სტალინიზმ–ხოჯაიზმს! (Georgian)

Viva o Estalinismo-Hoxhaismo! (Portuguese)

Viva Stalinismo-Hoxhaismo! (Italian)

斯大林霍查主义万岁! (Chinese)

Viva el Stalinismo-Hoxhaismo! (Spanish)

Vive le Stalinisme-Hoxhaisme! (French)

At zije Stalinismus-Hodzismus! (Czech-Slovak)

Ζήτω ο σταλινισμός - χοτζαϊσμός! ! (Greek)

Živeo Staljinizam - Hodžaizam! (Bosnian)

! زنده باد استالینیسم-خوجهئیسم (Farsi)

Niech zyje Stalinizm-Hodzyzm! - (Polski)


Længe leve Stalinismen-Hoxhaismen (Danish)

Hidup Stalinisma dan Hoxhaisma! (Malay) Bahasa Melayu

Staliniyamum-Hoxhaiyamum niduzhi vazga (Thamil)

Viva o Stalinismo e o Hoxhaísmo (Português Brasil)

स्टालिनबाद-होक्जाबाद जिन्दाबाद! (Nepali) 

Trăiască Stalinism-Hodjaismul! (Romanian)

Viva l'Estalinisme-Hoxaisme! (Occitan)




It is the great duty of the Comintern (SH), to lead the world proletariat to political world power.


Stalinism-Hoxhaism answers all questions of the socialist world revolution on the basis of the idea of the world dictatorship of the proletariat.

Comintern (SH)