On Stalin, the World Revolution, and the Caucasus

BOOK 1

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

On Stalin, the World Revolution, and the Caucasus



3-Part Article Published by the Comintern/ML

Written by Wolfgang Eggers

English translation thanks to the Section USA of the Comintern (SH)

(Comintern/ML = renamed in 2009)



Part One

ON OCCASION OF THE EVENTS IN GEORGIA (2008)

 



Oh, you heroic Georgia of Stalin -

 

buried by enemy bullets,

 hit in the Caucasian mountains,

 if you could rise from the dead,

 if your body suddenly came back to life,

 then you would sacrifice your heart again 

in the fight against Stalin’s enemies, 

once again you would die for communism -

here where Stalin was born.

 

 

The intensified struggle for global profit is expressed by the increasingly brutal methods of the global predators to drown their competitors in the world market, to destroy them financially, politically and militarily. The big eat the small and inevitably follow the law of world capitalism, which is: maximization of global profits, not by the exploitation of this or that country by this or that country, but through global exploitation of all countries by the largest ruling economic and financial circles in the world, in order to appropriate one country after another on a global scale. In order to maintain its power, in order to get out of its great crisis, world imperialism is forced to prepare a global war against all peoples of the world. But where does world capitalism get the money to finance its globalized campaigns? It simply gets it from its banks and they get it from the governments, which in turn fleece their taxpayers. In plain language: with the intensified exploitation and oppression of the world proletariat, the world capitalists finance the global wars against the world proletariat with the aim of being able to exploit and oppress it even more in order to satisfy their globally grown hunger for profit. World imperialism has now turned all countries of the world upside down to shake out the last financial reserves from them - the international stock market crashes to finance the continuation of its global wars of plunder against the people of the world to finance world fascism, the counter-revolutionary class struggle of the world bourgeoisie against the rising world proletariat and its inevitably approaching world revolution.

The respite between the imperialist world wars seems to end with this. It seems that world imperialism has no intention to finally lay down its arms against Russia after socialism and “Cold War”. It seems to have the intention to move the theater of war to the south, to the Transcaucasian region, whereby it can no longer be excluded that Georgia, according to its duties as the mistress of Western imperialism (for example, 3.5 billion euros are provided to them by the “donor countries”, which are in reality the “recipient countries”, because they will certainly squeeze more than 3.5 billion out of Georgia again!) will not refuse its services. It seems to world imperialism, which is in a deep crisis, that the earth might become too narrow for it to be together with Russia, that country with the huge mineral and natural resources, that perhaps one of them could either have the longer breath or would have to go under for “peace on earth” to prevail. If this is the case, then imperialist Russia has no choice but to take up arms in response to the military taunts of Western Georgia and it has done so and invaded Georgia. With the withdrawal of Russian tanks, it seems that the matter is not over. International imperialism will not and cannot be satisfied with this in view of its own deepest crisis and will be “forced” to continue its expansionist policy towards the East with more force of arms to deepen and widen the conflict if Russia does not allow itself to be “voluntarily integrated” (isolated) economically and brought to its knees.

It is no coincidence that the world imperialists  now have also forced the Russian government to officially and unofficially condemn the revolutionary elimination of the Tsar and tsarism as a “crime of the Bolsheviks” and to humiliate the proud former Soviet people, the victors over the hated, antipopular tsarism and brutal Russian imperialism. This shows how great the fear that the imperialists still have of Bolshevism, of the Soviet peoples, still is even after 100 years. It also shows that they fear today's renewed spread of Bolshevism, fear a renewed October Revolution and that they actually assess this threatening danger quite realistically. The world bourgeoisie condemns the history of Bolshevism and therefore everything that refers to and is based on its history. Without even having to take a close look at World Bolshevism, without even ideologically looking at it, it is condemned for the very reason that it is determined as a continuation and further development of Russian Bolshevism. It is a fact that old Bolshevism is being criminalized again and the new World Bolsheviks are being classified as “dangerous criminals” and are treated more severely, not only in Russia, but all over the world. Therefore, it will again be world imperialism itself which will not prevent the spread of Bolshevism for the second time, but on the contrary, will do us Bolsheviks a global disservice this time in a propagandistic way. The more it insults us world Bolsheviks, the more sympathy and support we will receive from the anti-imperialist revolutionary masses, the more world imperialism digs its own grave, the bigger and more convinced our Bolshevik followers will become. The multinationals and their American leadership center do not make a single military concession, not a single concession in the policy of keeping the states and peoples under their yoke and under their control, in the policy of global exploitation and oppression of the whole world, especially in the policy of fighting the global spread of world Bolshevism, in the struggle against the revival and unification efforts of today's Bolsheviks in all countries of the world.

It is not difficult to guess why NATO, especially the USA, is in such a hurry to make Georgia its member. That military base is to be built, like any other and not only on the borders of Russia, with the intention of providing the masters on Wall Street with fat war profits and sources of raw materials. Georgia is a link in the chain of the world imperialist preparation of a war for the global enslavement of all peoples of the world. "Aid to Georgia" - that is the exploitation of this country by global imperialism, which mainly comes from the USA and its allies, is the military aid which Georgia should give for its predatory global war.

In capitalism, the relations with Georgia are relations of domination and subjugation leading to the ruin and subjugation of all the countries of the Caucasus. At the time of socialism, under Stalin's leadership, there was brotherhood, equality, peace, prosperity and economic development among the Soviet peoples, and especially in Georgia and its neighboring states in the Caucasus, but above all there were strong armed forces of their own, which were able to victoriously defend all these achievements by the Soviet peoples themselves. History teaches that with the crisis of world capitalism,  the danger of its warlike adventures also grows because it is forced to pass on its crisis to the world proletariat and the peoples of the world by extreme means. This is the reason why the world proletariat must inevitably prepare itself for the globally armed, anti-imperialist struggle to disarm world imperialism. There is no other way to thwart the activities of the global war arsonists and their aggressive plans.

Stalin said: But it would be mistaken to think that (...) these countries will tolerate the domination and oppression of the United States endlessly, that they will not endeavour to tear loose from American bondage and take the path of independent development.” (Stalin: “Economic Problems of Socialism in the U.S.S.R.”; Moscow; 1952; p.38; English Edition).

"The contradictions and internal difficulties of the participants of the North Atlantic Bloc (editor's note: for instance about the current admission, non-inclusion or "to be postponed" admission of Georgia into NATO) disturb the realization of their aggressive plans." (Stalin as quoted in: “Discussion contribution at the 19th Party Congress of the C.P.S.U. (B.), Stuttgart; Unknown Year; p.21; Translated from German).

The world will see from the example of Georgia that a global war is inevitable for global capital. Once again, what the greatest Georgian of all times, J. V. Stalin, has predicted will come true, that imperialism must be globally eliminated in order to eliminate the global inevitability of imperialist war, and that in order to ensure the victory over world imperialism, the armament of all peoples must be globally united. May the world imperialists of today know and remember that a new world war is more dangerous for capitalism than ever before. It is the imperialist war that not only creates the resistance against it but also creates a new peaceful world, the world of socialism. Today the World Bolshevik slogan is valid:

World proletariat, turn the global guns against you, unite all countries under your arms and lead the peoples armed by you to the revolutionary victory over world imperialism! With your struggle for peace, come before the threatening outbreak of a global imperialist war and use your world revolutionary power to force world imperialism to surrender!

World proletariat, if you cannot prevent its outbreak, transform the imperialist world war into a world revolutionary liberation war against world imperialism, into a global civil war, into the world socialist revolution!

You peoples of Transcaucasia, united with your Soviet brother peoples, destroyed the Hitlerite troops in the foothills of the Caucasus. It was precisely the unity of the peoples of Transcaucasia with all other Soviet peoples that made the Caucasus strong. The foreign enemies were powerless against the armed unity of the Soviet peoples, and they had to capitulate! You have proven this with historical brilliance because you have thwarted the enemy's plans to break through to your oil fields and their plans to divert the main Soviet reserves to the south. And just as you saved the Caucasus from enslavement with the Soviet Army, with Stalin at its head, with your sweat and blood, you must today victoriously continue this Stalinist struggle against renewed enslavement abroad.


From the geo-strategic struggle of the world imperialists in the Caucasus, the geo-strategic struggle of the world proletariat is born, the world proletariat, with the help of the fraternally united Transcaucasian peoples, transforms the geopolitical intentions of the counter-revolution in the Caucasus (= fomenting the animosity among the Caucasian peoples for the purpose of weakening and annexing the entire Transcaucasus) into instruments of liberation for the world revolution. What does that mean in concrete terms? If the world proletariat has the world revolutionary support of Transcaucasia, then it will unite the countries north, south, east and west of the Caucasus, the Caucasus will be transformed from the former protective wall against world imperialist encirclement as it was in the first period of socialism, into an open, pulsating gate of world socialism between socialist Europe and socialist Asia, all geo-strategic borders of the Caucasus will be opened for the unification of all European and Asian countries, which will be connected with the help of the peoples of the Caucasus for the formation of the great, supra-continental world socialist republic, a republic based on all republics of the world and on which all republics of the world can be based


The peoples of the border regions in the First Period of Socialism were subjected to special repressions from capitalism because of their position as an antagonistic border between socialism and capitalism, because the path world imperialism took to liquidate the socialist center led over the border regions. And vice versa, the border regions of the USSR also formed a bridgehead for influencing those states which bordered on the USSR. This means that in the border regions there were particularly difficult conditions for the clashes between socialism and capitalism, that the class struggles there took on a special character. There, capitalism and socialism could get into each other's arms in both directions and also "neutralize", mix, "reconcile", "coexist", etc. In other words, the danger of the restoration of capitalism played a special role for the Soviet Socialist Republics in the border regions. Without its border regions, the Russian proletariat could not have secured its October victory. Indeed, one can even speak of a double exploitation and oppression, that is, the oppression and exploitation of Russian social imperialism and the exploitation and oppression of world imperialism, not to mention the oppression and exploitation of the "indigenous" national bourgeoisie. This has shaped and still shapes the class struggle of the peoples of the Caucasus.


The border regions have already had to pass great tests in their historical protective function. Without them, socialism could not have existed for a single day in the First Period. Without them, socialism would not have been able to spread to become bridgeheads between the first socialist state and all subsequent socialist states. However, modern revisionism prevented their transformation from republics on the protective wall to bridgeheads of the World Socialist Republic.


The border regions could take part in the socialist achievements and develop well on all sides, and were protected by the "big brother", but they were also exposed to great dangers and infiltrations, sabotage, disturbances, and other counter-revolutionary aggressions from the side of world imperialism directly and immediately surrounding them as well as from nationalist and separatist currents from the side of the bourgeois remnants or nationalist and separatist currents on the part of the bourgeois remnants or later on the part of the modern revisionists, who tried to equip the border regions of socialism, with indirect support or direct influence of world imperialism and its instruments of infiltration of course. This situation has never been easy for the socialist peoples of the Caucasus either, for instance with regard to the limited or even cut off contact with those neighboring peoples who were adjacent to the socialist border regions and who firstly had to suffer under the rule of world imperialism and secondly had no access to, no cultural exchange with, and still had too little direct solidarity from the socialist border regions In short: the border between capitalism and socialism also created an unnatural border between all peoples without exception in the border areas on both sides of the barbed wire. But in the First Period of Socialism this situation of the peoples in the border zones was inevitable and special efforts had to be made to improve the good neighborly relations of the peoples at the border.


In contrast, everything will be different for the states in the border zones in the Second Period, and it will become easier because then, enemy forces that are no longer facing each other will be concentrated in one protective wall. Why does world socialism need protective walls? They no longer exist because the forces of world imperialism have been destroyed and the danger of encirclement will be overcome once and for all. This will benefit all the peoples of Transcaucasia. For its part, the World Socialist Republic, which is based on the fraternization of the peoples of the Caucasus, guarantees the protection of Transcaucasia from external enemies, an important basis for the fraternization of the peoples of the Caucasus. In world socialism, the peoples of the Caucasus will finally be able to live in peace after thousands of years, they will become truly independent because then there will no longer be any great capitalist powers, any capitalism, whose aim was to make the Caucasus subservient to them by fomenting the animosity of fraternal peoples and different nationalities. As a result, the peoples of the Caucasus will flourish as a bridgehead of international friendship and will no longer have to defend their national freedom and culture against enemies from the north, south, east or west as they used to do. Just as world socialism forever solves the national and social problems of the peoples of Transcaucasia, the peoples of the Caucasus will help solve the global problems of the ruling world proletariat.


The Russian troops today are imperialist troops, essentially no different than the Hitlerite troops who invaded the Caucasus during World War II to get their hands on oil. The fascists in the Kremlin are not trying to put the military shackles on any country, but on the birth country of Comrade Stalin, who was proud to belong to the USSR. The bombing of Gori is not the bombing of any city, for it is the birthplace of Comrade Stalin! That is why the annexation of Georgia and the entire Caucasus, whether by the Imperialist East or the Imperialist West or by an annexation divided between the two imperialist powers, is an attack on the Caucasus, on the Georgian people, on Stalin, on the world proletariat, and on all peoples of the world. Therefore, the world proletariat on the side of the Georgian workers and peasants must repulse this attack and defend Georgia, the birthplace of Stalin, and help the Georgians to regain their former Soviet Republic. Whoever attacks Gori attacks Stalingrad! Whoever has fallen in Stalingrad will also fall in Gori!


Your bourgeoisie is selling the Caucasus to the highest bidder. The Caucasus is indebted to the West. Georgians, you must therefore wage the class struggle not only against the foreign invaders, but also against the internal class enemy who is paid by the imperialists to enslave you and sell your riches. The oil of the Caucasus and all its other mineral resources have again become an indispensable base of world imperialism and thus a base for conducting imperialist wars from the Caucasus. World imperialism has used their Georgian puppet to wage war against other Caucasian nationalities. And the Georgian quislings did not shy away from using American and European weapons to create a bloodbath in the Caucasus, even against Georgians who lived peacefully as minorities in the invaded areas. The national minorities who suffer most are those who are crushed, deported and made homeless by forced evictions from their houses and apartments. As early as February 10th, 1921, Stalin wrote in Pravda No. 29, and this is almost exactly what is happening in Georgia today:

The imperialist war, which laid bare to the roots the irreconcilable national contradictions and internal bankruptcy of the bourgeois multi-national states, extremely intensified the national conflicts (...) and finally, as the most “radical” bourgeois solution of the national question, led to the formation of new bourgeois national states (...Georgia...). But the formation of the new independent national states did not, and could not, bring about the peaceful co-existence of nationalities; it did not, and could not, eliminate either national inequality or national oppression, for the new national states, being based on private property and class inequality, cannot exist: 

a) without oppressing their national minorities (...Georgia, which oppresses Ossetians, Abkhazians and Armenians...);

b) without enlarging their territories at the expense of their neighbours, which gives rise to conflicts and wars (...Georgia against Armenia, Turkey...); 

c) without submitting to the financial, economic and military domination of the ‘great’ imperialist powers.” (Stalin: ‘The Immediate Tasks of the Party on the National Question’ in: ‘Works’, Volume 5; Moscow; 1953; p.18-19; English Edition.)


International law is violated by the Russian aggressors in the same criminal way as the Imperialist West. Today, international law has fallen victim to world imperialism.

The genocide committed in the Caucasus, both by the West and by Russia and their respective lackeys in the Caucasus, is deeply abhorrent and must be condemned. It is an imperialist war of robbery being waged by both sides at the expense of the peoples of the Caucasus. It is an unjust war on both sides, which can only be answered with the only just war, with the anti-imperialist, world proletarian war of liberation, in order to secure lasting peace. The world proletariat shows solidarity with the peoples of the Caucasus against the imperialist genocide. Taking sides in the world revolutionary sense can only mean unconditionally supporting the Caucasian peoples in the struggle for liberation from any imperialist power, actively and energetically, not only in words. Let us anti-imperialists of the entire world turn the tables and make Georgia and the whole Caucasus a base of world revolution against all imperialist aggressors, in the spirit of Stalin!

The anti-Stalinists in Georgia come and go, but the Georgians, who had already hung their portraits of Stalin on the walls during Stalin’s lifetime, will stay! The loyalty of the Georgian people to their son and leader is unbroken and will remain so forever! It was not without resistance from the Georgians that one of the largest Stalin monuments in the world, which towered over the entire old town of Tbilisi, was removed. That was only possible with Khrushchev’s personal presence in Tbilisi (incidentally, Khrushchev let Fidel Castro take part in this criminal “spectacle”!) And today the Russian imperialists have gone even further: They have bombed the apartments and houses of Gori, the people of Stalin's birthplace! You can overthrow Stalin’s statues, you can drop bombs on Georgia as much as you want, but you cannot banish Stalin’s spirit, Stalin’s life and work from Georgia! The marble statue of Stalin still stands in his birthplace Gori. There is still the Stalin Museum in Tbilisi. 37% of Georgians today, 55 years after his death, have publicly declared their support for Stalin. The Georgians are a proud, freedom-loving people and have never resigned themselves to their violent enslavement. Socialist Georgia occupied an honorable place in the socialist international community of the USSR. In contrast to the so-called “donor countries”, it was already a prosperous socialist country with a much higher culture than that of the so-called “civilized world”. Even under the heel of Russian social-imperialism, Georgia fought for its liberation, just as it fights against the Russian fascist occupiers today and will continue to fight for a peaceful and independent Transcaucasia.


Georgians, learn from your son and leader Stalin again and you will win over world imperialism! Fight in the Stalinist spirit of proletarian internationalism! Fraternize with the peoples of Transcaucasia, fraternize with the world proletariat against world imperialism and its Russian cronies/rivals! Cleanse your country of the imperialist invaders of the East and West and quietly take up their weapons, but do not direct them against the fraternal Caucasian peoples, not against the fraternal Russian people, but against all the imperialist invaders of your homeland and their reactionary lackeys among the Caucasian emigrant circles! Prepare Transcaucasia for the revolution of the world proletariat! Proletarians of Georgia, we World Bolsheviks of the Comintern (ML) call to you: rebuild the Bolshevik Party of Lenin and Stalin, in which you unite the proletarians of all nationalities in your country and follow the internationalist proletarian way of Lenin and Stalin! Organize your second socialist revolution and reconquer your robbed socialism! Re-establish your dictatorship of the proletariat! Do not let Russian imperialism, Western cosmopolitanism, your own nationalist bourgeoisie, or anyone else take your regained political power out of your hands! Long live Stalin! Long live the world revolutionary Transcaucasia! Long live the world socialist revolution!


The disintegration process of the former social-imperialist empire of the Soviet revisionists has dramatically continued and deepened with Georgia. The bourgeois government of Georgia had militarily provoked the invasion of Russian tanks with the knowledge and will of the American "military advisers". US imperialism and with it the whole Western imperialism is capitalizing on the collapse of the Great-Russian Empire in order to advance further east and finally incorporate it bit by bit. With the new American president, the hot war will be temporarily halted for the time being, but this war has its own historical dynamics. In any case, the European imperialist states feel compelled to put on ice the "defense of Georgian human rights" which has been so widely publicized in the media, not only because of the American presidential election, but also because of Putin's cheeky threats to cut off the gas supply to the Europeans if they do not stop sticking their noses into "Russian affairs". The encirclement of Russia by world imperialism aims to further tighten the noose around the neck until Russia finally capitulates, from the border regions to Central Russia. The European imperialists, especially the German imperialists, are currently still relying on the economic horse of "peaceful", "cooperative" eastward enlargement in order to push back the former Eastern European zones of influence of the Russian imperialists, economically at first. They are making themselves a "dear child" behind both fronts, in order to gain advantages from the conflict in the Caucasus, by serving on the one hand as a propaganda mouthpiece for the wild parts of the ruling Georgian bourgeoisie, not only with Euros, but also with military equipment and help and give them extra lessons in "democracy" and on the other hand conclude "friendship contracts" with the "flawless democrat" Putin, which promise fat profits for both sides, at the expense of the gas consumers, of course (inflation = 21 %).


The plan to economically encircle Central Russia by tearing off its important border regions is not new. This plan was already the basis of all the Entente's campaigns against Russia from the very first days of the Soviet government's existence, especially in the period between 1918 and 1920. Stalin rightly pointed this out at the time:

Apart from the fact that the secession of the border regions would undermine the revolutionary might of central Russia, which is stimulating the movement for emancipation in the West and the East, the seceded border regions themselves would inevitably fall into the bondage of international imperialism. One has only to glance at Georgia, Armenia, Poland, Finland, etc., which have seceded from Russia but which have retained only the semblance of independence, having in reality been converted into unconditional vassals of the Entente (...)” (Stalin: ‘The Policy of the Soviet Government on the National Question in Russia’ in: ‘Works’, Volume 4; Moscow; 1953; p.364-365; English Edition).

And after Russia had transformed itself into a new imperialist tsarist empire, what Stalin said about old tsarism essentially applies today:

(...) tsarism suppressed all activity of the masses in the border regions. By all these means tsarism implanted among the mass of the native nationalities a profound distrust, at times passing into direct hostility, towards everything Russian.” (ibid. p.369).


The world imperialists take advantage of the fact that all marginalized peoples are cursing Russia, and equip Georgia in order to curtail the spheres of influence of Russian imperialism, in order to seize the Caucasus with its raw material deposits, fuel and sales markets. The Caucasus is currently being developed as a reserve of international imperialism, whereas it was used as a reserve by the Tsarist Empire, in the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin (it is clear, of course, that the Caucasus was not oppressed by Lenin and Stalin but liberated, that it was transformed by Lenin and Stalin into a reserve of world revolution, both for the liberation of the peoples of the West and the East and it will be again in the future!), and then by Russian social-imperialism. The world revolution of the world proletariat will pave the way for the reunification of the former Soviet Republics. This will be the inevitable result of the disintegration of Soviet social-imperialism, the disintegration of today's Russian imperialism and finally the disintegration of world imperialism itself, which will be accelerated by the power-consuming enormous struggle against Russia from the outside and the renewed socialist revolution from inside. The Russian people will be free and socialist again when they have defeated Russian imperialism and thus one of the great bulwarks of world imperialism by a Second October Revolution. The events in Georgia will favor the world revolutionary processes.


The freedom and independence of each people, the right to sovereignty and development according to their conditions and aspirations cannot be protected only where the state frontier begins and ends, cannot be protected only on the day when the enemy has broken the door and entered the hearth. They are protected daily and hourly in an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth struggle with imperialist and revisionist enemies. For they do not sleep and do not renounce their aims in order to subjugate all the countries of the world, whether large or small.

What is important, however, is that today it pursues the goal of creating a fear psychosis of the "Western danger" among the Soviet people, appealing to Great-Russian nationalist and chauvinist feelings.

No matter from what side one looks at the events in Georgia, they clearly show the cooperation and conspiracy of the Russian imperialists and the Western imperialists, who, in order to realize their selfish plans, are always ready to sacrifice and trample on the freedom and independence of the peoples of the Caucasus, on their honor and national dignity, to drown the Caucasus in its own blood.

After all, the national division has existed since the Russian social-imperialists took power, the favorite weapon of all imperialist conquerors.

At that time, the revisionists were supported by the imperialists to use it as a weapon against socialism. They overlooked the aggressions of social-imperialism in order to have a free way for their own aggressions. It was about joint haggling. Today, after the elimination of socialism in the Caucasus, the wolf law of world imperialism rules there.

Today, nothing is more anti-grass roots and hated by all the peoples of the world than the aggressive struggle among the world imperialists against the freedom and independence of the Transcaucasian peoples. The predatory hands of this black, ultra-reactionary alliance of world imperialists are always in play.

- The Comintern (ML), which strongly condemns the aggression of Russian imperialism against Georgia and its incorporation by Western imperialism, has been leading an uninterrupted uncompromising struggle against the aggressive and oppressive policies of world imperialism from the very beginning and will always stand on the side of the peoples and against everyone, be it imperialism, social-imperialism or any other exploiter and oppressor, no matter what shade they are.

- The Comintern (ML) has pointed out more than once that Russian imperialism with its fascist-militarist policy at home and its warlike oppressive, neo-colonialist and chauvinist policy on the international level will inevitably plunge into even bigger wars, crises and difficulties, just like its rivals in the West.

- The Comintern (ML) firmly rejects any and all forms of coercion against the Caucasian nationalities, especially their minorities.

- The Comintern (ML) recognizes the equality and sovereignty of the Caucasian peoples in the management of their own affairs and condemns any imperialist interference and paternalism from outside -

- The Comintern (ML) holds the principle that a lasting unification of the peoples of the Caucasus can only be achieved on the basis of peaceful cooperation and fraternal voluntarism.

- For this, the Comintern (ML) presupposes the fundamental condition that the power of capital has been overthrown in the whole of Transcaucasia. The unification of the peoples of the Caucasus can only be permanently and peacefully realized under the conditions of the elimination of capitalism.

Under these conditions, the only right and effective way of defending freedom and national independence is not submission, alliances and unprincipled compromises, relying on one imperialism against another, but the united way of all peoples, relying on their own anti-capitalist forces, on the resistance and patriotism of the broad masses and the principled and unbending struggle against the American, European, Russian and Asian imperialists.

Imperialism, fascism, and revisionism are politically globalized concepts and currents which are different in form. However, they are based on the bourgeois ideology of capitalist exploitation and oppression of the peoples, which they share. They can produce nothing but interference in the internal affairs and colonization of the Caucasian countries, nothing but fratricide, robbery, aggression, expulsion, and war.

World imperialism is the certain division of the peoples of the world; however, the strict observance and protection of the teachings of Lenin and Stalin are the unity of the peoples of the world against world imperialism. On the basis of these teachings, the National Question was solved and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics was created. Only by defending the teachings of Lenin and Stalin can the unity of the Soviet Union and the nationalities which form it be restored. Modern Khrushchevite revisionism had destroyed the Soviet Union and the Leninist unity of nationalities and had thrown them to world imperialism.

The ideological-political, moral, economic, and state dissolution and degeneration of the Soviet Union had later led to the foundation of other revisionist parties. The revisionist path was the path of betrayal of communism, concessions to the bourgeoisie, was the path to nationalism, which the blood of the peoples of the Caucasus sticks to today. The experience so far shows that the more progress the process of revisionist degeneration made, the more concessions were made to the bourgeoisie, the imperialists and the various nationalists. The new revisionist cliques (for example Shevardnadze), which took the helm in the Caucasus after overthrowing the old cliques, had done a thorough work there with the help of the West and served the Caucasus to world imperialism on a silver platter. The Soviet revisionists were no exception. They were finally forced to make concessions to their bourgeoisie and the nationalism of the various republics like the imperialists of other countries. But the Russian imperialists also have a pain threshold which, if crossed, degenerates into rabid war slaughter.


In order to camouflage their traitorous face, they had included people from the different nationalities as their alleged representatives in the leadership. In fact, all their activities were marked by Russian Great Power chauvinism, by the hegemonic policy, by the reactionary nationalist policy, which inevitably had to lead to fascist and imperialist tyranny, which resulted in the secession of the Caucasus from the Soviet Union.

With the division of the Soviet Union into different national states, the full degeneration had occurred; in the Caucasus, the capitalist bourgeois cliques had seized power. The process of revisionist degeneration in the national question, the process of the dissolution of the communist parties in the Caucasus and the activation of the national-chauvinist ideas of the individual bourgeoisie in the Caucasus were the prelude to the great revisionist symphony of the restoration of capitalism, which was played to the end in the Soviet Union.


We World Bolsheviks have deep sympathy for the peoples of the Caucasus in their struggle against the imperialist great powers, but not for bourgeois nationalism. We are for the vital interests of the Caucasian nations, but for the proletarian and not for the bourgeois Caucasian nations, which have sold themselves skin and hair to world capitalism. Our sympathies for the Caucasus are internationalist in nature and we only support the political forces that are sympathetic to proletarian internationalism. Only the world proletariat is able to save the nations from the globalized subjugation of world imperialism today. To whoever takes our side, the side of the proletarian internationalists, we guarantee the protection of his national interests. We unconditionally side with every nation that helps us smash the power of world imperialism. We guarantee the nations their freedom, autonomy and independence in return. Our global class dictatorship does not want to flatten the nation but to destroy its greatest enemy, world capitalism! This is a long struggle which victoriously cannot be ended without the support of nations. The world proletariat needs the nations, just as the nations need the world proletariat. Therefore, there will be no forced incorporation of nations into the socialist world republic with us. The decision as to whether a nation wants to join us or not is made entirely by the nation itself, whose sovereignty we shall respect and protect as long as it does not behave in a hostile manner towards us. All nations will blossom when the world proletariat has liberated itself from world capitalism and it cannot do so without the support of all nations: "World proletariat, unite all countries!" This is the new slogan of us World Bolsheviks and it will be heard by the nations if they want to survive. But neither one, the social world question, nor the other, the national question in every country of the world, can be achieved without unity in the struggle against the rule of the world bourgeoisie, against the rule of world capitalism. The capitalist system of a nation destroys itself or is destroyed by world capitalism, but not the nation itself. It will remain for a long time to come and our world socialist republic will see to that. If nations decide from their own experiences to join us, to unite and merge with us, we will encourage and support this, but never by force, never by violating the right of self-determination of every nation. The violation of the right of self-determination of the peoples of the world cannot be done with us World Bolsheviks because it contradicts and harms the basic principles of proletarian internationalism, the interests of the world proletariat. And of course, this also applies to the right of self-determination of the peoples of Transcaucasia.

On the other hand, the chauvinism of the great powers and their aims to subjugate the peoples of the Caucasus favor and consolidate nationalism and centrifugal tendencies. Just as the struggle between the various groups is the main characteristic of the political life of any bourgeois state, the divisions and conflicts between the countries of the Caucasus are a characteristic of their capitalist development.


The revisionist parties in the Caucasus had for the most part transformed themselves into national bourgeois parties which only had the narrow interests of the national bourgeoisie in mind. The policy of interference and pressure that the imperialist superpowers are applying towards them has led them even more to this pernicious path.


The efforts to free themselves from the tutelage and domination of the Soviet Union are one of the main features of the internal struggle of the revisionist front. The imperialist West has taken advantage of this.


As the newly emerging bourgeois states of the Caucasus had renounced the principles of proletarian internationalism, the irreconcilable national and international antagonisms of the bourgeoisie inevitably came to light in their relations with each other.


And practice showed that the attitude of the revisionists in the Caucasus was more than pro-imperialist. It was an open cooperation with imperialism, whose aims were the suppression of the second socialist revolution and the elimination of the peoples' national liberation struggles, the liquidation of socialism and the preservation of capitalism. Now the counter-revolution in the Caucasus has become a fact of everyday life, which the peoples are currently fighting a life-and-death struggle against. The history of the Caucasus shows that the betrayal of the proletariat and socialism has only led to bankruptcy and dissolution, which the Transcaucasian peoples bitterly feel. The modern revisionists unfurled the tattered banner of the counter-revolution. Their path led the peoples of the Caucasus into poverty and servitude, to certain death.


The dissolution of the Soviet Union, the collapse of the multi-ethnic state, inevitably brought with it the restoration of social and national exploitation and oppression. Russian social imperialism revived the peoples' prison of the old tsarist empire, the former Soviet, Caucasian peoples and nations lost their freedom, independence, sovereignty and national equality. Today there are almost 10,000 political prisoners in Georgian prisons. Prison riots have already taken place, which have been bloodily suppressed by the fascist government of Georgia and have provoked demonstrations against the government on the Georgian streets.


A deep gulf has now emerged between the former republics of the Caucasus in the various socio-economic developments in these countries. The non-Russian nations and nationalities are in a catastrophic situation as a result of the increased exploitation and oppression caused by de-nationalization, assimilation and Russification by Russian imperialism. Just as imperialism generally assimilates foreign states, Russian social-imperialism had not done otherwise with its policy of merging all Soviet peoples into a "unified Soviet people". Under the guise of consolidating the unity of the "unified Soviet people", the "unified Soviet culture", "Soviet national unity", the Soviet revisionists at that time had taken various measures to eradicate the national characteristics of non-Russian peoples and nations, to deny them the most elementary national rights, the right to develop their national language and culture, to preserve and cultivate their advanced national traditions and customs, which are the prerequisites for preserving national identity. The theory of the "unified Soviet people" was nothing but a fraud, designed to impose total Russification on the non-Russian peoples and nations and consequently, to perpetuate the rule of Great-Russian chauvinism over the non-Russian peoples and nations of the former Soviet Union. For decades, Russification systematically reduced the native population and increased the proportion of Russians. In Georgia and other Caucasus regions, the proportion of the native population was reduced to less than 60%. The Russian imperialists use the so-called "minority protection" of the Russians living there as a pretext to justify the neo-colonialist oppression and exploitation of the native population, not only in Georgia, but in all the former Soviet republics.


The national question (of the Soviet republics) can only be solved on a world scale and only on the ground of internationalism. Neither imperialism nor social imperialism could solve the national and colonial question in the Caucasus. This can only be achieved through the dictatorship of the proletariat.


In a scientific way, Stalin justified that Lenin never connected the question of the merging of nations with the period of the victory of socialism in a single country, but rather with the period of the victory of socialism in all countries of the world. The national and state differences between peoples and countries would continue to exist for a very long time, even after the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat on a world scale. Stalin therefore stressed that:


To attempt to bring about the merging of nations by decree from above, by compulsion, would be playing into the hands of the imperialists, it would spell disaster to the cause of the liberation of nations, and be fatal to the cause of organising co-operation and fraternity among nations. Such a policy would be tantamount to a policy of assimilation.” (Stalin: ‘The National Question and Leninism’ in: ‘Works’, Volume 11; Moscow; 1954; p.362; English Edition).


Stalin continues:

You know, of course, that the policy of assimilation is absolutely excluded from the arsenal of Marxism-Leninism, as being an anti-popular and counter-revolutionary policy, a fatal policy.” (ibid).


The October Revolution created the conditions for the formation of a vanguard of national liberation from imperialism. World imperialism was forced to liquidate that vanguard in order to prevent its own collapse.


In 1923, 85 years ago, Stalin said in his report to the XIIth Congress, that world imperialism had to liquidate that vanguard:

Either we find a correct practical solution of the national question within the framework of this Union, either we here, within the framework of this Union, establish truly fraternal relations and true co-operation among the peoples —in which case the whole East will see that our federation is the banner of its liberation, is its advanced detachment, in whose footsteps it must follow—and that will be the beginning of the collapse of world imperialism. Or we commit a blunder here, undermine the confidence of the formerly oppressed peoples in the proletariat of Russia, and deprive the Union of Republics of the power of attraction which it possesses in the eyes of the East— in which case imperialism will win and we shall lose.

Therein lies the international significance of the national question.” (Stalin: ‘The Twelfth Congress of the R.C.P.(B.)’ in: ‘Works’, Volume 6; Moscow; 1953; p.243; English Edition).

It must be understood that if a force like Great-Russian chauvinism blossoms and spreads, there will be no confidence on the part of the formerly oppressed peoples, we shall have no co-operation within a single union, and we shall have no Union of Republics.” (ibid; p.252).

Here, too, in the sphere of the national question, just as in the sphere of other questions, there is in the views of a section of the Party a confusion which creates a certain danger. I have spoken of the tenacity of the survivals of capitalism. It should be observed that the survivals of capitalism in people’s minds are much more tenacious in the sphere of the national question than in any other sphere. They are more tenacious because they are able to disguise themselves well in national costume.

(...) What is the deviation towards nationalism—regardless whether it is a matter of the deviation towards Great-Russian nationalism or the deviation towards local nationalism? The deviation towards nationalism is the adaptation of the internationalist policy of the working class to the nationalist policy of the bourgeoisie. The deviation towards nationalism reflects the attempts of ‘one’s own,’ ‘national’ bourgeoisie to undermine the Soviet system and to restore capitalism. The source of both these deviations, as you see, is the same. It is a departure from Leninist internationalism. If you want to keep both deviations under fire, then aim primarily against this source, against those who depart from internationalism—regardless whether it is a matter of the deviation towards local nationalism or the deviation towards Great-Russian nationalism.” (Stalin: ‘Report to the Seventeenth Congress of the C.P.S.U.(B.)’ in: ‘Works’, Volume 7; Moscow; 1954; p.368; English Edition).


And Lenin had already warned in December 1922 that:

It would be unpardonable opportunism if, on the eve of the debut of the East, just as it is awakening, we undermined our prestige with its peoples, even if only by the slightest crudity or injustice towards our own non-Russian nationalities. The need to rally against the imperialists of the West, who are defending the capitalist world, is one thing. There can be no doubt about that and it would be superfluous for me to speak about my unconditional approval of it. It is another thing when we ourselves lapse, even if only in trifles, into imperialist attitudes towards oppressed nationalities, thus undermining all our principled sincerity, all our principled defence of the struggle against imperialism.” (Lenin: ‘The Question of Nationalities or ‘Autonomisation’ in: ‘Collected Works’, Volume 36; Moscow; 1977; p.610-611; English Edition).

Here we have an important question of principle: how is internationalism to be understood?” (ibid. p.607).

 

That was exactly the path the Soviet revisionists took after Stalin’s death, not only establishing their social imperialism over their own non-Russian peoples, but doing a disservice to the Western imperialists in order to realize their plans to destroy socialism and finally to seize these peoples and then the Russian people themselves, to tear the USSR apart.

In cooperation with the modern revisionists, Western imperialism, led by US imperialism, had continued its policy of encircling, strangling and liquidating socialism by the method of bourgeois nationalism, by the method of firstly throwing away the revisionist countries from their Soviet center and then the Soviet Republics themselves, the nations from each other, by means of separating them from each other, by means of intensified national animosity both towards Russia and between the masses of the different former Soviet Republics. The Soviet Federation, the unique vanguard of world revolution, was transformed into a vanguard of international counter-revolution. The restoration of the era of unhindered exploitation and oppression of nations by world imperialism, especially the reconquest of the eastern backlands of world imperialism, happened in cooperation and with the help of social-imperialism. The process of restoration of capitalism in the revisionist countries was part of the process of restoration of the undivided rule of world imperialism by establishing the blackest of world reaction.


The resistance and protest of the non-Russian peoples and nations against Russia’s Great Power chauvinism has been channeled through bourgeois nationalism of the new bourgeoisie in the former non-Russian Soviet Republics to establish capitalist exploitation and oppression at home. The national liberation movement against Russian imperialism, against Russian cosmopolitanism, was paralyzed by the domestic Georgian counter-revolution, not least with more or less direct and indirect (non-altruistic) support of Western imperialism, and controlled by the Georgian bourgeoisie. Acts of sabotage have been committed against the Caucasian liberation movement, as they contradict the colonialist interests of world imperialism. The imperialist “support” of the freedom and independence of the Georgian people and the different nationalities serves only their oppression and enslavement, whether from the Russian or Western imperialists. In order to thwart the counter-revolutionary, warmongering plans and plots of the Western and Russian imperialists, the peoples of the Caucasus must rise up together in a revolutionary way to fight against the imperialists. The occupiers, whether Russian or NATO, must be driven out of the country by force of arms. Anyone who disregards, violates or tramples on the national freedom, independence and sovereignty of the Caucasian peoples is an enemy of the Caucasus and will be fought and destroyed by the peoples of the Caucasus. The Caucasus belongs to the peoples and not to the imperialists! No one has the right to interfere violently in the internal life, in the internal affairs of the Caucasian peoples, no matter how “well-meaning” they are. The nations of the Caucasus need to have power in matters of their internal life and the right to settle down according to their own will and live together according to their own ideas. The counter-revolution in the Caucasus, which is fueled and supported by the imperialists, tramples on these basic demands of the peoples of the Caucasus. And as long as the counter-revolution is at the helm, there will be no peace among the peoples of the Caucasus.


The triumph of a revolutionary Caucasus is the only way to liberate its peoples from the imperialist and nationalist yoke. The political power of the Caucasian workers and peasants is the key to liberation from imperialist and national oppression, is the key to the dispossession of all imperialists who hold the Caucasus in a stranglehold. The revolution in the Caucasus will grow in the struggle against counter-revolution, against the exploitative policy of “divide and conquer”! Its anti-imperialist united front will be achieved in the struggle against the national division of the counter-revolution. And it goes without saying that the imperialist policy of mutual incitement of the Caucasian nationalities is the despicable policy that reinforces the mutual mistrust and animosity between the Caucasian peoples, thereby dividing the forces of the proletariat and undermining the revolutionary liberation of the Caucasus in its foundations. It is precisely for this reason that the tip of the revolutionary sword must be used against those who, under the guise of protecting the “self-determination” of the Caucasian peoples, pursue a policy of direct or indirect imperialist annexation and violent separation. In order to save the Caucasus, it is necessary to demand the break with the capitalists, the complete liquidation of counter-revolution and the cancellation of all the subjugating contracts with the imperialists. With all enemies of the peoples of the Caucasus, and they are not few in number, there is division and fighting and not making pacts (including with the internal enemies!). By self-determination we mean the right of the peoples to liberate themselves from all exploitation and oppression, especially that of their own national bourgeoisie, to liberate themselves from all exploitative and oppressive classes in their own country. Self-determination includes the freedom of the people to smash internal counter-revolutionary forces, their governments and other instruments of oppression. Whether internal or external exploitation and oppression, they are incompatible with true self-determination of the peoples. The peoples do not want to decide for themselves who they prefer to be exploited and oppressed by. The peoples want a world without exploitation and oppression, they want, with the support of a world revolution against world imperialism, the only way out of exploitation and oppression which is left to every single people, including the peoples of the Caucasus.


The Caucasian peoples were and are not against unification or against the separation of their states. But they are absolutely against unification or separation imposed on them by the imperialists and their lackeys. They want to freely decide for themselves, without an external power telling them what to do and what not to do. Whether unification or separation, it is first and foremost the unconditional recognition of self-determination by the peoples themselves, self-determination over their own territories, the forms of their political construction, their economic exchange, etc. Only such a consistently democratic policy can restore the trust and friendship of the Caucasian peoples. Only such a policy can pave the way for a genuine union of the peoples. Only such a policy facilitates the restoration of a socialist Caucasus, is a prerequisite for the creation of a Caucasian bulwark against world imperialism. Either the Caucasus will unite in the revolutionary struggle of its workers and peasants against its counter-revolutionary, Quisling governments, or it will not get back its freedom, its peace, its soil.


What Stalin said 90 years ago in his article “Don't Forget the East” is more relevant today than ever:

The imperialists have always looked upon the East as the basis of their prosperity. Have not the inestimable natural resources (cotton, oil, gold, coal, ores) of the East been an ‘apple of discord’ between the imperialists of all countries? (...) It is this that chiefly explains why they so zealously maintain ‘law and order’ in the countries of the East—without this, imperialism’s far rear would not be secure.

But it is not only the wealth of the East that the imperialists need. They also need the ‘obedient’ ‘man power’ which abounds in the colonies and semi-colonies of the East. They need the ‘compliant’ and cheap ‘labour power’ of the Eastern peoples. They need, furthermore, the ‘obedient’ ‘young lads’ of the countries of the East from whom they recruit the so-called ‘coloured’ troops which they will not hesitate to hurl against ‘their own’ revolutionary workers. That is why they call the Eastern countries their ‘inexhaustible’ reserve.

It is the task of communism to break the age-long sleep (editor's note: the historical consequences of the betrayal of the Russian and Georgian revisionists!) of the oppressed peoples of the East, to infect the workers and peasants of these countries with the emancipatory spirit of revolution, to rouse them to fight imperialism, and thus deprive world imperialism of its ‘most reliable’ rear and ‘inexhaustible’ reserve (editor's note: not only against Western and Russian imperialism, but against all imperialism!).

Without this, the definite triumph of socialism, complete victory over imperialism, is unthinkable.

(...) And no little help in revolutionizing the East will be rendered by the imperialists themselves, with their new annexations, which are drawing new countries into the fight against imperialism and extending the base of world revolution.

It is the duty of the Communists to intervene in the growing spontaneous movement in the East and to develop it further, into a conscious struggle against imperialism.” (Stalin: ‘Don’t Forget the East’ in: ‘Works’, Volume 4; Moscow; 1953; p.174-176; English Edition).


And Stalin continues his foresight in “Two camps”:

To end the war in imperialist fashion, they are ‘compelled’ to doom the workers to starvation (wholesale unemployment due to the closing down of ‘unprofitable’ plants, additional indirect taxation, a terrific rise in prices of food); they are ‘compelled’ to plunder (...) the Caucasus (...) 

Need it be said that all this broadens the base of revolution, shakes the foundations of imperialism and hastens the inevitable catastrophe?” (Stalin: ‘Two Camps’ in: ‘Works’, Volume 4; Moscow; 1953; p.241-242; English Edition).

The West is not bringing liberation, democracy and prosperity to the Caucasus, but enslavement and bloody counter-revolution instead. Events in Georgia have already clearly demonstrated this. The imperialists boast about the role as “helpers”, “protectors” and “creditors” in the Caucasus, but their real aim is to bind the peoples of the Caucasus with economic, financial, political, and military strings in order to make them dependent. They use the dependent Caucasus regions as means of extortion, control, oppression, and military intervention. Every dollar, every ruble, and every euro of “aid” to Georgia is nothing but a link in the chain of enslavement of world imperialism. Every invested dollar, euro, or ruble will be squeezed out of Georgia tenfold and hundredfold. “All power to the imperialists, native and allied!” That is the slogan of counterrevolution. After the recent events in Georgia, the peoples of the Caucasus see where the Russian-Western rivalry and cooperation is leading, to growing tensions and conflicts and dangers instead of peace and security. The peoples of the Caucasus must not believe the fine words and promises of the Russian and Western imperialists, but they must tear the mask off their faces.

The rival aggressive policies of Western and Russian imperialism, their greed for expansion, domination, and hegemony in the Caucasus are expressed in the intrigues, plots, interventions, and wars they are waging there. And, to the detriment of the freedom and independence of the states and nationalities of the Caucasus, imperialism has created military, political, economic, and cultural organizations and institutions, which are today the main weapons and main instruments of domination and plunder of the world, especially of the Caucasus. In carrying out this strategy, the various imperialists are carrying out feverish spying and diversionary activities towards Georgia and the other Caucasus states. Trained spies have been and continue to be sent to Georgia under the mask of merchants, military advisers, journalists, experts, specialists, tourists, sportsmen, and sportswomen up to the cassock of the priest. The subversive activities of these spies of world imperialism is a component and a special means of its counter-revolutionary policy and warmongering. With these activities, the world imperialists are trying to invade and exploit the Caucasus with ideological, political, economic, and military aggression. Everything is being done to get the Georgian state into their hands in order to realize their predatory and hegemonic interests there. The US imperialists prepared their pro-American Georgian government clique for a military conflict with Russia to take advantage of it. Money is being pumped into the country to make it dependent on itself and to make it all the easier to assimilate. NATO serves Western imperialism with the American imperialists at the head. The US imperialists are anxious to be seen as an “outside observer” to the world public. Stalin had already declared this at the 18th Party Congress of the CPSU (B) in 1939 (with regard to the American attitude of “non-intervention” towards the annexation of Czechoslovakia by Hitlerite Germany:

But actually speaking, the policy of non-intervention means conniving at aggression, giving free rein to war, and, consequently, transforming the war into a world war. The policy of non-intervention reveals an eagerness, a desire, not to hinder the aggressors in their nefarious work: not to hinder Japan, say, from embroiling herself in a war with China, or, better still, with the Soviet 366 Union: to allow all the belligerents to sink deeply into the mire of war, to encourage them surreptitiously in this, to allow them to weaken and exhaust one another; and then, when they have become weak enough, to appear on the scene with fresh strength, to appear, of course, "in the interests of peace," and to dictate conditions to the enfeebled belligerents.” (Stalin: ‘Report on the Work of the Central Committee to the Eighteenth Congress of the C.P.S.U.(B.)’ in: ‘Works’, Volume 14; London; 1978; p.365-366; English Edition).

This also applies to Georgia today. The dictatorship of the imperialist bourgeoisie over the Caucasus is a secret, cloaked dictatorship, which is hidden behind the scenes and misleads the world public. In reality, the imperialist dictatorship over the Caucasus is the domination of a belligerent and exploitative minority over the laboring and peace-seeking majority. It is a dictatorship based on the use of violence against the peoples of the Caucasus. The outcome of the rival imperialist forces is decided by world capital. The military intervention of Russian imperialism was a Pyrrhic victory. In the end, what is decisive is the military organization which is behind world capital and today it is NATO and not the Russian army.

Georgia's membership in NATO prepares the road of further intervention towards the East. The expansion of its network of military bases will facilitate the economic and political penetration of the Caucasus, the former Soviet Republics, the Middle East and Asia for Western imperialism. The weapons of NATO are not directed against imperialism but against all peoples who fight against imperialism, especially against the world proletariat in its struggle for world political domination. In spite of the internal contradictions within NATO, which are getting worse with its enlargement because of the different interests of its members, especially towards the USA, NATO remains aggressive and dangerous for world peace and the freedom and independence of the peoples. Georgia must not become the deployment area of the imperialists in order to start a Third World War from there. It is the duty of the world proletariat to lead the peoples in the struggle against NATO and against all other imperialist military powers in order to crush them forever. No people can place itself under the military rule of one imperialist to protect itself from the other imperialists. Only the peoples can protect themselves against the world imperialists together by putting themselves under their own common shield. The liberation from the world imperialists cannot reach one people alone. The unification of the countries against world imperialism is the task of the world proletarian revolution. The struggle for the liberation of the peoples from world imperialism is led by the world proletariat. Only the arming of the world proletariat, through its international class struggle for world socialism, will achieve the victory over world imperialism and thus the end of the capitalist enslavement of the peoples. The Georgian working class must see itself as a branch of the international working class army against the international counter-revolution and act internationalist and must fight both the cosmopolitanism of world imperialism and the bourgeois nationalism in the Caucasus.

Finally, the liberation of the world proletariat is also at stake in the Caucasus. The world proletariat is the only force which can lead the peoples (of the Caucasus) to liberation from the yoke of world imperialism. Stalin has pointed this out:

Further, history shows that although individual peoples succeed in liberating themselves from their own national bourgeoisie and also from the ‘foreign’ bourgeoisie, i.e., although they succeed in establishing the Soviet system in their respective countries, they cannot, as long as imperialism exists, maintain and successfully defend their separate existence unless they receive the economic and military support of neighbouring Soviet republics.” (Stalin: ‘The Tenth Congress of the R.C.P.(B.)’ in: ‘Works’, Volume 5; Moscow; 1953; p.38; English Edition).

Stalin Emphasized that: that unless the Soviet republics form a state union, unless they unite and form a single military and economic force, they cannot withstand the combined forces of world imperialism either on the military or on the economic front.” (ibid.)

Today, this is of even greater strategic, world revolutionary importance. Without the leading role of the world proletariat nobody today is able to restore the conditions as they existed then after the October Revolution through a new revolution, that is, the restoration of the Soviet Republics. Even then Lenin stated:

Is it not naïve to forget that self-government in the Caucasus (...) rests on an armed uprising? Is it not puerile to imagine that what is possible in a few mountain villages in a remote frontier district is possible in the heart of Russia without the people’s victory over the autocracy?” (Lenin: ‘A Most Lucid Exposition of a Most Confused Plan’ in: ‘Collected Works’, Volume 9; Moscow; 1977; p.225; English Edition).

So what Lenin says here about the Caucasian mountain villages in relation to Russia also generally applies at the international level. Without the smashing of world imperialism by the armed uprising of the world proletariat, the liberation of the Caucasus, the re-establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat in Transcaucasia, the reconstruction of socialism in the Caucasus cannot be guaranteed, not even the reconstruction of the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin can be guaranteed. It is naive to believe that this is possible without the victory of the world proletariat over world imperialism.

In December 1922 Lenin commented on the accusations of ‘social nationalism’ in Georgia and stressed: 

Firstly, we must maintain and strengthen the union of socialist republics. Of this there can be no doubt. This measure is necessary for us and it is necessary for the world communist proletariat in its struggle against the world bourgeoisie and its defence against bourgeois intrigues.” (Lenin: ‘The Question of Nationalities or “Autonomisation” ’ in: ‘Selected Works’, Volume 36; Moscow; 1977; p.609; English Edition).

And thus the world dictatorship of the proletariat needs the World Union of Soviet Socialist Republics for the struggle against the bourgeoisie in all countries of the world and for the defense against its intrigues. The world proletariat must always show class solidarity with the proletarians of the countries, especially smaller countries, and must not violate their equality. What Lenin said to Georgia, that: That is why in this case it is better to overdo rather than underdo the concessions and leniency towards the national minorities.” (ibid).

Lenin and Stalin worked out those principles on the basis of which national freedom for the oppressed peoples of the Caucasus was resolved and on which the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics was created. In the “Declaration of the Rights of the Peoples of Russia”, adopted by the Third Congress of the Soviets of the Workers and Soldiers of All Russia at the beginning of 1918, the equal rights and sovereignty of the peoples of Russia, the right of self-determination of the nations up to the separation and establishment of an independent state, the abolition of all national privileges or restrictions, the free development of national minorities and ethnic groups living on the territory of Russia were proclaimed, among other things. These principles form the basis of the world union of the socialist republics today and in the future through the establishment of the world dictatorship of the proletariat and the victory of the world proletarian revolution.

In the Civil War of 1918, the Bolsheviks were attacked by three different White Guard armies under Admiral Kolchak and the geniuses Denikin and Yudenich. From the Caucasus, Siberia and the Gulf of Finland, they marched into central Russia to reconquer the tsarist regime.

As for revisionism in Georgia, it is rooted in the traditions of Georgian Menshevism, which was once the eastern mainstay and spearhead of the Second International in the struggle against revolution and Bolshevism, and whose roots are still effective today. To spread the spirit of decomposition in the Soviet periphery in the guise of communists was the tradition of Georgian petty-bourgeois nationalist elements. The former Georgian petty-bourgeois Menshevik Party, which called itself the Marxist Workers Party, defended the interests of the exploiting classes and, above all, those of the national bourgeoisie. They waved the flag of nationalism in the civil war and stood on the side of those who fought against the dictatorship of the proletariat. This led them to a de facto alliance with the White Guards and the imperialist world bourgeoisie. The policy pursued by the bourgeois nationalists of Georgia promoted by the interventionists was to incite the peoples of Transcaucasia against each other. That policy resulted in bloody clashes. It also consisted in persecuting the communists, either putting them in prison or killing them. The Menshevik secret police arrested the Communists or expelled them from Georgia. The delegates of the Communist Party of Georgia who had been at the Second World Congress of the Comintern (July-August 1920) were barred from returning to their homeland. On the other hand, "distinguished guests" from Western Europe, the leaders of the Second International (Autumn 1920), were received to protect and support the Georgian Mensheviks. It was none other than Karl Kautsky who praised the Menshevik "paradise" of Georgia. But he could not help but openly admit that in Georgia, “all classes felt the pressure” (Kautsky: ‘Georgia: A Social-Democratic Peasant Republic – Impressions And Observations’; London; 1921; English Edition).

Georgia became the hub of counter-revolution in Transcaucasia. It was there that the funds for arms were collected and distributed to equip the counter-revolutionary gangs and direct them against the Russian proletariat, against the Bolsheviks. Thus the oil products bought in Azerbaijan (which had already become a young Soviet republic!) were secretly sent to Wrangel's troops. The Georgian reaction sold the interests of Georgia to the imperialist powers and made it the deployment area for a new anti-Soviet intervention. The Mensheviks betrayed Georgia to Turkey, among others, and achieved the occupation of Batumi by Turkish troops in a secret agreement. When the Red Army entered the city, the last Mensheviks fled Georgia on an Italian steamer to foreign countries. From there the Menshevik emigrants have not given up their counter-revolutionary struggle. If the success of the imperialist bourgeoisie during the crises of the Caucasus was the success of the imperialist bourgeoisie and its peoples were the deceived ones, it was not only due to the highly developed organization and financial power of the imperialist bourgeoisie, but also because the wavering upper classes of the petty bourgeoisie and their parties, which were followed by broad masses of the petty bourgeoisie, stood on the imperialist side of the barricade and hired themselves as imperialist lackeys.

Georgia was indeed in a deep economic crisis, which strengthened the revolutionary sentiments among the laboring masses.

And the war of the ‘national governments’ against the Soviet power brought the conflict of the national masses with these ‘governments’ to the point of a complete rupture, to open rebellion against them.

Thus was formed a socialist alliance of the workers and peasants of all Russia against the counter-revolutionary alliance of the bourgeois national ‘governments’ of the border regions of Russia.

The fight of the border ‘governments’ is depicted by some as a fight for national emancipation against the ‘soulless centralism’ of the Soviet regime. But that is quite untrue. No regime in the world has permitted such extensive decentralization, no government in the world has ever granted to the peoples such complete national freedom as the Soviet power in Russia. The fight of the border ‘governments’ was, and is, a fight of bourgeois counter-revolution against socialism. The national flag is tacked on to the cause only to deceive the masses, as a popular flag which conveniently conceals the counterrevolutionary designs of the national bourgeoisie. 

But the fight of the “national” and regional “governments” proved an unequal one. Attacked from two sides —from without by the Soviet power of Russia, and from within by “their own” workers and peasants—the “national governments” were obliged to retreat after the very first engagements. (...) the agrarian revolution in the Caucasus and the utter impotence of the “National Councils” of Georgia (...) all these are generally known facts which demonstrated the complete isolation of the border “governments” from “their own” labouring masses. Utterly defeated, the “national governments” were “obliged” to appeal for aid against “their own” workers and peasants to the imperialists of the West, to the agelong oppressors and exploiters of the nationalities of the world.

Thus began the period of foreign intervention and occupation of the border regions—a period which once more revealed the counter-revolutionary character of the ‘national’ and regional ‘governments.’

Only now did it become obvious to all that the national bourgeoisie was striving not for the liberation of ‘its own people’ from national oppression, but for liberty to squeeze profits out of them, for liberty to retain its privileges and capital. 

Only now did it become clear that the emancipation of the oppressed nationalities was inconceivable without a rupture with imperialism, without the overthrow of the bourgeoisie of the oppressed nationalities, without the transfer of power to the labouring masses of these nationalities.

Thus, the old, bourgeois conception of the principle of self-determination, with its slogan ‘All power to the national bourgeoisie,’ was exposed and cast aside by the very course of the revolution. The socialist conception of the principle of self-determination, with its slogan ‘All power to the labouring masses of the oppressed nationalities,’ entered into its own and it became possible to apply it.

Thus, the October Revolution, having put an end to the old, bourgeois movement for national emancipation, inaugurated the era of a new, socialist movement of the workers and peasants of the oppressed nationalities, directed against all oppression—including, therefore, national oppression—against the power of the bourgeoisie, ‘their own’ and foreign, and against imperialism in general. (Stalin: ‘The October Revolution and the National Question’ in: ‘Works’, Volume 4; Moscow; 1953; p.164-166; English Edition).

And Stalin further correctly stated that:

The hastily concocted bourgeois “governments” in the border regions of Russia proved to be soap bubbles, unsuitable as a camouflage for intervention, which had been undertaken, of course (of course!), in the name of ‘humanitarianism’ and ‘civilization.’ (Stalin: ‘Two Camps’ in: ‘Works’, Volume 4; Moscow; 1953; p.242; English Edition).

The armed uprising prepared by the Bolsheviks in Georgia began in the night of February 11-12th, 1921, in Rayon Lori. Its sparks ignited the revolutionary fire in many parts of Georgia, such as Abkhazia and South Ossetia. The Mensheviks used regular troops against the insurgents and turned to the Entente imperialists and the Armenian Dashnaks, who had just instigated a mutiny, for help. For its part, the Revolutionary Committee of Georgia, on behalf of the insurgents, asked the Soviet Republics for support, and they immediately complied with the request of the Georgian workers and peasants, following the principles of proletarian internationalism. On February 25th, the Red Army led by the Revolutionary Committee and the Red Army units that had come to their aid moved into Tbilisi on the decision of the CC of the R.C.P. (B.) and on direct orders from Lenin and Stalin. This day when Georgia liberated itself was also the birthday of the Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic. One day before the revolutionary uprising in Georgia, on February 10, Stalin published the article "On the Next Tasks of the Party in the National Question" in No.9 of "Pravda":

5. The communist organisations in the border regions are developing under somewhat peculiar conditions which retard the normal growth of the Party in these regions. On the one hand, the Great-Russian Communists who are working-in the border regions and who grew up during the existence of a “dominant” nation and did not suffer national oppression, often underrate the importance of specific national features in their Party work, or completely ignore them; they do not, in their work, take into account the specific features of the class structure, culture, manner of life and past history of the nationality concerned, and thus vulgarise and distort the Party’s policy on the national question. This leads to a deviation from communism to a dominant-nation and colonialist outlook, to Great-Russian chauvinism. On the other hand, the Communists from the local native population who experienced the harsh period of national oppression, and who have not yet fully freed themselves from the haunting memories of that period, often exaggerate the importance of specific national features in their Party work, leave the class interests of the working people in the shade, or simply confuse the interests of the working people of the nation concerned with the “national” interests of that nation; they are unable to separate the former from the latter and base their Party work on them. That, in its turn, leads to a deviation from communism towards bourgeois-democratic nationalism, which sometimes assumes the form of Pan-Islamism, Pan-Turkism (in the East). [Note: Lenin regarded pan-Islamism as one of the currents that ‘strive to combine the liberation movement against European and American imperialism with an attempt to strengthen the positions of the khans, landowners, mullahs, etc.’ (see Volume 31 of Lenin’s Collected Works, page 149). In Russia, after the October Socialist Revolution, pan-Islamism and pan-Turkism were exploited by the counter-revolutionary elements to fight against Soviet power].

This congress, emphatically condemning both these deviations as harmful and dangerous to the cause of communism, considers it necessary to point out the special danger and special harmfulness of the first-mentioned deviation, the deviation towards a dominant nation, colonialist outlook. The congress reminds the Party that unless colonialist and nationalist survivals in its ranks are overcome it will be impossible to build up in the border regions strong, genuinely communist organisations which are linked with the masses and which unite in their ranks the proletarian elements of the local native and Russian populations on the basis of internationalism. The congress therefore considers that the elimination of nationalist and, primarily, of colonialist vacillations in communism is one of the Party’s most important tasks in the border regions.

6. As a result of the successes achieved on the war fronts, particularly after the liquidation of Wrangel, in some of the backward border regions where there is little or no industrial proletariat, there has been an increased influx of petty-bourgeois nationalist elements into the Party for the sake of a career. Taking into consideration the Party’s position as the actual ruling force, these elements usually disguise themselves in communist colours and often pour into the Party in entire groups, carrying with them a spirit of thinly disguised chauvinism and disintegration, while the generally weak Party organisations in the border regions are not always able to resist the temptation to “expand” the Party by accepting new members.

Calling for a resolute struggle against all pseudo-communist elements that attach themselves to the Party of the proletariat, the congress warns the Party against ‘expansion’ through accepting intellectual, petty-bourgeois nationalist elements. The congress considers that the ranks of the Party in the border regions should be reinforced chiefly from the proletarians, the poor, and the labouring peasants of these regions, and that at the same time work should be conducted to strengthen the Party organisations in the border regions by improving the quality of their membership.” (Stalin: ‘The Immediate Tasks of the Party in the National Question’ in: ‘Works’, Volume 5; Moscow; 1953; p.28-30; English Edition).

In his speech "National Moments in Party and State Building", given at the 10th Congress of the Party, he spoke about the national moments in party and state building. In his speech “National Factors in Party and State Affairs”, delivered at the XII Congress of the R.C.P. (B.) on April 23rd 1923, Stalin addresses the problems in Transcaucasia, especially those of Georgia:

In so far as this process (...) is creating the material prerequisites for the future world socialist economic system.

2. But this tendency developed in peculiar forms that were completely at variance with its intrinsic historical significance. The mutual dependence of peoples and the economic union of territories took place in the course of the development of capitalism not as a result of the co-operation of nations as entities with equal rights, but by means of the subjugation of some nations by others, by means of the oppression and exploitation of less developed nations by more developed nations. Colonial plunder and annexations, national oppression and inequality, imperialist tyranny and violence, colonial slavery and national subjection, and, finally, the struggle among the “civilised” nations for domination over the “uncivilised” peoples—such were the forms within which the development of closer economic relations of peoples took place.

Thus, the irreconcilable contradiction between the process of economic union of peoples and the imperialist methods of accomplishing this union was the cause of the inability, helplessness and impotence of the bourgeoisie in finding a correct approach to the solution of the national question.” (Stalin: ‘National Factors in Party and State Affairs’ in: ‘Works’, Volume 5; Moscow; 1953; p.184-186; English Edition).

The USSR had solved the national question. But that was easier said than done. There were both factors that promoted unification with the USSR and factors that hindered it. Stalin spoke of Great-Russian chauvinism, which generated anti-Russian nationalism. He spoke about this at the 12th Party Congress as follows:


We could concentrate the entire force of our activities, the entire force of our struggle, against Great-Russian chauvinism, in the hope that as soon as this powerful enemy is overcome, anti-Russian nationalism will be overcome with it; for, I repeat, in the last analysis, this nationalism is a reaction to Great-Russian nationalism, a retaliation to it, a certain form of defence. Yes, that would be so if anti-Russian nationalism in the localities were nothing more than a reaction to Great-Russian nationalism. But the trouble is that in some republics this defensive nationalism is turning into aggressive nationalism.

Take Georgia. Over 30 per cent of her population are non-Georgians. They include Armenians, Abkhazians, Ajarians, Ossetians and Tatars. The Georgians are at the head. Among some of the Georgian Communists the idea has sprung up and is gaining ground that there s no particular need to reckon with these small nationalities; they are less cultured, less developed, they say, and there is therefore no need to reckon with them. That is chauvinism—harmful and dangerous chauvinism; for it may turn the small republic of Georgia into an arena of strife. In fact, it has already turned it into an arena of strife.

Sometimes this chauvinism begins to undergo a very interesting evolution. I have in mind Transcaucasia. You know that Transcaucasia consists of three republics embracing ten nationalities. From very early times Transcaucasia has been an arena of massacre and strife and, under the Mensheviks and Dashnaks, it was an arena of war. You know of the Georgian-Armenian war. You also know of the massacres in Azerbaijan at the beginning and at the end of 1905. I could mention a whole list of districts where the Armenian majority massacred all the rest of the population, consisting of Tatars. Zangezur, for instance. I could mention another province—Nakhichevan. There the Tatars predominated, and they massacred all the Armenians. That was just before the liberation of Armenia and Georgia from the yoke of imperialism. (Voice: “That was their way of solving the national question.”) That, of course, is also a way of solving the national question. But it is not the Soviet way. Of course, the Russian workers are not to blame for this state of mutual national enmity, for it is the Tatars and Armenians who are fighting, without the Russians. That is why a special organ is required in Transcaucasia to regulate the relations between the nationalities.


It may be confidently stated that the relations between the proletariat of the formerly dominant nation and the toilers of all the other nationalities constitute three-quarters of the whole national question. But one-quarter of this question must be attributed to the relations between the formerly oppressed nationalities themselves.


And if in this atmosphere of mutual distrust the Soviet Government had failed to establish in Transcaucasia an organ of national peace capable of settling all friction and conflict, we would have reverted to the era of tsarism, or to the era of the Dashnaks, the Mussavatists, the Mensheviks, when people maimed and slaughtered one another. That is why the Central Committee has on three occasions affirmed the necessity of preserving the Transcaucasian Federation as an organ of national peace.


There has been and still is a group of Georgian Communists who do not object to Georgia uniting with the Union of Republics, but who do object to this union being effected through the Transcaucasian Federation. They, you see, would like to get closer to the Union, they say that there is no need for this partition wall in the shape of the Transcaucasian Federation between themselves— the Georgians—and the Union of Republics, the federation, they say, is superfluous. This, they think, sounds very revolutionary.


But there is another motive behind this. In the first place, these statements indicate that on the national question the attitude towards the Russians is of secondary importance in Georgia, for these comrades, the deviators (that is what they are called), have no objection to Georgia joining the Union directly; that is, they do not fear Great-Russian chauvinism, believing that its roots have been cut in one way or another, or, at any rate, that it is not of decisive importance. Evidently, what they fear most is the federation of Transcaucasia. Why? Why should the three principal nations which inhabit Transcaucasia, which fought among themselves so long, massacred each other and warred against each other, why should these nations, now that Soviet power has at last united them by bonds of fraternal union in the form of a federation, now that this federation has produced positive results, why should they now break these federal ties? What is the point, comrades?

The point is that the bonds of the Transcaucasian Federation deprive Georgia of that somewhat privileged position which she could assume by virtue of her geographical position. Judge for yourselves. Georgia has her own port—Batum—through which goods flow from the West; Georgia has a railway junction like Tiflis, which the Armenians cannot avoid, nor can Azerbaijan avoid it, for she receives her goods through Batum. If Georgia were a separate republic, if she were not part of the Transcaucasian Federation, she could present something in the nature of a little ultimatum both to Armenia, which cannot do without Tiflis, and to Azerbaijan, which cannot do without Batum. There would be some advantages for Georgia in this. It was no accident that the notorious savage decree establishing frontier cordons was drafted in Georgia. Serebryakov is now being blamed for this. Let us allow that he is to blame, but the decree originated in Georgia, not in Azerbaijan or Armenia.

Then there is yet another reason. Tiflis is the capital of Georgia, but the Georgians there are not more than 30 per cent of the population, the Armenians not less than 35 per cent, and then come all the other nationalities. That is what the capital of Georgia is like. If Georgia were a separate republic the population could be reshifted somewhat—for instance, the Armenian population could be shifted from Tiflis. Was not a well-known decree adopted in Georgia to “regulate” the population of Tiflis, about which Comrade Makharadze said that it was not directed against the Armenians? The intention was to reshift the population so as to reduce the number of Armenians in Tiflis from year to year, making them fewer than the Georgians, and thus convert Tiflis into a real Georgian capital. I grant that they have rescinded the eviction decree, but they have a vast number of possibilities, a vast number of flexible forms—such as “decongestion”—by which it would be possible, while maintaining a semblance of internationalism, to arrange matters in such a way that Armenians in Tiflis would be in the minority.

It is these geographical advantages that the Georgian deviators do not want to lose, and the unfavourable position of the Georgians in Tiflis itself, where there are fewer Georgians than Armenians, that are causing our deviators to oppose federation. The Mensheviks simply evicted Armenians and Tatars from Tiflis. Now, however, under the Soviet regime, eviction is impossible; therefore, they want to leave the federation, and this will create legal opportunities for independently performing certain operations which will result in the advantageous position enjoyed by the Georgians being fully utilised against Azerbaijan and Armenia. And all this would create a privileged position for the Georgians in Transcaucasia. Therein lies the whole danger.” (Stalin: ‘The Twelfth Congress of the R.C.P. (B.)’ in: ‘Works’, Volume 5; Moscow; 1953; p.254-259; English Edition).

And this internationalist standpoint is held by the Georgian Stalin. It's remarkable. He does not want privileges for any people, for any nationality. Instead, he wants the elimination and abolition of privileges that divide the peoples, he wants the unification of the peoples, the nationalities without any privileges. And this is exactly the basis on which the peoples of the Caucasus, and especially Georgia, must stand! This is the position of proletarian internationalism!

Can we ignore the interests of national peace in Transcaucasia and allow conditions to be created under which the Georgians would be in a privileged position in relation to the Armenian and Azerbaijanian Republics? No. We cannot allow that.

There is an old, special system of governing nations, under which a bourgeois authority favours certain nationalities, grants them privileges and humbles the other nations, not wishing to be bothered with them.” (ibid. p.259-260).

It is on to this dangerous path that our comrades, the Georgian deviators, are pushing us by opposing federation in violation of all the laws of the Party, by wanting to withdraw from the federation in order to retain an advantageous position. They are pushing us on to the path of granting them certain privileges at the expense of the Armenian and Azerbaijanian Republics. But this is a path we cannot take, for it means certain death to our entire policy and to Soviet power in the Caucasus.

It was no accident that our comrades in Georgia sensed this danger. This Georgian chauvinism, which had passed to the offensive against the Armenians and Azerbaijanians, alarmed the Communist Party of Georgia.

Quite naturally, the Communist Party of Georgia, which has held two congresses since it came into legal existence, on both occasions unanimously rejected the stand of the deviator comrades, for under present conditions it is impossible to maintain peace in the Caucasus, impossible to establish equality, without the Transcaucasian Federation. One nation must not be allowed more privileges than another. This our comrades have sensed. That is why, after two years of contention, the Mdivani group is a small handful, repeatedly ejected by the Party in Georgia itself.

It was also no accident that Comrade Lenin was in such a hurry and was so insistent that the federation should be established immediately. Nor was it an accident that our Central Committee on three occasions affirmed the need for a federation in Transcaucasia, having its own Central Executive Committee and its own executive authority, whose decisions would be binding on the republics. It was no accident that both commissions— Comrade Dzerzhinsky’s and that of Kamenev and Kuibyshev—on their arrival in Moscow stated that federation was indispensable.

Lastly, it is no accident either that the Mensheviks of Sotsialistichesky Vestnik ['The Socialist Messenger', which was the organ of Menshevik white emigrants founded by Martov in February 1921; it appeared in Berlin until March 1933, in Paris from May 1933 to June 1940, and later in America. The 'Sotsialistichesky Vestnik' is a mouthpiece of the most reactionary imperialist circles. This type of mouthpiece is also being reactivated in Europe with the events in Georgia today. There are still a considerable number of Georgian emigrant groups who hide behind phrases of Western "democracy" in order to slip under the "protective shield" of the 'civilized' (rich in capital!) West. Some of them are old bourgeois and petty-bourgeois networks and remnants from the period from the Second International to the overthrow of Lenin and Stalin's USSR, all the reactionary elements that continue the tradition of anti-Stalinism in Georgia today. By the way, Stalin fought against these reactionary elements of emigrant groups in Europe until his death] praise our deviator comrades and laud them to the skies for opposing federation: birds of a feather flock together.” (ibid. p.261-262).

All this is directional for the World Bolshevik Party. What Stalin says here was true for the First Period of Socialism. But what about the Second Period of Socialism, that is, the period of the victory of socialism on a world scale?

In the Second Period of Socialism, there will also be central areas and border regions in the world. The first deviation consists in the mechanical transfer of methods in both the central and border regions. This mechanical transfer is forbidden because of the different conditions prevailing there. The second deviation is that there are no identical stages of development in the different central areas or in the different peripheral areas, but that peculiarities have to be taken into account, which means that special methods have to be applied in the respective areas. Centralism always remains a feature of the construction of socialism, whether in the First or Second Period. But this must not lead to the border regions and the buffer zones between central and border regions being regarded as mere appendages, as a secondary matter. World socialism is only as strong as its weakest link. It must therefore ensure that the border regions become increasingly integrated and keep pace with the world development of socialism. The socialist world economy can only function if the dialectical relationship of all areas of the world is kept in balance, if all areas are connected by world cogwheels, if the productive forces and the relations of production in all areas of the world are developed harmoniously according to their conditions.

Just as Stalin fought against Great-Russian chauvinism in dialectical unity in conjunction with local nationalism, the struggle against the danger of cosmopolitanism on the one hand and tendencies of nationalism in the individual socialist countries on the other hand must be dialectically linked in world socialism in order to consolidate and strengthen socialist internationalism.

Just as the cosmopolitanism of the world bourgeoisie must be overcome on an international scale, bourgeois nationalism in the individual socialist countries must be eliminated. Both can only hand in hand. The world dictatorship of the proletariat will fail if it cannot rely on the support of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the individual countries, and conversely, the dictatorship of the proletariat of an individual country will not develop if it does not rely on the world dictatorship of the proletariat. Both complement each other, both control each other, both belong together and rely on each other. Without strengthening the socialist countries, the construction of the socialist world economy will fall by the wayside and vice versa.

The socialist countries need a special common body which, in the joint construction of world socialism, not only regulates their mutual relations but also represents the self-interests of all the individual socialist countries. Thus, the organ of the world republic of the proletariat will be accompanied by an equal organ of the interests of the socialist countries, just as it was regulated in the USSR in the days of Lenin and Stalin. In the Declaration on the Formation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics it was said, among other things that:

Lastly, the very structure of Soviet power, which is international in its class nature, impels the toiling masses of the Soviet republics to unite into a single socialist family.” (Stalin: ‘Appendices’ in: ‘Works’, Volume 5; Moscow; 1953; p.404; English Edition).

It was also emphasized that the new union state will prove to be a worthy crown to the foundation for the peaceful co-existence and fraternal co-operation of the peoples that was laid in October 1917, and that it will serve as a sure bulwark against world capitalism and as a new and decisive step towards the union of the working people of all countries into a World Socialist Soviet Republic.” (ibid).

In the First Period of Socialism the slogan was: Proletarians, unite the Soviet Socialist Republics!” And today, with the beginning of the Second Period of Socialism, the slogan is: World proletariat, unite all countries in the World Socialist Republic!”

The World Socialist Republic will build on the great achievements of the socialist peoples of the Caucasus, will learn from their positive and negative experiences, not only from their socialist history.

In the World Socialist Republic, the re-established Federation of Transcaucasia, in which all the socialist nations and nationalities of the Caucasus are once again voluntarily, equally, and fraternally united, will play an honorable and prosperous role and will uphold the banner of Stalin.