Central Organ of the Comintern (SH)


100 years ago, Lenin wrote :

"As long as the question was (and in so far as it still is) one of winning over the vanguard of the proletariat to Communism, so long, and to that extent, propaganda took first place ; even propaganda circles, with all the imperfections that circles suffer from, are useful under these conditions and produce fruitful results."


27. 4. 1920

* * *

Celebrating the "World Communist Propaganda Day" is the organizational expression of following Lenin's teaching on Propaganda to the preparation of the world socialist revolution.


Long live the

"World Communist Propaganda Day" !

 May 5, 2020



Messages of Solidarity


Dear comrades,

we send our world communist greetings to all of you.

This is the first year when we celebrate our centralorgan "World Revolution"

In our greeting address for the 101st anniversary of the Comintern on March 4, 2020, we highlighted the current importance of the Comintern press (Inprekorr). This also includes the decision of the Comintern (SH) to declare May 5, 2020 "World Communist Propaganda Day", based on the 108th anniversary of the founding of "Pravda", which was celebrated in the Soviet Union as the day of the Soviet Press .

With our central organ "World Revolution" we want to honorfully continue this Bolshevik tradition. Our goal is to create a communist, classless world press.

On the occasion of Lenin's 150th birthday we published in German language: "Lenin und die Parteipresse".

We publish herewith the English translation on occasion of the "World Communist Propaganda Day".



Lenin and the party press

written by Wolfgang Eggers

What was the principle of party literature for Lenin?

Instead of an "Introduction" we start with a longer Lenin quote:

"Party Organisation and Party Literature" (1905 Novaya Zhizn, No. 12, November 13, - Lenin Collected Works, Volume 10, pages 44-49

"What is this principle of party literature?

It is not simply that, for the socialist proletariat, literature cannot be a means of enriching individuals or groups: it cannot, in fact, be an individual undertaking, independent of the common cause of the proletariat. Down with non-partisan writers! Down with literary supermen! Literature must become part of the common cause of the proletariat, “a cog and a screw” of one single great Social-Democratic mechanism set in motion by the entire politically-conscious vanguard of the entire working class. Literature must become a component of organised, planned and integrated Social-Democratic Party work.

[ Literature must become part of the common cause of the world proletariat, a "cog and screw" of one single great, global Bolshevik mechanism set in motion by the entire politically-conscious vanguard of the entire world proletariat. Literature must become a component of organised, planned and integrated World Bolshevik party work. ]

Newspapers must become the organs of the various party organisations, and their writers must by all means become members of these organisations. Publishing and distributing centres, bookshops and reading-rooms, libraries and similar establishments—must all be under party control. The organised socialist proletariat must keep an eye on all this work, supervise it in its entirety, and, from beginning to end, without any exception, infuse into it the life-stream of the living proletarian cause.

First of all, we are discussing party literature and its subordination to party control. Everyone is free to write and say whatever he likes, without any restrictions. But every voluntary association (including the party) is also free to expel members who use the name of the party to advocate anti-party views.

The party is a voluntary association, which would inevitably break up, first ideologically and then physically, if it did not cleanse itself of people advocating anti-party views. And to define the border-line between party and anti-party there is the party programme, the party’s resolutions on tactics and its rules and, lastly, the entire experience of international Social-Democracy, the voluntary international associations of the proletariat.

There can be no real and effective “freedom” in a society based on the power of money, in a society in which the masses of working people live in poverty and the handful of rich live like parasites.

It will be a free literature, because the idea of socialism and sympathy with the working people, and not greed or careerism, will bring ever new forces to its ranks. It will be a free literature, because it will serve, not some satiated heroine, not the bored “upper ten thousand” suffering from fatty degeneration, but the millions and tens ofmillions of working people—the flower of the country, its strength and its future. It will be a free literature, enriching the last word in the revolutionary thought of man kind with the experience and living work of the socialist proletariat, bringing about permanent interaction between the experience of the past (scientific socialism, the completion of the development of socialism from its primitive, utopian forms) and the experience of the present (the present struggle of the worker comrades).

Lenin and the "old" Iskra.


In English it means "Iskra" - The Spark:

"A spark is all that's needed for a globally spreading of a revolutionary wildfire !"


Meeting of Lenin with social democrats of the town Ufa on the edition of the All-Russian illegal Marxist newspaper "Iskra"


On December 11, 1900 No. 1 of the "Iskra" appeared. Lenin was 30 years old. Lenin wrote the editorial "The Current Tasks of Our Movement". He wrote almost all the fundamental articles that became the political-ideological guideline for the struggle of the revolutionary workers. Lenin answered all the burning questions of the movement and showed what to do and how to do it. The main goal of the "Iskra" was to create a strong, organized party without which the working class could not fulfill its great historical mission, namely to free itself and the whole people from political and economic enslavement.



In May 1901, number 4 of "Iskra" as published - Lenin's famous article "Where to begin?" It was a sketch of Lenin's plan for the establishment of a Marxist party.

You have to start organizing an all-Russian political newspaper, Lenin taught, especially under the conditions prevailing at the time due to the ideological confusion of the movement. The newspaper is a central tool for ideologically crushing all enemies in the labor movement and for keeping revolutionary theory clean and adhering to revolutionary principles. Lenin's "Iskra" ensured the party's programmatic goals and practical tasks. At the same time, the "Iskra" served the organizational association and the ight relationship among the local party organizations. Lenin taught:

"The role of a newspaper, however, is not limited solely to the dissemination of ideas, to political education, and to the enlistment of political allies. A newspaper is not only a collective propagandist and a collective agitator, it is also a collective organiser." (Iskra, No. 4, May 1901. - Collected Works, Volume 5, pages 13-24.)



Lenin's work "What is to be done?" was published in 1902. It was a further development of the article "Where to begin?" which was no more than a sketch. In "What is to be done?" Lenin wrote the famous sentences:

"Without revolutionary theory, there can be no revolutionary movement.

The role of vanguard fighter can be fulfilled only by a party that is guided by the most advanced theory.” (Lenin, Works Volume 5).



According to Lenin's plan, the party should consist of two parts: a narrow circle of senior cadres (professional revolutionaries) and a broad network of peripheral party organizations, the large number of members surrounded by the sympathy and support of hundreds of thousands of working people. With Lenin's "What is to be done?" he signed his articles for the first time with the name "Lenin". From then on, the name Lenin became the banner of the struggle for the liberation of all working mankind. At that time, the "Iskra" followers boomed. Comrade Stalin was one of its most convinced followers:

    "Comrades, we Communists are people of a special mould. We are made of a special stuff. We are those who form the army of the great proletarian strategist, the army of Comrade Lenin. My knowledge of Lenin's revolutionary activities since the end of the nineties, and especially after 1901, after the appearance of Iskra, had convinced me that in Lenin we had a man of extraordinary calibre. At that time I did not regard him merely as a leader of the Party, but as its actual founder, for he alone understood the inner essence and urgent needs of our Party. " (Stalin: Speech Delivered at a Memorial Meeting of the Kremlin Military School, January 28, 1924)



The “Iskra” was a genuine Bolshevik newspaper, a new type of newspaper that prepared the revolution in Russia. The "Iskra" raised the banner of the struggle for the revolutionary theory of Marxism. The newspaper was relentless in its struggle against the enemies of Marxism. "The old 'Iskra' has earned the honorable hostility of both the Russian and the Western European opportunists." (Lenin).

It was Stalin who made part of the "Iskra" available in Georgia. His newspaper "Brdsola" (The Struggle) was the best organ of "Iskra" followers in Russia.

Lenin was the creator of the "Iskra" program. It was a revolutionary program of the working class party, which was sharply different from all opportunistic programs and consequently attracted criticism from all opportunists. Lenin's agricultural program was then published in Iskra, in which the role of the peasants in the proletarian revolution was clearly defined. The opportunists then appeared against Lenin at the second R. S. D. L. P. party conference in 1903 and the party split. Lenin's supporters, who received the majority of the votes at the Second Party Congress, have since been called Bolsheviks. And Lenin's opponents, who were in the minority, were called Mensheviks. The bitter struggle against Menshevism that flared up after the Second Party Congress continues to this day through the entire history of the world communist movement. This was particularly true of the bitter struggle for the role of the central organ.

Who is subordinate to whom - the CC [Central Committee] to the CO [Central Organ] or vice versa the CO to the CC ? Since Lenin we Communists have known that the central organ is subordinate to the Central Committee and not vice versa. The central body is subordinate to the party and is accountable to it. In numerous communist parties this question appeared in one form or another and in many cases led to a split. So this question was no different for Lenin than through the division of the Bolshevik party. Because: While Lenin remained indomitable towards Menshevism, Plekhanov, who previously belonged to Lenin's “Iskra” editorial staff, switched to the Menshevik camp after the Second Party Congress. Plekhanov co-opted Mensheviks like Martow, Axelrod, Sassulitsch and Potressow in the "Iskra" editorial office. Lenin did not allow himself to be blackmailed by Plekhanov and left the "Iskra" editorial office, because Plekhanov clearly violated the resolutions of the Second Party Congress.

This showed for the first time that the centrists - especially in critical situations of the party - united with the opportunists against the Bolshevik party. Who are the centrists? Centrists are those who tend most towards Menshevism in the Bolshevik camp as well as those who tend most towards Bolshevism in the Menshevik camp" (see Lenin). Plekhanov belonged to the first kind of centrists before the 2nd Party Congress, and he then belonged to the second kind of Centriststhe after the 2nd Party Congress of the R. S. D. L. P.

From number 52, Lenin's old "Iskra" had turned into a Menshevik new "Iskra". For over a year now Lenin had to go without his most powerful instrument of the collective propagandist, agitator and organizer, such as the "Iskra", which he had created by himself.

It says itself so easily: "The Bolshevik party develops its strength through purification from the opportunists". However, all this painful and bad experience had shown, this much-cited purification does not take place without a fierce struggle of opposites and without a temporary weakening (or even split of the party) associated with it.

What lesson do we draw from this?

The main problem is not limitted to the act of kicking out the opportunists - this is relatively easy. What is much more crucial is the relentless fight against the opportunists, which precedes the kicking out. Ultimately, however, it is much more crucial whether and how the party understands, after the opportunists have been kicked out, to continue their revolutionary struggle unwaveringly for the old principles of the party. It is clear that the fight against the opportunists never ends even after they have been kicked out. If the opportunists were hit on their head, they cleverly hide behind "revolutionary" phraseology to continue their liquidationary work with even greater zeal, unnoticed.

The "Iskra", which had been occupied by the Mensheviks, now began with a rabid agitation against Lenin and brought not only the CO, but also the CC into their power.
How did Lenin solve this problem? With intensive personal correspondence with the local party organizations and individual party members who continued to support Lenin (over 300 letters a month on average!). From this exchange of letters also came the personal acquaintance between Lenin and Stalin, Lenin's most loyal follower. In the period of correspondence to maintain party contacts, Lenin wrote the book "One Step Forward, Two Steps Back" on the reorganization of the party, which was published on May 6, 1904. Stalin wrote about Lenin's book:

   " The importance of this book lies primarily in the fact that it success fully upheld the Party principle against the circle principle, and the Party against the disorganizers; that it smashed the opportunism of the Mensheviks on questions of organization, and laid the organizational foundations of the Bolshevik Party.

    But this does not exhaust its significance. Its historic significance lies in the fact that in it Lenin, for the first time in the history of Marxism elaborated the doctrine of the Party as the leading organization of the proletariat, as the principal weapon of the proletariat, without which the struggle for the dictatorship of the proletariat cannot be won. " [Stalin: Historry of the CPSU (b)]



From Lenin's "old" Iskra "to" Pravda "


To solve the problem, Lenin founded the newspaper "Vperjod" (Forward), which was published in late December 1904. Lenin wrote to all the Bolsheviks in Russia about this: "This organ is now the most essential." It was about life or death of the party. This newspaper was used to prepare the III Party Congress - held in London in April 1905.

Lenin was on the III. Party congress elected editor-in-chief of the "proletari", the new central organ of the Bolshevik party. The "proletari" continued the line of the old, Lenin's Iskra and the Bolshevik Wperjod (later Menshevik "Wperjod"). The first edition appeared on May 14, 1905 and the last edition in 1909. The "proletari" (weekly newspaper) waged an unsparing struggle against the Mensheviks and other opportunistic and revisionist elements. He played an important role in propagating the decisions of III Party Congress and the organizational and ideological union of the Bolsheviks. 50 editions came out: the first 20 in Finland, the rest in Geneva and Paris. Lenin wrote more than 100 articles. In the Stolypin reaction, the illegal "proletari" (The proletarian) played an outstanding role in the maintenance and consolidation of the party. At the plenary session of the Central Committee of the R. S. D. L. P. in January 1910, the reconciliators and Trotskyists succeeded in enforcing a decision according to which the "proletari" no longer appeared (Judas Trotsky formed the August anti-party block).

Novaya Shisn (New Life) - was the first legal Bolshevik daily to appear in Petersburg from October 27 (November 9) to December 3 (16) 1905. Lenin was the head of the newspaper and on November 10 his first article appeared: "On the Reorganization of the Party." Lenin's articles in the Novaya Shisn served as instructions for the day-to-day work of the party. Officially, the Novaja Shisn editor-in-chief was the poet N.M. Minski and as editor M.F. Andreyeva. After W.I. Lenin returned to Petersburg in early November 1905 from emigration, the newspaper appeared under his direct direction. The Novaya Shisn was in fact the central organ of the SDAPR. The newspaper's closest employees were W.D. Bontsch-Brujewitsch, A.W. Lunacharsky, M.S. Olminski, W.W. Worowski and others. Maxim Gorki worked actively on the newspaper and also gave great financial support. In the newspaper 14 articles W.I. Lenins released. The Novaya Shisn was often subjected to reprisals. After the publication of number 27 on December 2, the tsarist government banned the newspaper. The last issue, No. 28, appeared illegal. Thereupon new legal Bolshevik newspapers appeared under the changing titles "" Wolna "(Die Woge)," Wperjod "," Echo ". Lenin edited these newspapers. The regular publication of the legal newspaper became more and more difficult. In July 1906, the tsarist government had banned the legal newspaper "Echo". Then a new legal newspaper "Nowy Lutsch" (The New Ray) and "Nasche Echo" (Our Echo) appeared. And in August 1906 the Bolsheviks abroad resumed the publication of the illegal "Proletari" under the editorial staff of Lenin . In the years of reaction, Lenin's struggle against the party's enemies became even tougher and more unforgiving: "It was not for nothing that we were called the steadfast rocks ."

Lenin saw the newspaper as the most important means of collecting, merging and educating the people under the illegal conditions Bolshevik cadres, the main instrument for the ideological and organizational preparation of the party for a new upsurge of the revolution. But very soon the editorial staff, which included Lenin, Dubrowinski and Bogdanow, aroused serious disagreements that were due to the ideological pressure of the counter-revolution in Russia - the so-called "criticism" of Marxism. Lenin's articles were a declaration of war against revisionism. Lenin smashed philosophical revisionism with his book: "Materialism and Empirio-Criticalism", published in May 1909.

Through vigorous measures, Lenin achieved the publication of a new Bolshevik organ abroad, "Rabochaya Gazeta", the legal newspaper "Zvezda" (The Star) and the magazine "Mysl" (The Idea) in Russia.

Since the time of the old "Iskra", Lenin has steadfastly continued to build an illegal "new type" Bolshevik party under the illegal conditions of the furious Russian counter-revolution, in the struggle against all opponents, the "economists", Mensheviks, Trotskyists, Otsovists, Idealists of all shades, up to the empirio-critics. Lenin won over all opponents because he pursued a policy that was principled as the “only right policy”.



"The victory of the party principle is the victory of 'Pravda' and vice versa"



“Without a political organ, a movement that deserves to be called political is unthinkable in today's Europe. Without such an organ, our task - to concentrate all elements of political discontent and protest and to fertilize the revolutionary movement of the proletariat with them - is absolutely impracticable. "(Lenin)

The labor press in Tsarist Russia was subjected to severe police persecution. The Bolshevik press suffered most persecution, of course.

But after the period of deepest reaction, another revolutionary upswing began in Russia. And with this revolutionary upswing, the "Pravda" was born. The daily Bolshevik newspaper Pravda was founded in 1912 according to Lenin's instructions at the instigation of Stalin, who had just traveled to Petersburg from the Siberian exile. No sooner had Stalin started running the "Pravda" than Stalin was arrested again. May 5, the day of the first appearance of "Pravda", was the holiday of the communist press in the USSR. The Comintern (SH) will continue this tradition from May 5, 2020 - and celebrate an international day of the central organ "World Revolution".

Lenin had been in Paris at the time and was moving his residence to Krakow on June 19, 1912 for the next two years because the editorial office could work closer to the Russian border from there. Thanks to the closer connection to the revolutionary movement in Russia, Lenin was able to exert greater and faster influence. The newspaper illegally reached Russia from Kraków. Lenin paid great attention to “Pravda”. The connection to Lenin was made by Molotov, who was the secretary of the "Pravda". Lenin also won Maxim Gorki for his participation in the Bolshevik publications. Lenin's articles appeared in Pravda almost daily. Lenin made sure that the "Pravda" did not come out just a few days after the bourgeois newspapers, but was read in Russia at the same time. Lenin gathered the party's literary forces around Pravda.

The most important thing for Lenin was that the "Pravda" found its way into the factories to the workers. In particular, it was about suppressing the still prevailing influence of the Mensheviks in the factories (Menshevik newspaper “Lutsch” [The Ray]). The Menshevik newspapers were given generous financial support, particularly from the liberal bourgeoisie. The Pravda, on the other hand, published reports on the funds received by the newspaper's support fund from the numerous collectives of the workers. Many workers donated a daily wage to the “iron cash register”, which had been set up to pay the high fines that were due almost daily. It was not uncommon for a considerable part of the Pravda numbers seized by the tsarist police to end up in the hands of the workers because their most revolutionary elements had already come to the printers at night and had taken the newspaper clippings with them. The tsarist government closed the "Pravda" eight times within two and a half years. With the help of the workers, however, she always reappeared under similarly sounding names such as "Sa Prawdu" (for the truth), "Putj Prawdy" (way of truth), "Trudowaja Prawda" (worker truth). Each edition of Pravda contained dozens of reports from the workers detailing the lives of the workers, the cruel exploitation, oppression by the capitalists, as well as the factory directors and masters. There were also articles about the difficult fate of the farmers, their starvation and their exploitation by the landowners. Finally, the Pravda surpassed the influence of all other newspapers in the labor movement.

At Lenin's initiative, the number of factory workers readers doubled in a very short time to 30,000. Lenin's articles played an important role in leading the party and its connection to the labor movement. He raised socialist awareness and promoted the organization of the working class. Lenin wrote in a way so that the workers could easily understand it. Lenin explained the most complicated questions clearly and simply. Together with Stalin, Lenin created the "Pravda", which had brought up hundreds of thousands of revolutionary, victim-ready fighters.

Lenin did not limit himself to the "Pravda", but also built up the entire legalized publishing work of the Bolsheviks. He organized the legal Bolshevik monthly "Prosweschtschenije" (Enlightenment ", the first number of which appeared in Petersburg in December 1911. He also created the Moscow" Pravda ":

" Every conscious worker understands that Petersburg without Moscow is the same as a hand without the other ... Moscow will of course have to get its own daily newspaper. ”(Lenin)

In August the Moscow newspaper “Nasch Putj” (Our Way) was published. Lenin published a number of articles in this newspaper.

When the First World War broke out, Lenin was in "neutral" Switzerland. There he organized the distribution of Bolshevik publications under illegal conditions. Thanks to his tireless energy, the publication of the "Social Democrat" was resumed. In addition, the magazine "Communist" (1915), two "booklets of the Social Democrat", leaflets and brochures were published. In Russia itself, the Bolsheviks had to work even more illegally. Despite mass arrests, the publication of the "Pravda" continued:

"The Pravda" has raised thousands of conscious workers, who, despite all difficulties, will again form a collective of leaders - the party's Russian Central Committee. "(Lenin).

A few days before the tsarist government declared imperialist war, the publication of the "Pravda" was prohibited. Tsarism did fear the influence of the Bolsheviks on the masses.

But when tsarist tyranny fell, the "Pravda" renewed its appearance in Petrograd 5 days after the February Revolution in 1917. A few days later, another Bolshevik newspaper, "Social Democrat" (The Social Democrat) was published in Moscow.

The first issues of the Izvestia Soviet Rabochich Deputatov (News of the Soviets of the Deputies of the Workers) were published irregularly in Petersburg in October, November and December of 1905. In December 1905, six numbers of the "News of the Moscow Soviet of Workers' Deputies" also appeared in Moscow. In 1917, from March 13, the newspaper "Iswestija" was published again. After the Second Soviet Congress (from November 1917) the "Izvestia" became the official organ of the Soviet government. With the relocation of the capital from Petrograd to Moscow in 1917, the publication of "Izvestia" was also relocated to Moscow.

The workers' press did not enjoy full freedom even with the bourgeois Provisional Government in 1917. In July 1917 the "Pravda" and its printing house were destroyed. The publication of the newspaper was prohibited. The central organ of the Bolshevik Party, which was then directly headed by Stalin, appeared under the names "Rabochij i Soldat" (worker and soldier), "Proletarij" (the proletarian), "Rabotschij" (worker) and "Rabotschij Putj" (Der Workers Way). It is significant that the Provisional Government allowed the reactionary newspaper "Navoje Wremja" to be published, while the Bolshevik newspaper "Proletarij" was banned. At the time, Lenin wrote that the Provisional Government applied two standards to the workers 'newspaper and the Progressive People's and Provocateurs' newspaper. The bourgeois provisional government saw press freedom as a right to circumcise the workers' press in every way. The "Pravda" received no paper and had to appear in a four-page small format, while the bourgeois newspapers had considerable paper stocks and their own print shop and could be distributed without restrictions.

After the Great October Revolution, the nationalization of large industries, including businesses in the printing industry, was carried away. The technical basis of the bourgeois press was withdrawn. [The Comintern (SH) will not do that much differently in the course of the world socialist revolution !]. Nevertheless, the newspapers of the bourgeois parties and their "left" branches continued to appear under the Soviet power for a while. The editorial offices of these newspapers became real nests for the armed counter-revolution, anti-Bolshevik meeting places for conspirators and terrorists. The bourgeois newspapers hoped that the power of the Bolsheviks would not last. And almost 40 years later, with the transformation of the "Pravda" into an instrument of the new bourgeoisie by the Soviet revisionists, the dream of restoring capitalism actually came true.

Already in the summer of 1918 the bourgeois journalists began to flee south: to Kiev to Skoropadsky, to the Don to Krasnov, then under the protection of Kolchak and Denikin, and finally they emigrated abroad, where the anti-Soviet papers “Rul ”(The Tax) in Berlin,“ Poslednije Nowosti ”(Latest News) in Paris. Finally, under the conditions of the civil war and the struggle against foreign intervention, the bourgeois press in Soviet Russia was banned and liquidated.




- Founder of the Soviet press


In connection with the development of the new Soviet press, Lenin prepared the press work program under the new conditions. In the original draft of the article "The Next Duties of the Soviet Press", Lenin wrote (referring to the end of March 1918):

"... The Soviet press has devoted excessive space and attention to the petty political issues, the personal questions of political leadership questions by which the capitalists of all countries are striven to divert the attention of the masses from the really important, profound and fundamental questions of our live. In this connection, we are faced with the need to solve almost anew a problem for the solution of which all the material requisits are available, only awareness of the urgency of this problem and readyness to solve it being absent. This problem is how to convert the press from an organ mainly devoted to communicating the political news of the day into a serious organ for educating the mass of population in economics. We shall have to ensure, and we shall ensure, that the press serving the Soviet masses will devote less space to questions of the personal composition of the political leadership, or to questions of the tenth-rate political measures that comprise the commonplace activity an routine work of all political institutions. Instead the press will have to give priority to labour questions in their immediately practical setting. The press must become the organ of the labour commune in the sense of giving publicity to just what the leaders of capitalist enterprises used to try to conceal from the masses. For the capitalist the internal organisation of his enterprise was something veiled by trade secrets from the eyes of the outside world, something over which, it seems, he wanted to be omnipotent and in sole command, hidden not only from criticism, not only from outside interference, but also from outside eyes. For the Soviet government, on the contrary, it is the organisation of labour in any particular large enterprise, in any particular village communes that is the chief, fundamental and urgent question of all social life. Our first and main means for increasing the self-discipline of the working people anf for passing from the old, good-for-nothing methods of work, or methods of shirking work, in capitalist society, must be the press, revealing shortcomings in the economic life of each labour commune, ruthlessly branding these shortcomings, frankly laying bare all the ulcers of our economic life, and thus appealing to the public opinion of the working people for curing these ulcers. Let there be ten times less newspaper material (perhaps it would be godd if there were 100 times less) devoted to so-called current news, but let us have, distributed in hundreds of thousands and millions of copies, a press that acquaints the whole population with the exemplary arrangement of affairs in a few state labour communes which surpass the others. Each factory, each artel and agricultural enterprise, each village that goes over to the new agriculture by applying the law of socialisation of the land, is now, as one of the democratic basesof Soviet power, an idependent commune with its own internal organisation of labour. In each of these communes, an increase in the self-discipline of the working people, their ability to work together with managing experts, even from the bourgeois intelligentsia, their achievements of practical results in the sense of raising labour productivity, economising human labour and safeguarding output from the unprecedented thieving from which we are suffering immeasurably at the present time - that is what should form the main content of our Soviet press. That is the way in which we can and must bring it about that the force of example becomes first of all a morally essential, and later a compulsorily introduced, pattern for organising labour in the new Soviet Russia. (...)

We are still under considerable pressure from the old public opinion imposed by the bourgeoisie. If we look at our newspapers, it is easy to see what a disproportionately large place we still devote to questions raised by the bourgeoisie, questions with which it seeks to divert the attention of the working people from the concrete practical tasks of socialist reconstruction. We must convert - and we shall convert - the press from an organ for communicating political news, from an organ of struggle against bourgeois lying - into an instrument for the economic re-education of the masses, into an instrument for telling the masses how to organise work in a new way. (...) And here, in connection with the importance of the press as an organ for the economic reorganisation and re-education of the masses, we must also touch on the importance of the press in organising competition." (Lenin, Volume 27, pages 203 - 206).

Note: Original Version of the Article "The immediate Tasks of the Soviet Government" - Verbatim Report - Chapter X - is not included in the "Lenin Archive" of the Trotskyite marxists. org, thus only published by the Comintern (SH).

The accomplishment of the task put by Lenin to the Soviet press changed its character decisively. The journalist tribe was still bogged down in the old ideas about the tasks and character of the press, i.e., ideas that had formed in pre-revolutionary times. The press, therefore, was to be transformed from a simple device for communicating political news into a tool for the economic re-education of the masses, into a tool that made the masses familiar with how work should be done in a new way.

Lenin and Stalin ensured that the Soviet press served as a tool for socialist construction, that it made itself known in detail about the successes of the model companies by studying the causes of these successes and at the same time they led an energetic struggle against the “traditions of capitalism “: with anarchy, speculation and disorder. In the article published by Pravda on September 20, 1918, Lenin wrote about the tasks of the Soviet press:

" Less political ballyhoo. Fewer highbrow discussions. Closer to life. More attention to the way in which the workers and peasants are actually building the new in their everyday work, and more verification so as to ascertain the extent to which the new is communistic." (Lenin, Volume 28, page 98)

The creation of a new newspaper "Ekonomicheskaya Shisnj" (The economic life), which was devoted to the economic questions, was an expression of this turning of the interest of the Soviet press to the questions of the socialist economy.

The lack of paper caused by the aftermath of World War I and foreign intervention meant that the newspapers were only published in small numbers. The number was insufficient, and the newspapers had to be hung in the showcases on the streets of the cities, glued to the walls of the houses and organized newspaper reading hours in “village reading rooms”. At the same time, local wall newspapers appeared in factories, and later in workers' collectives in the city and in the country, which have had no precedent in the history of the press around the world. It was the newspapers that were reproduced in few copies and were written not by professional journalists but by ordinary Soviet people.

When the civil war and intervention ended and a new period of transition to peaceful work for the restoration of the national economy began, the development of the Soviet press continued rapidly. The state publisher "Gosudarstwennoje isdatelstwo", created in 1918, expanded its work considerably, and at the same time new private publishers emerged under the control of the dictatorship of the proletariat. In the new philosophical journal "Pod Snamenem Marksisma" (Under the banner of Marxism) No. 3, created in 1922, an article by Lenin was published that emphasized the need for an alliance between communists and non-party people. A workers' correspondent system was organized. Stalin called the workers' correspondents "commanders of proletarian public opinion" and said that "the correspondent's independence from the institutions and persons with whom he comes into contact with his work must be laid down as the basis for his work." In 1924, Stalin gave the "Krestjanskaja Gaseta" (farmers newspaper) the instruction: "Guard your village correspondents like your eyeball, this is your army!"

The military newspaper “Krasnaya Zvezda” (Red Star) is also to be mentioned as a mirror and mouthpiece for the Red Army.

The youth newspaper “Komsomolskaya Pravda” (The Komsomol-Pravda) was founded on Stalin's initiative. In a welcoming speech (Komsomolskaya Pravda, No. 122, May 27, 1928), Stalin said:

Friendly greetings to Komsomolskaya Pravda, the militant organ of our worker and peasant youth!

I wish it success on the difficult front of training the youth for an implacable struggle against the enemies of the working class, for the struggle for the complete victory of communism all over the world!

Let Komsomolskaya Pravda be a signal bell that arouses the slumbering, heartens the weary, urges on the stragglers, scourges bureaucracy in our institutions, reveals shortcomings in our work, gives prominence to our achievements in construction, and thus facilitates the training of new people, of new builders of socialism, a new generation of young men and women capable of succeeding the old guard of Bolsheviks!

The strength of our revolution lies in the fact that there is no division between our old and new generations of revolutionaries. We owe our victories to the fact that the old guard and the young guard march shoulder to shoulder, in a united front, in a single column, against our enemies, internal as well as external.

The task is to preserve and fortify this unity.

Let Komsomolskaya Pravda be an untiring advocate of the unity of the old and the young guard of Bolsheviks!

J. Stalin

May 26, 1928



And today ?


As described above, Lenin emphasized the international importance of a political organ:

“Without a political organ in Europe today, a movement that deserves to be called political is unthinkable. Without such an organ, our task of concentrating all elements of political discontent and protest and using them to fertilize the revolutionary movement of the proletariat is absolutely impracticable. ”

In the current, still first phase of building the Comintern (SH), our central organ serves as a collective propagandist, agitator and organizer to recruit the most advanced elements of the world proletariat for the world proletarian revolution. The fulfillment of this task is not an end in itself, but serves in the next step as a preliminary stage for the creation of a Stalinist-Hoxhaist world press to mobilize the entire world proletariat and all working masses around the world. Without anchoring in the masses, the avant-garde cannot lead the masses, so thus it cannot develop into a Bolshevik mass party in the second phase of its construction. At the moment, our central organ mainly serves as a guide for comrades around the world and especially for the Sections on how to correctly implement Stalinism-Hoxhaism in their revolutionary practice. And it will remain that way for a few more years before we can win a mass readership in the working class.
Without the newspaper “World Revolution”, the Comintern (SH) cannot systematically advance its Bolshevik process. Without a central organ, it is impossible to successfully spread Stalinism-Hoxhaism and put it into practice. Without a central organ, we cannot establish a connection to the world proletariat and we cannot mobilize the world proletariat to the world socialist revolution.

How does Stalinism-Hoxhaism define world-revolutionary propaganda?

World-revolutionary propaganda is the devoted work of convincing about the necessity of the world-revolutionary movement and the world-revolutionary struggle of the world proletariat, the work of convincing about the necessity of the world socialist revolution, about world socialism and world communism - supported by the Sections and proletarians in all countries without exception.

The Comintern (SH) will defend the Soviet press against all enemies and continue it on a world scale in the spirit of Lenin and Stalin.

Wolfgang Eggers

April 22, 2020


Lenin on the "Iskra"



From the History of the Workers’ Press in Russia

Published on the birthday of Lenin.

Rabochy No. 1, April 22, 1914.


The Character of our Newspapers

20 September, 1918



Agitation and Propaganda

International Press Correspondence

1925, Volume 5 No 29, 9th April 1925




10 Years of Comintern Publications

1929 Inprecorr Vol 6 - No 9-10




World Revolutionary Propaganda


Study the publication of the bourgeoisie for better fighting against it !