On solving the question of today's

world colonialism


The significance of the Comintern (SH) in the
colonial question,
in general, is to defend all the decisions of the Comintern in this regard against Dimitrov's betrayal. 

And in particular, 76 years after the dissolution of the Comintern, the Comintern (SH) finally rehabilitates all the Sections of the Comintern in the colonial countries, which were driven by Dimitrov into the revisionist swamp after the Seventh World Congress, and which were unfairly accused of "sectarianism ". 

Comintern (SH)

29. 3. 2019


We present our Stalinist-Hoxhiast view about the solution of the colonial question in a greeting message which we sent to the Egyptian Section on occasion of the 100th anniversary of the Egyptian revolution in 1919.


 Greeting message of the Comintern (SH)
to the Egyptian Section
on the occasion of the 100th anniversary of the
Egyptian Revolution of 1919


The Comintern (SH) sends revolutionary greetings to all the comrades of our Egyptian Section.

The Egyptian Revolution of 1919 occupies a honorable historical place in the heroic anti-imperialist liberation struggle of the Arab peoples. It is an impetus and model for the liberation of the whole Arabic world.
In Egypt, the anti-imperialist struggle was directed primarily against British imperialism. Thus the Egyptian revolution of 1919 followed directly the call of the founding congress of the Comintern which took place to exactly the same time:

"Imperialists - get out of the colonies!"

The Egyptian Revolution of 1919 was the basis for the program of the Egyptian Communists. It was the first program in the world for the democratic, anti-imperialist and anti-feudal revolution. This program was published on February 14, 1921 in the Cairo newspaper "Al-Ahram" and "Al-Khisab" (newspaper of the Egyptian Communists). It also included working-class demands for the 8-hour day, labor legislation, equal pay for Egyptian and foreign workers, the founding of a farmer's union, etc.

(Such a great communist program was never put out by the Wafd Party !)

And it was the Egyptian Communists who were represented in the strike committees of the workers. It was the Egyptian Communists who for the first time linked the theory of Marxism-Leninism with the Egyptian workers' movement. 

The defense of the Egyptian Revolution of 1919, the Communist Party of Egypt, and Secretary-General Antun Marun, who died in prison, lies in this, namely the honorable continuation of their struggle against world imperialism and the counter-revolution in your own country.

World Imperialists - get out of Egypt!

Overthrow of world imperialism by the world proletarian revolution and establishment of the dictatorship of the world proletariat for the construction of world socialism.

Long live Egypt, freed from world imperialism !

Long live socialist Egypt in a socialist All-Arab republic, as part of the world socialist republic!

The Egyptian Revolution of 1919, inspired by the October Revolution, spawned Egypt's Communist Party, founded in 1920 and incorporated into the Comintern in 1922 as a Section. Thus began a qualitative leap in the history of the anti-imperialist struggle in the Arab world - namely towards Marxism-Leninism.
Due to the decisions of the VI World Congress, the Communist Party of Egypt had condemned in its manifesto the Wafd Party, the Swaharists, etc. as "a party of the bourgeoisie and landowners, as a counterrevolutionary party of national reformism." Precisely this correct Marxist-Leninist attitude of the Communist Party of Egypt, namely attacking the Wafd's party as an agent of British imperialism, is interpreted as the "cause of failure of the ECP" by bourgeois historians, by Dimitrov, Trotsky, etc.

There is no denying that the Wafd Party was afraid of the Communist Party and the Egyptian working class , namely much more than of British imperialism. In order to maintain their rule, the Egypt bourgeoisie united with the foreign imperialists against the working class, against its Communist Party, against the socialist revolution. The Wafd party turned from a democratic-progressive party into a reactionary, counterrevolutionary party.

This Marxist-Leninist stance against bourgeois nationalism strengthened in the 1920s and 1930s, particularly through the active support of Comrade Stalin. Stalin taught that the working class in the Arab countries must base itself on proletarian internationalism in the struggle against bourgeois nationalism, in the struggle against reconciliation with bourgeois nationalism. The bourgeoisie's initial progressive role in the Arab countries must not blind the Arab Communists to the reactionary role that the Arab bourgeoisie later adopted, and which today finds its highest expression in fascism.
Exploiting the growing contradictions between the national bourgeoisie and the imperialists can not be equated with support of the Egyptian bourgeoisie.
The bourgeoisie, weakened by the conflict with the imperialists, instead, must be overthrown in the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat because the imperialists need the national bourgeoisie for more exploitation of the Egyptian toiling masses.

To combine the anti-imperialist struggle with the struggle against their imperialist lackeys of the national bourgeoisie, this was the revolutionary task of the Communist Party of Egypt at that time and that is still the task of the Egyptian Section of the Comintern (SH). May the neo-revisionists denounce us as "sectarians" who would have learned "nothing" in history. We will never betray the working class and sell it not to the bourgeoisie. No one will prevent the Egyptian Section of the Comintern (SH) from taking revenge on the Wadf Party, which has brutally acted against the Egyptian Communist Party and who caused so much suffering to the heroical Egyptian communists.

With the Comintern under the revisionist leadership of Dimitrov, this Marxist-Leninist development of proletarian internationalism came to an end in the struggle against bourgeois nationalism in the Arab countries. Dimitrov condemned the correct decisions of the VI World Congress of 1928, which explicitly considered Lenin's line in the colonial question at the II World Congress as a still valid basis. This did not prevent Dimitrov from diffaming the VI World Congress as the cause for the alleged "sectarianism" of the Communist Party of Egypt.
Under the negative effects of Dimitrovism, the true communists in the Arab countries are still suffering until today.
The Comintern (SH), therefore, takes this greeting address on the occasion of the 100th anniversary of the Egyptian Revolution as an opportunity to expose and combat the revival of Dimitrovism in the Arab countries, which stands in the way of the socialist revolution.

With the 7th World Congress, the correct Leninist-Stalinist line of the Comintern regarding the Arab countries was betrayed, liquidated and turned into a revisionist line. We criticize, condemn and fight Dimitrov's popular front policy in the Arab countries, especially against the Arabic neo-revisionists of the ICMLPO. The lessons of the 1919 Egyptian Revolution are invaluable to our struggle against the Arab neo-revisionists today. We all know that the Arab neo-revisionists are particularly referring to the popular front policy of Dimitrov and that they are trying to revive it in the Arab countries just for the sole reason of preventing the transition of the Arab Spring into the socialist revolution. Thus, the neo-revisionists act as lackeys of world imperialism, namely to extinguish the flame of the world revolution in the Arab countries so that it does not spread to other countries.

Of central importance is the Dimitrov resolution "Tasks of the Communist Parties in the Arab Countries in the Fight for an Anti-imperialist Popular Front" (February 29, 1936).

The purpose of this resolution was to force the Arab communist parties to subordinate under the revisionist decisions of the 7th World Congress of 1935. According to this resolution, the main enemy was no longer the rightist opportunism, but the "leftist" opportunism !! - a through and through anti-Stalinist definition of the main enemy in the communist movement of the Arab world !! Globally, the main enemy is right-wing opportunism to this day!
In this resolution, almost all Sections of the Comintern openly were accused of "sectarianism" because they allegedly pay no attention to the Arab liberation struggle and that they would be inactive. Even if this were true, that would not be a reason to give up the correct Leninist-Stalinist line of the Comintern in support of the Arab peoples and replace it by a revisionist line.

In the contrary. It would have been the task of the Comintern's leadership to help all Sections to put into practice the teachings of Lenin and Stalin in support of the national liberation struggle of the Arab peoples better than before.

With the feigned criticism of the alleged "sectarianism" of the Sections, Dimitrov did not want to support the Arab peoples, but betrayed them instead by means of his revisionism. Dimitrov's policy towards the Arab peoples was a policy of capitulation to world imperialism. Dimitrov disarmed the Arab peoples and handed them over to the imperialists. This was last not least an attack against the achievements of the Egyptian revolution in 1919. Dimitrov has liquidated not only the Arab sections but also their leadership, the Comintern itself. Without international leadership, the path of the Arab Communists led to the most difficult situation in their history. This has changed fundamentally only with the founding of the Comintern (SH).

With this revisionist resolution of the ECCI: "Tasks of the Communist Parties in the Arab Countries in the Fight for an Anti-imperialist Popular Front", the liquidation of the formation and further strengthening of Bolshevik parties in the Arab countries was prepared. This was justified with the fake argument, that the Arabic communist parties would allegedly be "isolated from the masses". The Comintern of Lenin and Stalin was accused by the bourgeoisie of "instrumentalizing" the anti-imperialist struggle of the Arab peoples. The Comintern, for example, would have "failed" because it wanted to impose its will on the Arab peoples, regardless of the special conditions in the Arab countries, regardless of the mood of the masses there. This is in line with Maoism, which refused any interference of the Comintern in Chinese affairs. Maoism and Dimitrovism are identical ideologies of the bourgeoisie. This became also evident in the Arab countries.

It was also Dimitrov who followed this ideology of the world bourgeoisie, which defamed the communist movement in the Arab countries as an externally controlled "foreign body", which had "no connection" within the Arab masses. The bourgeois historians speak of students at universities who have been infected with Marxist ideas imported from the West. By the way, this may well be true, but the historical fact is that the Egyptian revolution of 1919 was carried by the broad masses, in which the strikes of the workers played a prominent role. This shows that the working masses in Egypt were the real bearers of the democratic revolution and not the bourgeoisie or single bourgeois intellectuals. But Dimitrov did not want the working masses in Egypt to go one step further. He rejected the transition from bourgeois-democratic to socialist revolution. This is characteristic of Dimitrov's anti-Leninism, who had set this slogan, namely, to transform the bourgeois-democratic revolution into the socialist revolution. And this is also the anti-Leninism of today's neo-revisionists, who try to prevent us from turning the bourgeois-democratic Arab Spring into a socialist Arab spring.

Dimitrov went further and accused the Arab Sections of their alleged "sectarianism" in the anti-imperialist struggle. We reject this accusation and defend the heroic principled anti-imperialist struggle of all the Arab Sections of the Comintern at the time of Lenin and Stalin.
This pseudo-argument of the so-called "anti-sectarian mass line" of the Seventh World Congress was Dimitrov's justification for his policy of compromise with the bourgeoisie at the front of the national liberation movement.

Lenin and Stalin strived for the formation ( and not for the dissolution) of Bolshevik (!) mass (!!) parties. In contrast, Dimitrov understood by "masses-line", the union with bourgeois parties up to a merger with them. So, just the opposite. The danger of this revisionist "mass line" persisted and persists in being sold under the mask of a "Leninist" line.

We must therefore wage a consistent and uncompromising struggle by defeating the neo-revisionist united front policy by means of our own Stalinist-Hoxhaist united front tactic. If we reject the Dimitrov united front with the bourgeoisie, that does not mean that we can do without the proletarian united front policy. No, we are fighting for a global proletarian united front. We defend the proletarian united front policies of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism by relying on them and applying them correctly to today's conditions globally. We are for a globalized united front policy of the world proletariat under the banner of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Enver Hoxha, under the banner of the Comintern (SH) ! Without leadership of the Comintern (SH) there will be no united front policy in the struggle against world imperialism !

Stalinism-Hoxhaism teaches that Dimitrov's popular-front policy could only be enforced successfully on condition that it is implemented in combination between the working-class movement of the West and in the anti-colonialist movement of the East, that is globally.
The revisionist slogan of Dimitrov was:
Proletarians of all countries and oppressed peoples - unite ! - namely in the revisionist Popular Front, and thus no longer against the bourgeoisie, but together with the bourgeoisie.
Dimitrov demanded that the communists in Egypt subordinate themselves to the Wafd party and become an appendage of the bourgeois party.
And what has become of Dimitrov's popular front out of this today?
From the bourgeois elements who supported the Egyptian revolution in 1919, a bourgeoisie has emerged today, who, with her fascist regime, performs services for the world imperialists. This is Dimitrov's betrayal of the Egyptian working class and the Egyptian people.

Our Stalinist-Hoxhaist critique of Dimitrov's Popular Front policy would therefore be incomplete if we would ignore its necessary unmasking in the colonial question. Only on the basis of this criticism at neo-revisionism, we will be able to defeat today's fascist development of the rule of the bourgeoisie throughout the Arab world.
The betrayal of the Popular Front policy of Dimitrov is thus not limited to its application to the capitalist countries of the West.
Dimitrov turned Lenin's revolutionary unification between the West and the East into a revisionist slogan, namely a pact with the bourgeoisie in the West and in the East.
Without our criticism of Dimitrov on the colonial question, our anti-imperialist line of the Comintern (SH) can not be put on genuine Stalinist-Hoxhaist basis. Without rejecting Dimitrov's wrong line, the Arab peoples can not win.

Stalin teaches that the world proletariat only supports such national movements that serve to weaken and overthrow world imperialism.
Dimitrov, on the other hand, supported with his Popular Front policy those national movements which served the reconciliation with the national bourgeoisie and thus the protection of the reserves in the hinterland of world imperialism. From this, modern revisionism developed into a doctor at the bedside of the bourgeois national movement and the gravedigger of proletarian internationalism in the question of the national liberation movement.
Dimitrov's united front policy meant the separation of the national liberation struggle from the proletarian world revolution, the separation from the world proletariat.
Dimitrov's popular front means separation of the national liberation struggle from communism, means purification of the national liberation struggle from the influence and of the necessary leading role of the communists.

The Comintern (SH) says:
Whoever separates the anti-imperialist struggle from the world socialist revolution, from the abolition of class society, from the teachings of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism, no longer represents the interests of the world proletariat, but has already begun to serve the interests of the world bourgeoisie.
Dimitrov's revisionist resolution "On the struggle of the Arab communist parties" is a critique where the Arab masses would not have seen in the Arab Sections of the Comintern representatives of the national liberation struggle. The Arab masses would allegedly see the Arab communists only as an "extended arm" of the Comintern, Stalin and the Soviet Union. Dimitrov called on the Arab Sections not anymore to engage in communist propaganda because it would offend national reformists and deter the peasant masses. If the imperialists portray communism as a specter of fright, then, in the view of the revisionists, it is not necessary to fight anti-communism but instead simply renounce communist propaganda. This is nothing others than pure capitulationism and liquidationism, betrayal at communism.

"Anti-imperialist struggle - yes - but without communist influences, without the slogan of the world socialist revolution etc." - that is the revisionist phenomenology of Dimitrovism in the colonial question.

The Comintern (SH) says: The colonial question can not be solved without the social question.

The Comintern (SH) goes on to say that the colonial question must be subordinated to the social question.

The Comintern (SH) finally says: The anti-imperialist struggle is inseparably part of the struggle for the world socialist revolution.

One must neither separate the struggle for colonial liberation from social liberation, nor equate the two, or even superordinate the colonial struggle over social struggle.
One must neither separate the anti-imperialist struggle from the world socialist revolution nor equate or even superordinate it.

At the time of the Egyptian revolution of 1919, the slogan of Lenin was valid, namely the unification of the proletariat in the capitalist countries with the oppressed masses in the colonies against the common enemy - world imperialism.
This slogan is no longer valid today under the conditions of globalization of capitalism. Today the whole world is capitalist, and thus the world proletariat is the hegemonic revolutionary class in every country in the world. Today, the world no longer divides into the "capitalist West" and the "colonized East" as in 1919.

Former colonial countries of the East have now become themselves imperialist countries (such as the social-imperialist superpower China, which does not only exploit and oppress the workers of the former colonies, but even has penetrated into the old capitalist countries of the West). Therefore, such old division of the world no longer exists since globalization.

The teachings of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism on colonialism are still valid. Colonialism is a feature of imperialism. According to the lessons of Lenin , colonialism, in particular, the same as imperialism in general, namely is characterized by parasitism, rotting and decay.

In accordance with all the other contradictions within the camp of world imperialism, there are two contradictionary trends in the colonial question, too.

The one tendency is mutual support, namely uniting global counter revolutionary actions in the struggle against revolutionary uprisings of the anti-imperialist world camp.

And the other trend is the struggle against each other within the global network of colonialism for the purpose of maintaining predominant positions or conquering new ones.

Both tendencies of these contradictions among the world-colonialists within the world imperialist camp inevitably create a revolutionary counter-tendency in the anti-imperialist world camp, which will contribute to the further maturing of the world socialist revolution.

Meanwhile, world imperialism has transformed the whole world into a one and only "world colony", into a globalized network of capitalist enslavement. The world colonists of today do not regard only this or that country as their colony but the entire world as one and only global colony.

The old forms of colonialism had been changed to global forms of colonialism, however the nature of colonialism still exists as before.

The character of exploitation and oppression did not change and remained the same: the rich countries exploit and oppress the poor countries. The rich world exploits and oppresses the poor world.

The only difference between yesterday and today that is the intensity of exploitation and oppression which increased significantly since globalization.

The anti-colonial struggle as part of the anti-imperialist struggle has developed into a part of an all-round, globalized struggle against the entire world imperialist system, which will mainly be decided between the world proletariat and the world bourgeoisie - namely in a world scale, both in the rich and poor countries all over the world.

Stalinism-Hoxhaism teaches to unite proletariansand poor peasants around the world to overthrow world imperialism and to tear in pieces its global colonialist network. In any other way, the anti-colonial struggle can neither be correctly understood nor successfully implemented.

Today, the world socialist revolution is on the agenda which includes the unification of all kinds of revolutionary movements in every country, thus the anti-colonialist struggle, too.

Stalinism-Hoxhaism in the Colonial Question is the theory and tactics of the abolition of global colonialism by the world proletarian revolution, in general, and in particular the theory and tactics of transforming the colonial reserve of the dictatorship of the imperialist world bourgeoisie into an antiimperialistic, socialist reserve of the dictatorship of the world proletariat.

The basic contradiction in the Arab countries is that between wage labor and capital.
Maoism sees the peasants as the leading force of the national liberation movement. Stalinism-Hoxhaism, on the other hand, sees the world proletariat as the leader of the national liberation movement, while the leading proletarian force entirely depends on how far it is supported by the poor peasants.
As long as capitalism prevails - and all Arab countries are now capitalist - there can be no genuine national self-determination for the Arab countries. National self-determination can only be realized in an Arab world that is socialist, in which the antagonistic class contradictions are eliminated.

But national self-determination can only be finally guaranteed on a world scale, in world socialism, in the socialist world republic.
However, world imperialism does not want a united socialist Arab world with its own self-determined nations. World imperialism wants to continue the exploitation and oppression of the Arab world by means of instigating hatred among the Arab nations ("divide and rule" ! ) - if necessary, with blood and sword. And only with blood and sword can the Arab peoples defeat world imperialism.

We do not give up any demand for national self-determination voluntarily, however we will never forget to always link this demand of reforms to the revolutionary struggle for the overthrow of the bourgeoisie.

There will be no liberation of the Arab world as long as world imperialism rules the Arab world.
If the Arab world is on its own, it alone can not defeat world imperialism. World imperialism can only be defeated by the world socialist revolution. Therefore, it is the task of the Arab world to support the socialist world revolution and to help it to victory.
As Enver Hoxha teaches, we are currently living in the stage of the worldwide collapse of imperialism and the victory of the world proletarian revolution. This collapse is especially valid for the present stage of colonialism. It is therefore the task of the Arab communists, the Arab revolutionaries, the Arab working class and the Arab peoples to join the decisive struggle of the world proletariat against the world bourgeoisie and to rise together for world socialism.

On the basis of the 7th World Congress, the revisionist ECCI of the Comintern wrote a "Resolution on the Links and Relationships between the Arab Communist Parties" on February 28, 1936.
Dimitrov fought with this resolution the idea of ​​a united All-Arabic communist party and called it an "ideology of the national bourgeoisie". Dimitrov was against an All-Arab socialism. An All-Arab socialist republic considered Dimitrov to be "sectarianism" and "wishful thinking". And he shared this wrong opinion with the other revisionist Comintern leaders such as Otto Kuusinen and D.Z. Manuilsky and , by the way, also Wang Ming.
This revisionist line of rejection of an All-Arab communist party continued in 1970, notably by Bagdash, the leader of the revisionist party of Syria. After having followed the revisionist line of Dimitrov's people's front, the Syrian "communist" party became the forerunner of Soviet revisionism in the whole Arab world and a bootlicker of today's Russian imperialism and of the regime of the fascist bourgeoisie in Syria - thus a dangerous source of social-fascism within the whole Arab world.
History has convincingly refuted the false views of all these revisionists: the Arab Spring has invariably involved all the Arab countries without exception. And all the Arab countries, as well, will inevitably be involved and united in the All-Arab socialist revolution. The question of colonial liberation movements has been transformed by the world imperialists, themselves, into a global question for the overthrow of the world bourgeoisie, more precisely in a question of world proletarian revolution and thus no longer in a question of bourgeois-democratic revolution (Maoism = "New Democracy").
From this inevitably results the unification of the Arab socialist countries in the united socialist Arab republic. And from this it further follows also inevitably that the Comintern (SH) has made a clear decision in the organization question, which is oriented at the long-term goal of the All-Arab socialist republic. This corresponds perfectly to Leninism in the national and colonial question, namely the irreversible trend towards the fusion of nations.

The creation of an All-Arab Section not only strengthens the Comintern (SH) in general, but also the Sections in each Arab country, in particular. In this way, we clearly distinguish ourselves from Dimitrov in the organizational question of the Arab revolution.

The Comintern (SH) sees in the All-Arab Section the necessary and indispensable link between the Comintern (SH) and the individual Sections of the Arab countries for the creation of a unified socialist Arab world. The All-Arab Section of the Comintern (SH) fights for the All-Arab socialist republic in the socialist world republic.
We fight for a unified Arab proletarian army as a strong detachment of the proletarian world army, which can only be guided by an All-Arab Section of the Comintern (SH).
We fight for the socialist revolution of the entire Arab world, for the Arab socialist revolution as part of the world socialist revolution.
This is the line of the Comintern (SH), the only principled line with which the Arab world finds the way to its liberation.
The line of the Arab neo-revisionists, on the other hand, is to follow Dimitrov's path and stop the Arab world from making its revolutionary way to socialism. That's why the neo-revisionists are fighting the Comintern (SH). And that's why the Arab Sections defend the Comintern (SH) against the neo-revisionists.
There will be no socialist Arab world without world socialism. And world socialism will not exist without having defeated the neo-revisionists.

The Egyptian Revolution of 1919 will be defended by defeat of the neo-revisionists in Egypt, Especially, it is our task to beat Dimitrovism in Egypt by means of our invincible weapons of Stalinism-Hoxhaism.

Long live the Egyptian Revolution of 1919!

Let us crown the Egyptian Revolution of 1919 with the victory of the socialist Egyptian revolution!

Long live the Egyptian section of the Comintern (SH)!

Long live the Stalinism-Hoxhaism!

Long live world socialism and the world communism!


Wolfgang Eggers
Comintern (SH)
March 26, 2019



- Theoretical Organ -

Communist International (Stalinist - Hoxhaists)