"The dialectics of history is such that the theoretical victory of world socialism will increasingly force our opponents to disguise themselves as 'Stalinist - Hoxhaists' !"

Comintern (SH)

06 - 03 - 2012

 

 

 

The Socialist World Republic

 

Let us build the
Socialist World Republic
under the banner of

Stalinism-Hoxhaism !

 

originally written in German language and translated

by Wolfgang Eggers

 

on occasion of the 80th anniversary of the Stalinist Constitution of the Soviet Union - adopted in 1936

(including excerpts of the book: "On the foundations and concerning questions of Stalinism", published in German language)

 

What is the Stalinist-Hoxhaist definition of the Socialist World Republic?

The socialist world republic is the state of the armed rule of the world proletariat, the system of the global state of the dictatorship of the world proletariat.

 

What is the definition of Stalinist policy?

 

1. This was the mastering of the Leninist policy of the construction of socialism in "one" country and its transition to communism by means of the strengthening of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

2. The policy of Stalin was the policy of the strengthening of the socialist world camp and the weakening of the capitalist world camp.

3. The policy of Stalin was the internationalist, revolutionary brotherhood (brotherhood of arms) between the Soviet peoples of the USSR and the world proletariat, for the support of the liberation of the peoples of the world, especially for the support of bulding up socialism in the new so called "people's democracies".

Stalin's policy was the policy of the socialist world revolution for the overthrow of the capitalist world camp and the establishment of a socialist world. Stalin's policy was the policy of paving the way towards the creation of the dictatorship of the world proletariat.

4. Stalin's policy was the masterly policy of exploiting the contradictions within the capitalist world camp. Stalin forced the powers of the whole capitalist world (against their own will), to support the socialist world camp. Stalin made use of the means and methods of the class enemy to the advantage of the matter of the world proletariat (alienation of capitalist forces for the purpose to steer them in the direction of their own destruction).

 

What were the decisive historical steps of Stalinist policy for the creation of the Soviet Union ?

1. The defense of the military interference of world capitalism by the establishment of a military alliance of Soviet Republics in the period of the civil war.

2. Facilitating the struggle against the diplomatic pressure of world capitalism by the diplomatic alliance of the Soviet Republics in the period of Genoa and Hague.

3. The transformation of the Soviet Republics into a fortress against the attacks of international capital by the unification of the Soviet Republics as a single federal state.

4. Creation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics as a model for the coming Socialist World Republic of Soviets (!).

 

What was the essence of the national policy of Stalin ?

"The essence of this policy can be expressed in a few words:

renunciation of all "claims" and "rights" to regions inhabited by non-Russian nations;

recognition (not in words but in deeds) of the right of these nations to exist as independent states;

a voluntary military and economic union of these nations with central Russia;

assistance to the backward nations in their cultural and economic development, without which what is known as "national equality of rights" becomes an empty sound;

all this based on the complete emancipation of the peasants and the concentration of all power in the hands of the labouring elements of the border nations."

(Stalin, Works, Volume 5; The October Revolution and the National Policy of the Russian Communists, November 6-7, 1921

* * *

In the year, before Stalin was proposed as general secretary, the latter had, at the X Party Congress, given a report about the theses on the next tasks of the party in the national question - namely with the full support of Lenin:

"A federation of Soviet republics is the needed form of state union, and the living embodiment of this form is the R.S.F.S.R."

(Stalin Works, Volume 5; Report on the immediate tasks of the party in the National Question March 10, 1921).

Stalin's thesis number 5 on the Soviet Federal System says:

 

"5. A federation of Soviet republics based on common military and economic interests is the general form of the state union that will make it possible :

a) to ensure the integrity and economic development of each individual republic and of the federation as a whole;

b) to embrace all the diversity as regards manner of life, culture and economic condition of the various nations and nationalities, which are at present at different stages of development, and to apply corresponding forms of federation;

c) to arrange the peaceful co-existence and fraternal co-operation of the nations and nationalities which, in one way or another, have linked their fate with that of the federation.

Russia's experience in employing different forms of federation, ranging from federation based on Soviet autonomy (Kirghizia, Bashkiria, Tataria, the Highlands, Daghestan) to federation based on treaty relations with independent Soviet republics (the Ukraine, Azerbaijan), and permitting intermediate stages (Turkestan, Byelorussia), has fully proved the expediency and flexibility of federation as the general form of state union of the Soviet republics." (February 10, 1921)

 

* * *

 

The creation of the Soviet Union was based on the close collaboration between Lenin and Stalin, while the Trotskyists accused Stalin of a policy of alleged "bourgeois nationalism". In contrast to the claims of the Trotskyists, the Soviet Union was the first internationalist federal state of the proletariat.

Lenin has paved the way for the creation of the Soviet Union, and Stalin was ultimately the actual founder and leader of the USSR. According to this great model, Stalinism is therefore an indispensable ideological-political basis for the foundation and creation of the future World Union of Socialist Soviet Republics [ WUSSR ].

* * *

On 11 August 1922 and from 23 to 24 September 1922, Stalin directed a commission to deal with the question of the mutual relations between the RSFRS (...) and the Transcaucasian Federation. On 27 September he went to Gorky to discuss the questions with Lenin. On 6 October, he gave a report at the plenum of the CC of the R.C.P.(B.). It is set up by the plenum of the Central Committee to lead a commission to prepare the founding of the USSR. On 16 October Stalin informed the CC of the R.C.P.(B.) of the decision of the Plenum that the Transcaucasian Federation would be maintained against the will of the social-national minority. From 21 to 28 November the Commission, led by Stalin, worked out a constitutional draft of the USSR. In the Politburo, he reports on November 30, 1922, which confirms Stalin's "Basic Points of the Constitution of the USSR". On 5 December 1922, Stalin was elected to the sub-commission at the meeting of the commission of the plenum of the Central Committee of the R.C.P.(B.) to draft the text of the Constitution and the Declaration. On 16 December Stalin's draft was adopted. It states:

"Since the formation of Soviet republics, the world's states have been divided into two camps: the camp of capitalism and the camp of socialism. (Shdanov later replaced the concept of the "camp of socialism" by the so-called "democratic camp" - noted by W.E.). Only in the camp of the Soviets, under the conditions of the dictatorship of the proletariat, that the majority of the population gathered around them, it was possible to radically destroy national oppression, creating an atmosphere of mutual trust, and laying the foundations of the fraternal co-operation of the peoples. It was only through these circumstances that the Soviet Republics succeeded in warding off the invasions of the imperialists of the whole world, the internal as well as the external " (Declaration on the Formation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, adopted at the First Union Congress of the Soviets on 30 December 1922).

This proved to be true also later by the victory of the Great Patriotic War concerning the development of the so called "People's Democracies".

In contrast to his enemies, Stalin was never advocating some "nationalist type" of a socialist state (as an end in itself). The character of the Soviet Union was that of an internationalist state in the sense of proletarian internationalism.

To learn from Stalin means to define the future states of socialism as world-socialist states, namely in application of the States of the Soviet Union on a global scale.

For Stalin, a socialist nation was never self-purpose or end goal, but destined to contribute to the emergence of socialist nations all over the world. To start with socialism "in one" country, this was the correct policy of Stalin to achieve this global goal.

Any socialist nation that does not fight for the world revolution, abandons and undermines the struggle for the world revolution, is dedicated to the fate of the restoration of the bourgeois nation, is a nationalist and not an internationalist nation, betrays the interests of the world proletariat. The existence of every socialist nation is inseparably linked with the perspective of the necessary establishment of the dictatorship of the world proletariat. Lenin and Stalin were always conscious about this truth. This is not just a theoretical question, but a historical fact that took its course with the death of Stalin, namely with the seizure of power by the modern revisionists.

One can not be for the socialist nation without being for the world revolution. This would mean abandoning itself as a communist and moving into the bourgeois camp. In contrast to his opponents' assertions, Stalin never underestimated, let alone, or even betrayed the struggle for the world revolution.

Stalin remained loyal to his oath at Lenin's grave - to fight for the world revolution his whole life long, thus until his death. When Lenin died in 1924, Stalin, on Lenin's suggestion, took his place. Stalin was his closest contender and most loyal follower. Lenin and Stalin have always fought side by side as leaders of the world revolution. In all matters, in every serious situation, in every important decision, Lenin and Stalin had in mind the world revolution. Together they created the ideological, political and organizational foundations of the revolutionary Bolshevik party, which was later able to overthrow the power of the exploiting classes. Together they led an irreconcilable struggle against Trotskyism and other phenomena of opportunism and, despite the resistance of the opportunists, established the rule of the working class, created the glorious USSR.

The socialist revolution was victorious because there was a Bolshevik party at the head of the working class and the working masses, a party led by Lenin and Stalin in fierce struggle against all the anti-Marxist and opportunistic elements. In this struggle they both formed a united and monolithic party on the basis of the revolutionary Marxist-Leninist theory, which differed from all previous socialist parties by an iron proletarian discipline. The doctrine of the role of the revolutionary party, developed by Lenin and further developed by Stalin, is one of the fundamental and decisive doctrines, without which no party of the working class of any country, no Communist world party, no Communist International can achieve the goals of communism. Stalin led the Soviet Union to socialism and paved the way for its transition to communism. This achievement is undoubtedly the greatest and most powerful merit he has acquired in the history of communism. The doctrine of socialism "in one country" was worked out by Lenin and further developed by Stalin - against Trotskyism. With socialism "in one" country, the first socialist camp arose in opposition to the capitalist world.

Stalin's doctrine of the creation of the socialist world camp, the world revolutionary transition from the period of "socialism in one country" to the period of the socialist countries throughout the world, this is one of the pillars of Stalinism.

As early as 1922, Stalin thus put into effect the world-historical Leninist theory of the two world camps - the capitalist and socialist camp - with the creation of the USSR:

"The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, as you know, was formed in 1922, at the First Congress of Soviets of the U.S.S.R. It was formed on the principles of equality and the voluntary affiliation of the peoples of the U.S.S.R. The Constitution now in force, adopted in 1924, was the first Constitution of the U.S.S.R. That was the period when relations among the peoples had not yet been properly adjusted, when survivals of distrust towards the Great-Russians had not yet disappeared, and when centrifugal forces still continued to operate. Under those conditions it was necessary to establish fraternal cooperation among the peoples on the basis of economic, political, and military mutual aid by uniting them in a single federated, multi-national state. The Soviet government could not but see the difficulties of this task.

It had before it the unsuccessful experiments of multi-national states in bourgeois countries. It had before it the experiment of old Austria-Hungary, which ended in failure. Nevertheless, it resolved to make the experiment of creating a multi-national state, for it knew that a multi-national state which has arisen on the basis of Socialism is bound to stand every and any test.

Since then fourteen years have elapsed. A period long enough to test the experiment. And what do we find? This period has shown beyond a doubt that the experiment of forming a multi-national state based on Socialism has been completely successful. This is the undoubted victory of the Leninist national policy.    (Prolonged applause.)

How is this victory to be explained?

The absence of exploiting classes, which are the principal organizers of strife between nations; the absence of exploitation, which cultivates mutual distrust and kindles nationalist passions; the fact that power is in the hands of the working class, which is the foe of all enslavement and the true vehicle of the ideas of internationalism; the actual practice of mutual aid among the peoples in all spheres of economic and social life; and, finally, the flourishing national culture of the peoples of the U.S.S.R., culture which is national in form and Socialist in content - all these and similar factors have brought about a radical change in the aspect of the peoples of the U.S.S.R.; their feeling of mutual distrust has disappeared, a feeling of mutual friendship has developed among them, and thus real fraternal cooperation among the peoples has been established within the system of a single federated state.

As a result, we now have a fully formed multinational Socialist state, which has stood all tests, and whose stability might well be envied by any national state in any part of the world. (Loud applause.)

Such are the changes which have taken place during this period in the sphere of national relations in the U.S.S.R.

Such is the sum total of changes which have taken place in the sphere of the economic and social-political life of the U.S.S.R. in the period from 1924 to 1936."

(On the Draft Constitution of the U.S.S.R. - 25 November 1936 )

The creation of the USSR meant a tremendous strengthening of the Soviet power and a great victory of the Lenin-Stalinist policy of the Bolshevik party in the national question.

 

Defending Stalinism means defending this important pillar of the doctrine of the USSR and the solution of its national question. This does not mean to refrain from the modification of Stalinism applied to the changed circumstances of globalization. In the contrary, defence of Stalinism includes the requirement of modification according to changing conditions of its application. Hoxhaism is the advanced development of Stalinism, not least in the national question. This concerns especially the following 4th thesis of Stalin which was correct in the time of its application:

" The isolated existence of individual Soviet republics is unstable and precarious owing to their existence being threatened by the capitalist states. The common interests of defence of the Soviet republics, in the first place, the task of restoring the productive forces destroyed by the war, in the second place, and the necessary assistance the grain-growing Soviet republics must render those which do not grow grain, in the third place, all imperatively dictate the necessity of a state union of the individual Soviet republics as the only means of salvation from imperialist bondage and national oppression. The national Soviet republics which have liberated themselves from "their own" and the "foreign" bourgeoisie can maintain their existence and defeat the combined forces of imperialism only by uniting in a close state union, or they will not defeat them at all."

(Stalin: The Immediate task of the Party in the National Question - Theses for the Tenth Congress of the R.C.P.(B.) Endorsed by the Central Committee of the Party, February 10, 1921)

After the betrayal of the modern revisionists the Stalinist world camp was nearly completely destroyed - with the exception of socialist Albania. Hoxhaism proved that a small country can successfully build up socialism even on the conditions of imperialist-revisionist encirclement. The defence of the dictatorship of the Albanian proletariat failed because, after Enver Hoxha's death, the revisionists came to power in which course the mask of Stalinism-Hoxhaism slipped.

 

Stalinism-Hoxhaism can not be defended today if a "copy" of the USSR or the former socialist Albania is constructed on a world scale by means of an armchair decision. One must understand the essence of Stalinism-Hoxhaism and build up a world union of world-socialist states, which, under the present conditions of globalization, correctly reflects and maximally satisfies at best the national and social needs of the peoples of the whole world.

The new form of the Union of World-Socialist Republics develops in the international class struggle itself, namely according to the ideas and will of the world proletariat and not as the result of clever scholars, with whom one can not "nose out" and "design" any practicable forms. The special state forms of world of socialism can not be "cooked up". They must be scientifically elaborated in the class struggle. This is what Marxism-Leninism teaches.

The socialist nation, in the first period of socialism, had to defend itself against the encirclement of the whole capitalist world. Socialism was constantly threatened by capitalism. The establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat was the basic pillar on which the victorious solution of the national question in the USSR was built. The history of the socialist nation in this period was the history of the defense of numerous economic, political, ideological and military attacks and wars. The world-imperialist (and revisionist) encirclement of the dictatorship of the proletariat shaped the type of socialist nation in the first period of socialism.

On a world scale, the national question can only be resolved by the socialist world revolution of the world proletariat.

World capitalism will fail because it can never solve the social and national question, because the whole existence of capitalism is based on exploitation and oppression. This is the reason why world capitalism is digging its own grave.

World Socialism is victorious in its revolutionary struggle for the international solution of the social and national question because it is able to remove exploitation and oppression all over the world.

In World Socialism it will look something like this:

- The cessation of the contradiction between exploiting and oppressing nations and exploited and oppressed nations;

- The cessation of globalized, world-imperialist exploitation;

- The elimination of the main imperialist war-mongers, who have provoked and fostered hate and wars among the nations;

- The power of the world proletariat all over the world, which abolishes all enslavement, and which is the loyal bearer of the implementation of the ideas of proletarian internationalism;

- The actual realization of the mutual aid of all peoples in all spheres of world economy and globalized liberation of social life;

- The flowering of the culture of the peoples by means of the socialist world-union, is still national in its forms (but no longer as a type of a bourgeois nation), the content of the World Union of socialist countries is socialist in nature.

All of these and similar factors will lead to a complete change in the physiognomy of the peoples in the socialist world, the disappearance of the feeling of mutual distrust and, above all, of the feeling of being dominated by any new bourgeois world power, and thus the truly brotherly cooperation of peoples will come about in the world system of socialist states. Major changes will take place in the field of national relations in the socialist world. The result will be that we have a fully developed socialist nationality state on the world scale, which will withstand all tests and which will confirm the infallibility of the model of the USSR of Lenin and Stalin.

In the second period of socialism, the socialist nations form commonly a world union under the conditions of the world dictatorship of the proletariat. The antagonistic contradiction of nations of the world capitalist system is transformed, with the help of the world dictatorship of the proletariat, into a non-antagonistic contradiction between socialist nations.

In World Socialism, too, in the beginning, there will be a certain period of overcoming the remains of distrust towards the then previous imperialist powers, which - though changed into strong socialist countries - are tainted with remains of "great"-power chauvinism. Counter-measures by the dictatorship of the world proletariat will probably still be unavoidable to a certain extent.

World dictatorship of the proletariat is the armed world power of the workers against the restoration of world capitalism, against the counterrevolutionary remains of world imperialism. We must never forget that the new World Union of socialist states is born from the womb of the world-imperialist state system and has thus to cope with and to overcome all its birthmarks.

In the second period of socialism it is necessary to organize the fraternal co-operation and mutual aid of the peoples on the basis of unified nations in a World Union of Soviet Republics.

In doing so, the catastrophal experiences with the former revisionist world camp, which was a social imperialist system with its own vassal states, must not be ignored. The restoration of a revisionist world-state system must be prevented at all costs.

The World Union of Socialist States must always be guided by Stalinism-Hoxhaism and combat any opportunistic-revisionist deviation.

 

The international significance of the Stalin constitution of 1936

 

Stalin was perfectly right when he said:

"It will be an historical document dealing in simple and concise terms, almost in the style of minutes, with the facts of the victory of Socialism in the U.S.S.R., with the facts of the emancipation of the working people of the U.S.S.R. from capitalist slavery, with the facts of the victory in the U.S.S.R. of full and thoroughly consistent democracy.

It will be a document testifying to the fact that what millions of honest people in capitalist countries have dreamed of and still dream of has already been realized in the U.S.S.R. (Loud applause.)

It will be a document testifying to the fact that what has been realized in the U.S.S.R. is fully possible of realization in other countries also. (Loud applause.)

But from this it follows that the international significance of the new Constitution of the U.S.S.R. can hardly be exaggerated.

Today, when the turbid wave of fascism is bespattering the Socialist movement of the working class and besmirching the democratic strivings of the best people in the civilized world, the new Constitution of the U.S.S.R. will be an indictment against fascism, declaring that Socialism and democracy are invincible. (Applause.) The new Constitution of the U.S.S.R. will give moral assistance and real support to all those who are today fighting fascist barbarism. (Loud applause.)

Still greater is the significance of the new Constitution of the U.S.S.R. for the peoples of the U.S.S.R. While for the peoples of capitalist countries the Constitution of the U.S.S.R. will have the significance of a program of action, it is significant for the peoples of the U.S.S.R. as the summary of their struggles, a summary of their victories in the struggle for the emancipation of mankind. After the path of struggle and privation that has been traversed, it is pleasant and joyful to have our Constitution, which treats of the fruits of our victories. It is pleasant and joyful to know what our people fought for and how they achieved this victory of worldwide historical importance. It is pleasant and joyful to know that the blood our people shed so plentifully was not shed in vain, that it has produced results.

The constitution increases confidence in our strength and mobilizes us for fresh struggles for the achievement of new victories of Communism."

(Stalin: On the Draft Constitution of the U.S.S.R.)

To revive this international significance of the Stalin constitution as a world-historical victory of the dictatorship of the proletariat in its practical implementation under today's conditions, this means, to understand and apply the foundations of Stalinism on a world scale.

The future constitution of the new WUSSR [World Union of Soviet Socialist Republics], the Union of World-Socialist Republics, will unquestionably crown the victory of Stalin's constitution on a world scale:

The first 12 articles of the famous constitution of the USSR simply require a simple exchange of names "USSR" by "WUSSR" and can be copied literally on a world scale. Why not ?

 

 

Draft

Constitution of the

W.U.S.S.R.

 

[World Union of Soviet Socialist Republics]

 

- 20 articles -

 

ARTICLE 1.

The World Union of Soviet Socialist Republics is a socialist state of workers and peasants.

ARTICLE 2.

The Soviets of Working People's Deputies, which grew and attained strength as a result of the overthrow of the landlords and capitalists and the achievement of the dictatorship of the proletariat, constitute the political foundation of the W.U.S.S.R.

ARTICLE 3.

In the W.U.S.S.R. all power belongs to the working people of all countries as represented by the Soviets of Working People's Deputies.

ARTICLE 4.

The socialist system of economy and the socialist ownership of the means and instruments of production, firmly established as a result of the abolition of the capitalist system of economy, the abrogation of private ownership of the means and instruments of production and the abolition of the exploitation of man by man, constitute the economic foundation of the W.U.S.S.R.

ARTICLE 5.

Socialist property in the W.U.S.S.R. exists either in the form of state property (the commonly shared possession of the whole peoples), or in the form of cooperative and collective-farm property (property of a collective farm or property of a cooperative association).

ARTICLE 6.

The world, its natural deposits, waters, forests, mills, factories, mines, rail, water and air transport, banks, post, telegraph, and telephones, large state organized agricultural enterprises (state farms, machine and tractor stations and the like) as well as municipal enterprises and the bulk of the dwelling houses in the cities and industrial localities, are state property, that is, belong to the whole peoples.

ARTICLE 7.

Public enterprises in collective farms and cooperative organizations, with their livestock and implements, the products of the collective farms and cooperative organizations, as well as their common buildings, constitute the common, socialist property of the collective farms and cooperative organizations.

In addition to its basic income from the public, collective-farm enterprise, every household in a collective farm has for its personal use a small plot of land attached to the dwelling and, as its personal property, a subsidiary establishment on the plot, a dwelling house, livestock, poultry and minor agricultural implements - in accordance with the the statutes of the agricultural artel.

ARTICLE 8.

The land occupied by collective farms is secured to them for their use free of charge and for an unlimited time, that is, in perpetuity.

ARTICLE 9.

Alongside the socialist world system of economy, which is the predominant form of economy in the W.U.S.S.R., the law permits the small private economy of individual peasants and handicraftsmen based on their personal labour and precluding the exploitation of the labour of others.

ARTICLE 10.

The right of citizens to personal ownership of their incomes from work and of their savings, of their dwelling houses and subsidiary household economy, their household furniture and utensils and articles of personal use and convenience, as well as the right of inheritance of personal property of citizens, is protected by law.

ARTICLE 11.

The economic life of the W.U.S.S.R. is determined and directed by the global economic plan with the aim of increasing the public wealth, of steadily improving the material conditions of the working people and raising their cultural level, of consolidating the independence of the W.U.S.S.R. and strengthening its defensive capacity.

ARTICLE 12.

In the W.U.S.S.R. work is a duty and a matter of honour for every able-bodied citizen, in accordance with the principle: "He who does not work, neither shall he eat."

The principle applied in the W.U.S.S.R. is that of socialism : "From each according to his ability, to each according to his work."

[ The Comintern (SH) adds only further eight articles to illustrate and define the fundamental differences between the constitutions of the capitalist countries and the socialist world system]

ARTICLE 13.

In contrast to the constitutions of the countries of the capitalist world, the constitutions of the countries of the socialist world are all derived from the constitution of the W.U.S.S.R. which is based on the constitution of the USSR (1936) and the constitution of Socialist Albania (1976/77).
The constitutions of all the new Socialist Nations are based on their voluntariness of subordination under the constitution of the W.U.S.S.R.

ARTICLE 14.

In contrast to the constitutions of the nations of the world imperialist order, the constitutions of the nations of the world-socialist order are based on the fact that the capitalist order of the world society has been defeated and eliminated and that the socialist world order, the W.U.S.S.R., prevails.

The WUSSR 's constitution is based on the principles of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism, on the principles of world socialism, on its already established and realized foundations:

- the socialist and collective property of land, ground, forests etc, and the socialist property of factories and plants and other means of production and instruments all over the world;

- the abolition of the exploitation and removal of exploiting classes in all countries of the world;

- The removal of the misery of the majority of the world's population, and the abolishment of wastefulness through its minority, which has hitherto held the world's riches in its hands;

- The elimination of world unemployment;

- The work as the task and the duty of honor of every working socialist citizen according to the formula: "He who does not work, neither shall he eat." The right to work, that is, the world right of every socialist citizen to guaranteed employment; The world right to recovery; The world right to education, etc

ARTICLE 15.

The bourgeois constitutions of the world imperialist order guaranteed that the world is maintained by the antagonistic class society, namely of classes which possess the world, and the vast majority of classes which possess nothing but its labour power. In contrast, the constitution of the WUSSR assumes that there is no longer any antagonistic classes in the world society, that the world society consists of two friendly classes, of workers and peasants, that the working classes of all countries commenly possess the world power, that the world dictatorship of the working class - as the most advanced class of the world-society (the hegemony of the world proletariat), that the socialist world constitution is necessary to anchor all the socialist conditions that are favorable and beneficial to all the working people around the world.

ARTICLE 16.

The bourgeois constitutions of the capitalist world order are characterized by the fact that the nations and races can not be equated, that there are privileged nations and discriminated nations, that there is also a third category of nations or races - the colonies, which have even fewer rights than the underprivileged nations. This means that all constitutions are exploited in first line by a minority of nations, by nations which rule over the world.

In contrast to this world imperialist constitutional system, the constitution of the WUSSR is deeply internationalist. It assumes that all world socialist nations and races are equal. It assumes that differences in skin color or language, cultural level or level of economic development, as well as any other differences between nations and races, can never serve as a reason to justify any inequality of nations. The Constitution of WUSSR guarantees that all nations and races, irrespective of their past and present situation, enjoy equal rights in all spheres of the economic, social, state and cultural life of the entire socialist world society, irrespective of their strength or weakness.

 

 

ARTICLE 17.

In the constitutions of the nations of the world imperialist order great words of "human rights", "democracy", "environmental protection", etc., were written in order to violate them in practice. In the capitalist world, democracy exists only for a rich minority. The majority of the world's population is practically excluded from democratic rights.

In the constitution of WUSSR there is no difference between word and deed against the majority of the world population as regards human rights, world democracy, the conservation (and the reconstruction of the destroyed) nature. In order to guarantee world democracy and the human rights of the majority of the world's population in order to guarantee the elimination of the destruction of the world, the constitution of the WUSSR is founded on the world dictatorship of the proletariat over the minority of the rich. This minority does not accept world socialism, and tries to restore the world-imperialist order by all counterrevolutionary means.

There is no distinction between active and passive citizenship in the WUSSR's constitution. For the WUSSR all citizens are politically active. The constitution of the WUSSR guarantees the equality of man and woman in word and deed. Inequalities are incompatible with the constitution, as "residents" and "non-residents", the possessors and non-possessors, educated and uneducated, etc. For the WUSSR constitution, all citizens around the world, as well as their rights and duties, are equal. It is not the position of a certain person or a certain country, but the personal abilities and the personal work of every citizen throughout the world, which determine the position of a person or a country in comparison with another. Not wealth, not national or social origin, not gender or social position determines the position in the socialist world society but only the contribution to its strengthening and the prosperity of all.

 

ARTICLE 18.

In the constitutions of the bourgeois nations throughout the world, the realization of the rights of their citizens is guaranteed, but the paper is not worth of these rights. In reality, all these constitutions guarantee only the rights of the rich. The poor have no rights. On the contrary, if the workers and peasants want to claim these rights for themselves, they are prevented from doing so. They are even punished if they violate the "rights" of the rich. (namely the constitutional rights of the rich to exploit and to suppress the people !)

In contrast, the constitution of WUSSR abolishes the bourgeois rights of exploitation and oppression. It provides in practice all the means to the development of socialist man, for all jobs, liberates all from exploitation, from unemployment, from capitalist crises, creates the necessary material for the realization of world democracy, health and prosperity for every citizen of the world. World socialism is, so to speak, a single large office or large factory where equal labour is payed equal - on a world scale. The constitution of the WUSSR guarantees globally the stepwise minimization of the pay gap.

ARTICLE 19.

In the capitalist world the law of the jungle was valid. The rich nations trampled under foot the rights of the poor nations. The rights of the imperialist military boots and the profit interests of the "great", "rich" nations were protected. The world capital dominated the UNO and other international organizations and associations.

In the beginning, world socialism is still dealing with the overcoming of the remains of the blains of the capitalist state system. The constitutions of the individual capitalist states hamper and violate all global human rights through national restrictions. If a citizen changes from one country to another, he or she is confronted with and discriminated by the respective national laws - let alone threatenings by racism and xenophobia. The globalization of world capital means nothing but globalization of discrimination, exploitation and oppression. The global citizen needs a global state, a socialist state that does not serve the profit, exploitation and oppression, but the needs of all world citizens, no matter where they live and work. This can only be guaranteed by the WUSSR. The political power for the abolishment of national privileges and discriminations belongs to the internationalist world proletariat. Only this world-political power of the workers and peasants guarantees justice and freedom for the majority of the world population in a globalized world, no matter where they live or want to live.

 

ARTICLE 20.

Since the WUSSR is a voluntary union of equal nations, the Constitution guarantees the right of any World Socialist Republic to freely decide its exit from the WUSSR.

 

* * *

 

What distinguishes the WUSSR from the socialist world state?

The WUSSR is a union of all nationality states of the world - thus the realization of the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin on a global scale. The WUSSR is still not identical with the future socialist world state but only an indispensable step for the creation of a a monolithic socialist world state that we strive for. Stalin teaches:

"5. The fifth amendment concerns Article 33. The creation of two chambers is regarded as inexpedient, and it is proposed that the Soviet of Nationalities be abolished. I think that this amendment is also wrong. A single-chamber system would be better than a dual-chamber system if the U.S.S.R. were a singlenation state. But the U.S.S.R. is not a single-nation state. The U.S.S.R., as we know, is a multi-national state. We have a supreme body in which are represented the common interests of all the working people of the U.S.S.R. irrespective of nationality. This is the Soviet of the Union. But in addition to common interests, the nationalities of the U.S.S.R. have their particular, specific interests, connected with their specific national characteristics. Can these specific interests be ignored? No, they cannot. Do we need a special supreme body to reflect precisely these specific interests? Unquestionably, we do. There can be no doubt that without such a body it would be impossible to administer a multi-national state like the U.S.S.R. Such a body is the second chamber, the Soviet of Nationalities of the U.S.S.R.

Reference is made to the parliamentary history of European and American states; it is pointed out that the dual-chamber system in these countries has produced only negative results - that the second chamber usually degenerates into a centre of reaction and a brake on progress. All that is true. But this is due to the fact that in those countries there is no equality between the two chambers. As we know, the second chamber is not infrequently granted more rights than the first chamber, and, moreover, as a rule the second chamber is constituted undemocratically, its members not infrequently being appointed from above. Undoubtedly, these defects will be obviated if equality is established between the chambers and if the second chamber is constituted as democratically as the first.

(Stalin: On the Draft Constitution of the U.S.S.R.;

V.  Amendments and Addenda to the Draft Constitution)

The WUSSR will therefore not give up the two-chamber system in accordance with the teachings of Stalin. The single-chamber system only comes into force when a unified socialist world-state has developed.

 

 

Does world communism still need a constitution after the socialist world state has been abolished?


No, in world-communism, the constitution is not necessary anymore in the conventional sense, just as also the constituent state, itself, has become superfluous. This does not rule out the fact that particular parts of the Constitution can still be applied for a short time in certain cases in world communism. In the more matured form of world communism, however, people are educated enough to live without the state and its constitution. Constitutions are nothing but instruments of class dictatorship. World communism, however, is a classless world order.

The globalization of the imperialist world order offers already partly some means for all people to be able to govern the world jointly, to communicate and produce together, to share and distribute their products, to regulate their life and relations free and self-determined, thus without any "commands from above".

However, the rights guaranteed in the WUSSR constitution can never be higher than the world socialist relations of production and the cultural development conditioned thereby. In world socialism "bourgeois law" has not yet been completely abolished. Abolished is the right to private property, the basic pillar of the capitalist world society. Lenin said in "State and Revolution":

"'Bourgeois law' is not abolished in its entirety, but only in part, only in proportion to the economic revolution so far attained, i.e., only in respect of the means of production. 'Bourgeois law' recognizes them as the private property of individuals. Socialism converts them into common property. To that extent--and to that extent alone--'bourgeois law' disappears.

However, it persists as far as its other part is concerned; it persists in the capacity of regulator (determining factor) in the distribution of products and the allotment of labor among the members of society. We must not think that having overthrown capitalism people will at once learn to work for society without any rules of law. There still remains the need for a state, which, while safeguarding the common ownership of the means of production, would safeguard equality in labor and in the distribution of products." (Lenin: State and Revolution, Collected Works, Volume 25, page 472)

World socialism does not yet abolish 'bourgeois law', which gives unequal countries, in return for unequal (really unequal) amounts of labor, equal amounts of products.

World socialism is not yet world communism, but a special pre-form of world communism on a lower level. Marxism-Leninism describes socialism as the first phase of communist society. To this extent, world socialism has not yet developed so far as the USSR of Lenin and Stalin which had already developed on the road to the higher phase, to communism in "one country". [inverted commas express the encirclement by the capitalist world. A communist country, which is surrounded by socialist or other communist countries is written without inverted commas - note of W. E.].

Nevertheless, world socialism is superior to communism in "one" country, namely by the result of the elimination of the encirclement by world capitalism whereby the inevitability of the restoration of capitalism is abolished. This facilitates and accelerates the transition to the second, higher phase of communism on an international scale. Only world socialism creates the preconditions for the guarantee of communism in one country.

Lenin teaches:

"In its first phase, or first stage, communism cannot as yet be fully mature economically and entirely free from traditions or vestiges of capitalism. Hence the interesting phenomenon that communism in its first phase retains 'the narrow horizon of bourgeois law'. Of course, bourgeois law in regard to the distribution of consumer goods inevitably presupposes the existence of the bourgeois state, for law is nothing without an apparatus capable of enforcing the observance of the rules of law.

It follows that under communism there remains for a time not only bourgeois law, but even the bourgeois state, without the bourgeoisie!

This may sound like a paradox or simply a dialectical conundrum of which Marxism is often accused by people who have not taken the slightest trouble to study its extraordinarily profound content.

But in fact, remnants of the old, surviving in the new, confront us in life at every step, both in nature and in society. And Marx did not arbitrarily insert a scrap of 'bourgeois' law into communism, but indicated what is economically and politically inevitable in a society emerging out of the womb of capitalism."

(Lenin: State and Revolution, Collected Works, Volume 25, page 476)

The "bourgeois law" and thus the constitution of the WUSSR will only be completely abolished with the completion of world communism, namely if the members of the scociety can regulate their coexistence everywhere on the globe even without compelling legal norms by themselves.

In world communism, the national question is solved. Communism is international both in its form and content. In communism, the last national shapes of world society fall. The fusions of all nations of the world will be followed by their final withering away. The merging of nations presupposes their revolutionary secession from the capitalist world system, presupposes the global creation of world socialism. The disintegration process of the bourgeois nations is directly linked to the disintegration process of world capitalism. The merging process of the socialist nations begins with the transition to world communism.

The fate of all bourgeois nations is sealed by the overthrow of the world-capitalist state system. They are more or less on a drip-feed of world capital which sucks their blood. World socialism removes both capitalism and capitalist nations. World socialism promotes and supports both the socialism in every country and also the strenghtening of socialist nations.

The liberation of the world proletariat also means the liberation of the nations from their enslavement by the world capital. The breakdown of the world capitalist system of states is the prerequisite for the free and voluntary unification of world-socialist nations, which in turn form the precondition for their fusion. Nothing has changed in the nature of Stalinism, but globalization will accelerate the formation of the Stalinist-Hoxhaist WUSSR, will promote new forms of the union of states that contribute to the emergence of the socialist world republic, the emergence of a single united socialist world state. The creation of the theoretical foundations of the Socialist World Republic is object of the further development of Stalinism-Hoxhaism. The theory of the Socialist World Republic is both the highest and final form of Marxist State theory.

 

What is the basis of Stalinism-Hoxhaism in the national question?

The basis of Stalinism in the national question was the construction of the USSR under the conditions of the world-imperialist encirclement. The basis of Hoxhaism in the national question is the construction of the Socialist Albania under the conditions of the imperialist-revisionist encirclement. The basis of Stalinism-Hoxhaism in the national question is the global destruction of any encirclement by exploiting and oppressive nations.

The elimination of the antagonistic contradictions between the nations, the abolition of the exploitation of one nation by other nations, the establishment of the equality of nations, the solidarity and friendly co - operation and union of nations, the overcoming of the backwardness of nations (caused by the capitalist law of unevenness of development of capitalist countries) -all this is a general principle of the transition from world capitalism to world socialism.

The elimination of the non-antagonistic contradictions between the nations, the fusion of the nations up to the gradual abolition of the nations as such, is a general principle of the transition from world socialism to world communism. By the way, all the contradictions can not be solved absolutely, ie. certain natural inequalities between people of this or that former nation or this or that region of the world remain largely unaffected.

 

How do we correctly apply the foundations of Stalinism-Hoxhaism to the present situation in the national question?

 

Today, the national question can only be solved with the help of the socialist world revolution. For only with the global liberation from capitalism can the foundation for the equality and development of the free will of the peoples of the whole world, the liberation of every nation of exploitation and oppression, be created.

Stalinism-Hoxhaism in the national question today means global liberation from world capitalism, is called struggle for the socialist world revolution, means world-revolutionary liberation of every single capitalist nation and its transformation into a socialist nation.

The USSR of Lenin and Stalin is no longer existing and will never exist again in its former shape, this we tell to all those who dream of re-establishing exactly the copy of the old USSR of Lenin and Stalin. The world proletariat does not wish once again a fatherland with Herculean sacrifices, a Soviet Union which had to suffer and to resist all the brutal crimes of the whole imperialist world. never again ! Instead, we want a new USSR as part of the WUSSR - a USSR of a new type. Our aim is to build up a USSR which is surrounded by a friendly socialist world and not again encircled by a hostile imperialist world. This is the Stalinist-Hoxhaist solution of the question of the re-establishment of the USSR of Lenin and Stalin. Defending the USSR of Lenin and Stalin, that means to re-establish it by means of modifications according to the future conditions of the globalized development of the world society.

 

What is the future fatherland of the worldproletariat ?

The old USSR of Lenin and Stalin was the first fatherland of the world proletariat and Socialist Albania the second one. In a globalized world the fatherland of the world proletariat can not be smaller than the whole world. There is no longer a fatherland of the world proletariat, it was destroyed by the capitalists. But there is, of course, still a world proletariat, which, by the way, has become a gigantic global revolutionary class, the greatest world proletariat that the world has never seen before. Today the fatherland is no longer confined to any country in the world, as in the first period of socialism. In the second period of socialism, the fatherland of the world proletariat encompasses all countries over the entire globe. The proletarian "fatherland" of tomorrow knows neither frontiers nor boundaries. This distinguishes the fatherland of the world proletariat in the first period of socialism, from the "fatherland" of the world proletariat in the second period, in the period of world socialism. The future "fatherland" of the world proletariat will be the Socialist World Republic. The doctrine of the construction of the Socialist World Republic - that is the doctrine of the future "fatherland" of the world proletariat - that is the doctrine of Stalinism-Hoxhaism of today and tomorrow.

Lenin teaches:

"In the first place, the interests of labour demand the fullest confidence and the closest alliance among the working people of different countries and nations. The supporters of the landowners and capitalists, of the bourgeoisie, strive to disunite the workers, to intensify national discord and enmity, in order to weaken the workers and strengthen the power of capital.

Capital is an international force. To vanquish it, an international workers’ alliance, an international workers’ brotherhood, is needed.

We are opposed to national enmity and discord, to national exclusiveness. We are internationalists. We stand for the close union and the complete amalgamation of the workers and peasants of all nations in a single world Soviet republic."

"We want a voluntary union of nations—a union which precludes any coercion of one nation by another—a union founded on complete confidence, on a clear recognition of brotherly unity, on absolutely voluntary consent. Such a union cannot be effected at one stroke; we have to work towards it with the greatest patience and circumspection, so as not to spoil matters and not to arouse distrust, and so that the distrust inherited from centuries of landowner and capitalist oppression, centuries of private property and the enmity caused by its divisions and redivisions may have a chance to wear off."

Concerning the question of the demarcation of frontiers, Lenin answered:

"We are striving towards the complete abolition of frontiers".

(Lenin, Colleted Works, Volume 30, page 293)

Lenin and Stalin have fought for the international Soviet Republic. And we Stalinist-Hoxhaists continue this struggle by means of the socialist world revolution.

Only in the Socialist World Republic does the new type of dictatorship of the world proletariat receive its complete power, if the encirclement problem is eliminated, if there is an indivisible global community of world socialism.


The Socialist World Republic is, by its very nature, a state of world democracy.
The abolition of democracy (people's power) in the communism presupposes the matured completion of democracy in world socialism. This sounds paradoxical, but this is deeply dialectical, because, in communism, there is no longer any rule of man over man, no "people's power". (People's power against whom?) Accordingly, even the highest form of democracy, the world-democracy, will be superfluous as soon as world socialism has passed into world-communism. In the classless society is democracy abolished because democracy is only one of the instruments of the class society. World democratic withers away as the last democracy of the class society.

 

* * *

 

The Socialist World Republic and the Marxist doctrine of the abolition of the state

"Making every state on the world superfluous

- that is Communism."

The world-communist Being determines the communist world-consciousness.

- Comintern (SH) -

 

What was Stalin's general-line of paving the way towards communism in the USSR ?

Stalin unswervingly accelerated the further offensive of socialism in order to build up communism in the USSR - the focal point was the 5-year plan from 1950 to 1955!

In 1952, with his initiative "The Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR", he clearly set out the course for the construction of communist society. In a society which builds up communism there is principally no class difference anymore. From now on, there were no more workers, peasants and intelligentsia, but commonly "creators of the Communist society", which will have their own common ownership of the means of production. (Transformation of state ownership into the property of the producers).

Stalin placed the Soviet state as the main instrument in order to tackle all the measures needed to build communism and to simultaneously protect communism against the hostile capitalist world. This was a balancing act and provoked the resistance of the whole capitalist world including the revisionists in the homeland. In this struggle for the implementation of the socialist society into the communist society, Stalin was eliminated and murdered. The Khrushchev-revisionists restored capitalism behind the mask of "building up communism in the USSR".

The Soviet state was used by Stalin to abolish, step by step, the contradictions between the city and the villages, to abolish the differences between mental and physical labour, to ablish the division of labour, to ablish the contradictions between agriculture and industry, etc. Stalin pointed out at the same time that this is not to be understood in the absolute sense, that not every difference can disappear, that certain differences remain.

State ownership was still encrusted with the remains of bureaucratic privileges which had to be overcome. This included the danger of restoration of state capitalism. If these encrustations are not revolutionarily eliminated, state ownership can be restored by state bureaucracy into state capitalist property, rather than being directly transformed into people's property. It was therefore not easy for Stalin to reweight and transform the tasks of the state for the construction of communism. From this the correct teachings for the construction of world communism must be drawn. In some fields of communist construction, it was possible to withdraw from hampering state power; in other fields the strengthening of the power of the dictatorship of the proletariat was indispensable.

The elimination of obsolete traces of socialist society that hinder its further development towards communism, is a fundamental prerequisite for the creation of communist society. And if the communist superstructure can not be more and more harmonized with the communist base, then Communism is in danger to degenerate in the direction of the restoration of capitalism. Without alignment of communist superstructure to the communist base, first concrete possibilities for the abolition of the state in a growing number of areas is impossible. Once the basis of communism has been created, the adaption of the Communist superstructure decides on the stepwise abolition of the state. The state withers away when the communist base and communist superstructure are brought into harmony. It is an objective process, which can only be promoted or inhibited by the subjective factor. The abolition of the state follows the inner logic of objective laws of the development towards the classless society which can not be deliberately put into force or abrogation, but can only be promoted or hampered.

If we speak of the withering away, the abolition of the state in communism, it does not mean at the same time that the newly created associations of the producers will abandon certain state methods which are modifiable for the further development of communist society. We would commit an error, if we believe that everything that has contributed to the development of class society is categorically rejected in communism. The construction of communism does not only mean to liberate from the harmful remnants of the old class society, but also to learn of its experiences. The classless society can emerge from nothing else but from the old class society. Therefore, the Communist society takes over everything usable, and simultaneously it sorts out everything worthless.

Everything must serve to replace the power of the state over people by the managements of things and to leave the planning and management of production processes to the associated producers themselves. To put it simply, Communism begins, if every individual works volontarily for the public welfare without the state having any enforcable influence on the mass movement of labour without payment of wages.

Lenin teaches:

"Communism is a higher form of society, and can only develop when socialism has become firmly established, Socialism implies work without the aid of the capitalists, socialised labour with strict accounting, control and supervision by the organised vanguard, the advanced section of the working people; the measure of labour and remuneration for it must be fixed. It is necessary to fix them because capitalist society has left behind such survivals and such habits as the fragmentation of labour, no confidence in social economy, and the old habits of the petty proprietor that dominate in all peasant countries. All this is contrary to real communist economy. We give the name of communism to the system under which people form the habit of performing their social duties without any special apparatus for coercion, and when unpaid work for the public good becomes a general phenomenon."

The “communist” begins when subbotniks (i. e., unpaid labour with no quota set by any authority or any state) make their appearance; they constitute the labour of individuals on an extensive scale for the public good. This is not helping one's neighbour in the way that has always been customary in the countryside; it is work done to meet the needs of the country as a whole, and it is organised on a broad scale and is unpaid."

"Such is the theoretical significance of subbotniks; they demonstrate that here something quite new is beginning to emerge in the form of unpaid labour, extensively organised to meet the needs of he entire state, something that is contrary to all the old capitalist rules, something that is much more lofty than the socialist society that is conquering capitalism."

(Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 30, pages 283-288)

Communist labour is developing to some extent already in socialism, but it is still the exception and not the rule in socialism. In Socialism the planning and regulation of labour is mainly still in the hands of the state.

Communist labour becomes the decisive and prevailing force of communist society, for which the socialist state is no longer necessary, where there are hardly any wage differentials or where the wage system is finally abolished, where one no longer has to work for wages. Everybody is working according to his abilities, according to his needs, which are in harmony with the needs of the whole community.

Lenin defined the communist work as follows:

"Communist labour in the narrower and stricter sense of the term is labour performed gratis for the benefit of society, labour performed not as a definite duty, not for the purpose of obtaining a right to certain products, not according to previously established and legally fixed quotas, but voluntary labour, irrespective of quotas; it is labour performed without expectation of reward, without reward as a condition, labour performed because it has become a habit to work for the common good, and because of a conscious realisation (that has become a habit) of the necessity of working for the common good—labour as the requirement of a healthy organism."

(Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 30, page 517)

 

Marx put the question:

"What transformation will the state undergo in communist society? In other words, what social functions will remain in existence there that are analogous to present state functions? This question can only be answered scientifically, and one does not get a flea-hop nearer to the problem by a thousand-fold combination of the word 'people' with the word 'state'.

Between capitalist and communist society there lies the period of the revolutionary transformation of the one into the other. Corresponding to this is also a political transition period in which the state can be nothing but the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat."

(Marx: Critique of the Gotha Programme, Chapter IV)

So much for the "flea-hop" of the modern revisionists with their "State of the whole people"!

 

What is the decisive factor, the Marxist-Leninist formula for the "withering away" of the state?

Does it mean that the state disappears into thin air? Is the state disappearing by the party's decision? Of course not.

What then? The scientific analysis of the dialectical process of the state's withering away is the crucial point. The dialectic of the process of the withering away of the state of the socialist class society is its materialization, its metamorphosis, its transformation into a new, a classless quality. In this process the state is successively losing all its former features of the class rule. Its coercive nature and compulsory framework is gradually stripped off - an objective process - independent of the will, political decisions of the people, etc., etc.

In the class society, the state is unavoidable.

The transition period from the class society to the classless society, this is the period of the abolishment of the inevitableness of the state.

However, this includes also the possibility of the danger of the restoration of the state in the process of its withering away.

The peculiarity of the historical development of the state from its role of the main motor spring to its role of an obstacle - this is a principal element of the Marxist dialectic of the state.

In the sense of its dialectical application this means that neither the state may be restrained if it has to fulfill its role as the main driving force, nor may the state authority be extend if it has already become a hindrance for the communist development of the society. This is a Marxist truism.

The state fades away to the same extent as the social coexistence of the members of the communist society develops further and further. Contrary to the capitalist state which must be smashed, the socialist state fades away, step by step, in a process of a more or less longer period of time.

The members of society are then no longer just "masses" whose life is regulated by laws of the state, but free men who have freed themselves from their "Mass-Being", in order to meet their needs of life on a higher, stateless stadium of their association (the self-organization of their coexistence) - without foreign exercise of power by the state. In the "Communist Manifesto" of Marx and Engels this was precisely written down:

"When, in the course of development, class distinctions have disappeared, and all production has been concentrated in the hands of a vast association of the whole nation, the public power will lose its political character. Political power, properly so called, is merely the organized power of one class for oppressing another. If the proletariat during its contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled, by the force of circumstances, to organize itself as a class; if, by means of a revolution, it makes itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps away by force the old conditions of production, then it will, along with these conditions, have swept away the conditions for the existence of class antagonisms and of classes generally, and will thereby have abolished its own supremacy as a class.

In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and class antagonisms, we shall have an association in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all."

(Last paragraph of Chapter II, Proletarians and Communists)

Marx continues:

"In a higher phase of communist society, after the enslaving subordination of the individual to the division of labor, and with it also the antithesis between mental and physical labor, has vanished, after labor has become not only a livelihood but life's prime want, after the productive forces have increased with the all-round development of the individual, and all the springs of co-operative wealth flow more abundantly--only then can the narrow horizon of bourgeois law be left behind in its entirety and society inscribe on its banners: From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs!"

(Lenin: State and Revolution, Collected Works, Volume 25, page 473)

And Lenin writes in "State and Revolution":

"Only habituation can and will undoubtedly exert such an effect, for we observe around us millions of times how readily people can accustom themselves to the observance of the rules of social coexistence necessary for them, if the exploitation is wanting, if nothing exists anymore that challenges them to protest and rebellion, that creates the necessity of suppression."

"Communism implies Soviet power as a political organ, enabling the mass of the oppressed to run all state affairs—without that, communism is unthinkable."

(Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 31, page 419)

If the society makes gradually superfluous its own state, if the society frees itself from the role of being a willing tool of the state, if the society begins to regulate its life voluntarily and self-determined, if the society takes over the tasks of the state - then the state withers away.

The doctrine of the abolition of the state is the inalienable and fundamental component of the Marxist-Leninist theory of the state, which scientifically substantiates the ending of citizenship.

 

Marx, Engels, and Lenin had left completely open the question of the period or of the concrete forms of the withering away. Lenin emphasized that:

"... the protracted nature of this process depends upon the rapidity of development of the higher phase of communism, and leaves the question of the time required for, or the concrete forms of, the withering away quite open, because there is no material for answering these questions.

The state will be able to wither away completely when society adopts the rule: "From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs", i.e., when people have become so accustomed to observing the fundamental rules of social intercourse and when their labor has become so productive that they will voluntarily work according to their ability."

(Lenin, ibid., page 474)

The dividing between the state and the society disappears gradually. The contrasts and contradictions will fade away between them successively. Both in form and content, the state looses its previous function of strengthening the dictatorship of the proletariat, namely to the same degree as the class society comes nearer to the classless society. Engels spoke of the fact that the state "in the proper meaning of the word" no longer exists in the transition period between the lower and higher phase of communism. If the state life of the society can not be separated from all the other life of the society, if both are blended into one another, then a new, higher form of human coexistence is created, which regulates itself in a free way without state constraints. However, in this phase of cohabitation, the roots of the state are still to be traced back, though the new society will lose its old characteristics as a state-society more and more. The roots of the state life remain materialized even in the beginning of communism. They remain as a material foundation of positive experiences, methods, etc., upon which the new society can draw in order to develop further on a higher level.

The society renounces the old habits which were determined by the dependence on the state. These state-habits will be replaced by new habits which are determined by stateless mechanisms of coexistence.

Dialectically, the state is not an absolute magnitude. The state is not God-given. The state vanishes, just as it had come: the negation of the negation of the state (the apparent return of the state), the negation of the negation of the abolition of the state (the apparent return of the abolition of the state; the difference between relative and absolute abolition of the state, etc.)

In a dialectical process, the state is transformed from the realm of the overcoming of the class society into the classless realm of the freedom of the association. The state paves the way to a stateless humanized society. So to speak: the state is the midwife of the classless society.

The society is only free without a state. As long as the state exists, there can be no freedom. There is no freedom until the state is abolished on a world scale, that is, in world communism.

 

* * *

With the USSR, Stalin had already created a socialist system of states which has paved the way to our future WUSSR. The formation of the USSR gives us valuable indications as to how the newly emerging socialist states will evolve (and how they will fade away) in the world. So Stalin said in the struggle for the transition to communism "in one" country in his book: "Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR":

  "These comrades believe that the conversion of the property of individuals or groups of individuals into state property is the only, or at any rate the best, form of nationalization. That is not true. The fact is that conversion into state property is not the only, or even the best, form of nationalization, but the initial form of nationalization, as Engels quite rightly says in Anti-Dühring. Unquestionably, so long as the state exists, conversion into state property is the most natural initial form of nationalization. But the state will not exist forever. With the extension of the sphere of operation of socialism in the majority of the countries of the world the state will die away, and, of course, the conversion of the property of individuals or groups of individuals into state property will consequently lose its meaning. The state will have died away, but society will remain. Hence, the heir of the public property will then be not the state, which will have died away, but society itself, in the shape of a central, directing economic body." (Stalin: REPLY TO COMRADES
A. V. SANINA AND V. G. VENZHER
; 2.  MEASURES FOR ELEVATING COLLECTIVE-FARM PROPERTY TO THE LEVEL OF PUBLIC PROPERTY )

The unification of all the socialist states towards the socialist world-state must be dialectically brought into accordance with the unification of all states through the world-state.

The key for the implementation of this principle, this is the creation and formation of the WUSSR !

The merging of states is the main global driving force for the abolition of the state.

This driving force can be expressed by the following world-revolutionary slogans:

"World-Socialist States - unite in the Socialist World State!"

- Socialist World State, unite all World-Socialist States! "

"Socialist World State - unite all World-Socialist States to abolish the state as such!"

In the era of world capitalism, the state of socialism in "one" country was the main instrument to support socialist world revolution. It was the driving force, the basis and lever of the socialist world revolution. By means of the world revolution, world imperialism is smashed down, and inevitably all bourgeois states all over the world will be destroyed. On the ruins of the bourgeois states emerge no longer socialist states of the old type of the first period of socialism, but of a new type, namely world-socialist states, equipped with the ability and features to form the WUSSR.

These new world-socialist states, which are the result of the victory of the world proletariat over world imperialism, differ qualitatively from the former socialist states of the first period of socialism. They are no longer such socialist states, which as before are threatened by capitalism, can be attacked and capitalistically restored. They are, therefore, no longer those socialist national states which must coexist with the capitalist states. Within the world-capitalist system they were isolated and encircled by hostile states. Lenin characterized this particular situation of the first Soviet state as follows:

"We live not only in a state, but in a system of states, and the coexistence of the Soviet Republic and the imperialist states is unthinkable in the long run. Ultimately, either the one or the other must be victorious. There will be a series of terrible clashes between the Soviet Republic and the bourgeois states. They are inevitable until the end of this period." (translated quotation of Lenin, which was found in: "Reports of the Moscow-Trails", 1938, p. 687; German edition)

"We have created a Soviet type of state and by that we have ushered in a new era in world history, the era of the political rule of the proletariat, which is to supersede the era of bourgeois rule. Nobody can deprive us of this, either, although the Soviet type of state will have the finishing touches put to it only with the aid of the practical experience of the working class of several countries. (...) we have always urged and reiterated the elementary truth of Marxism—that the joint efforts of the workers of several advanced countries are needed for the victory of socialism."

(Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 33, page 206)

Even if the antagonistic contradictions in a socialist country are eliminated, the antagonistic contradictions with the capitalist outside world do not automatically disappear. There is always the danger that new antagonistic contradictions can come up in the socialist state. Therefore, the Soviet society must lead a relentless class struggle In order to counter the danger of the restoration of the capitalist state by all means of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Socialist world-states, in contrast, are not surrounded by hostile capitalist states, but all coexist in the spirit of socialist internationalism. Only in the classless world society is the danger of the restoration of antagonistic class contradictions forever eliminated. In world socialism there are therefore no longer any socialist states in the conventional sense, that is, no socialist states which are faced with hostile capitalist states. From this era on, there are only world-socialist states, that is, states which have joined a socialist world community, which form an alliance of all world-socialist states that is finally tran sformed into a single socialist world-state. The fusion process in world socialism is then followed by the process of the dissolution in world communism, which is concluded with the abolition of the socialist world-state.

Socialism is not yet guaranteed by the existence of new world-socialist states, ie the danger of the restoration of capitalist states exists as long as the class society exists. But in world socialism the restoration of the capitalist states is no longer unavoidable, as it was the case in the first period. Where classes disappear, the state disappears. The WUSSR eliminates the inevitability of the restoration of capitalist states. This is one of the main features which distinguish socialist states of the first and second period of socialism... and in the end: If there are no longer classes in the world, then exists no longer the state.

In the era of world socialism, the socialist world state is the main instrument for building world communism.

In an interview with Emil Ludwig, Stalin talked about the tasks that the Bolshevik Party has to solve concerning the creation of the proletarian state:

"The task to which I have devoted my life is the elevation of a different class-the working class. That task is not the consolidation of some "national" state, but of a socialist state, and that means an international state; and everything that strengthens that state helps to strengthen the entire international working class. If every step I take in my endeavor to elevate the working class and strengthen the socialist state of this class were not directed towards strengthening and improving the position of the working class, I should consider my life purposeless."

(Stalin, Works, Volume 13, page 107)

In the mature age of world socialism, every world-socialist state gradually becomes a hindrance on the path towards the classless society. The merging of the individual world-socialist states into a single world state does not take place at the same time, which depends both on the concrete conditions in each individual country and on the global conditions of world socialism. The merging of the world-socialist states is not only a prerequisite for the creation of a single world-state, but also for its later abolition. The socialist world state is the last existing state in the age of class society.

Undoubtedly there will still be contradictions among the various world-socialist states, for example, between the bigger and the smaller socialist world-states, namely with all the remains of the foreign policy of their capitalist past. These contradictions can only gradually be overcome.

Particularly instructive is Stalinism, which proved to be the victorious ideology, both in the struggle against the Russian Greatpower Chauvinism and in the struggle against local nationalism of the non-Russian states of the Soviet Union.

Large world-socialist states must fight in their own country against their old great-chauvinist leftovers, without making opportunist concessions to the leftovers of local nationalism in the smaller world-socialist states.

Small socialist world-states must overcome, in the main, the leftovers of their local nationalism without making opportunist concessions to the leftovers of the great-power chauvinism of the large world-socialist states.

In order to establish a healthy socialist relationship among the various world-socialist states, the latter can learn a lot from Stalin's Bolshevik nationalities policy of the Soviet Union.

The abolition of the state is, therefore, not least a question of the complete overcoming of these great-power chauvinistic and local-nationalist remnants in the socialist world-states, is a question which the socialist world-states can only solve jointly, namely only through their common efforts in the spirit of socialist internationalism.

Concerning the abolition of the state of the USSR, Stalin teaches:

"A strong and powerful dictatorship of the proletariat—that is what we need now in order to scatter to the winds the last remnants of the dying classes and to frustrate their thieving designs.

Some comrades have interpreted the thesis about the abolition of classes, the creation of a classless society, and the withering away of the state as a justification of laziness and complacency, a justification of the counter-revolutionary theory of the extinction of the class struggle and the weakening of the state power. Needless to say, such people can not have anything in common with our Party. They are either degenerates or double-dealers, and must be driven out of the Party. The abolition of classes is not achieved by the extinction of the class struggle, but by its intensification. The state will wither away, not as a result of weakening the state power, but as a result of strengthening it to the utmost, which is necessary for finally crushing the remnants of the dying classes and for organising defence against the capitalist encirclement that is far from having been done away with as yet, and will not soon be done away with.

As a result of fulfilling the five-year plan we have succeeded in finally ejecting the last remnants of the hostile classes from their positions in production; we have routed the kulaks and have prepared the ground for their elimination. Such are the results of the five-year plan in the sphere of the struggle against the last detachments of the bourgeoisie. But that is not enough. The task is to eject these "have-beens" from our own enterprises and institutions and make them harmless for good and all.

It cannot be said that these "have-beens" can alter anything in the present position of the U.S.S.R. by their wrecking and thieving machinations. They are too weak and impotent to withstand the measures adopted by the Soviet Government. But if our comrades do not arm themselves with revolutionary vigilance and do not actually put an end to the smug, philistine attitude towards cases of theft and plundering of public property, these "have-beens" may do considerable mischief.

We must bear in mind that the growth of the power of the Soviet state will intensify the resistance of the last remnants of the dying classes. It is precisely because they are dying and their days are numbered that they will go on from one form of attack to another, sharper form, appealing to the backward sections of the population and mobilising them against the Soviet regime. There is no mischief and slander which these "have-beens" will not resort to against the Soviet regime and around which they will not try to rally the backward elements. This may provide the soil for a revival of the activities of the defeated groups of the old counter-revolutionary parties: the Socialist-Revolutionaries, the Mensheviks, and the bourgeois nationalists of the central and border regions, it may also provide the soil for a revival of the activities of the fragments of counter-revolutionary elements among the Trotskyites and Right deviators. Of course, there is nothing terrible in this. But we must bear all this in mind if we want to have done with these elements quickly and without particular sacrifice.

That is why revolutionary vigilance is the quality that Bolsheviks especially need at the present time."

(Stalin, Works, Volume 13; VII - The Results of the Five-year Plan in Four Years in the Sphere of the Struggle Against the Remnants of the Hostile Classes)

The proletariat was and is the only revolutionary class in the world. Its revolutionary blood has flowed for the construction and strengthening of the proletarian state, and it will also flow not least with the perspective of its abolition. The proletariat is the only force in the world which abolishes forever the exploitation and oppression of man by man! The state serves the proletariat not only for its own liberation but for the liberation of the whole world society. If this proletarian mission is completed, then also the mission of the proletarian state is completed. Then comes the era of the classless society which is also the era of the stateless society.
The global abolition of the state - this is world communism.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 


"PATH OF THE WORLD PARTY"

- Theoretical Organ -

Communist International (Stalinist - Hoxhaists)