on occasion of the 132nd Birthday of comrade Stalin:

Concerning the National Question 
in Yugoslavia

Speech Delivered in the Yugoslav Commission of the E.C.C.I.,

March 30, 1925






The Titoite Revisionists' Anti-Marxist Views on the Nation


– An Expression of Their Idealist Reactionary World Outlook


Socio-Political Studies
#4, 1987

Xhafer Dobrushi







November 28, 2011

Message of solidarity

of the Serbian Section


to the Portuguese Section of the Comintern (SH)
To the comrades of the Portuguese  Section of the Comintern (SH) !

Dear comrades !

We, the comrades from Serbia are very greatfull for Your’s Massage of solidarity to us in our struggle against social-fascism and revisionism. Thank you, comrades.

We, the comrades of the Serbian Section of the Comintern (SH), send to you militant greetings from Serbia.

Also,we like to let you know that we are completely in solidarity with you in your activities and struggle.

First of all:

We send You comrades Message of solidarity in occasion of the general strike!
Comrades !

Proletarian internationalism is stronger than all nationalism and capitalism in the countries all over the world !

Your’s fight is our fight, too

Every internationalist comrade in Serbia is in solidarity with Portuguese comrades!

Long live our Portuguese Section !

Long live the Comintern (SH) !
Long live the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism !
Long live the socialist world revolution !

The comrades of the Serbian Section of the Comintern (SH)







Message of solidarity

of the Portuguese Section to the Serbian section of the Comintern (SH)


Dear Comrades from Serbia,

the Portuguese Section of the Comintern (SH) wants to express its greatest proletarian solidarity towards the struggle of the Serbian comrades in the context of the recent attacks and interferences that the social-fascists launched against the Serbian section of the Comintern (SH).

The Serbian comrades should not be surprised by the attacks and interferences of the social-fascists. After all, Serbia is one of the countries in which the pro-capitalist, anti-communist and ultra-reactionary influences of Titoist Revisionism are more heavily felt. Titoist social-fascism not only oppressed and exploited the Yugoslav peoples during decades, but also contributed greatly to the survival of the capitalist-imperialist system after World War II. And despite being sometimes depicted as a somewhat “historically surpassed” kind of revisionism, the truth is that Titoist social-fascism is still alive nowadays, as the attacks directed against the Serbian Section demonstrate.

These attacks by the social-fascists against the Serbian comrades are a sign of the weakness of our enemies, they confirm that world bourgeoisie is becoming desperate and that the end of capitalist-imperialist system is inevitably approaching. They are so frantic about our strong and proletarian Stalinist-Hoxhaist ideology that they even dare to put aside the “democratic” and “tolerant” mask in order to try to openly damage our revolutionary work. And they do this because they know very well that ours is the only ideology which is able to completely destroy world capitalism-imperialism and to liberate world proletariat from tyrannical wage slavery.

The attacks of the social-fascists will never frighten us. We know that the struggle between social-fascism and Stalinism-Hoxhaism will inescapably end with the total victory of Stalinism-Hoxhaism. We also know that the only manner to avoid the inevitability of social-fascism is through the establishment of the dictatorship of the world proletariat, is through the achievement of world-socialism and world-communism.

The Serbian Stalinist-Hoxhaists have to fulfill the task of educating, preparing and organizing the Serbian proletariat in the spirit of the Comintern (SH) based on the glorious teachings of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism: Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Enver Hoxha.

In the accomplishment of this difficult duty, they can count with full support from all the other Sections of the Comintern (SH).

Dear Serbian comrades, the Portuguese Section of the Comintern (SH) wishes you success in the struggle against Serbian and non-Serbian social-fascists!

Our proletarian and revolutionary ideology is invincible!

Let’s establish the dictatorship of the world proletariat!

Long live the world socialist revolution!

Long live Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism-Hoxhaism!

Long live Communism!

Long live the Comintern (SH)!

Long live the Serbian Section of the Comintern (SH)!








23. 11. 2011

Message of solidarity

of the German Section

to the Serbian Section of the Comintern (SH)


To comrade Zoran Minic !

To the comrades of the Serbian Section of the Comintern (SH) !

Dear comrades !

It is an honor for us to write this message to your forum. Thank you, comrades.

We, the comrades of the German Section of the Comintern (SH), send to you militant greetings from Germany.

We like to let you know that we are completely in solidarity with you in this moment !

First of all:

Congratulation, comrades, to the foundation of your Serbian Section and your faithful defense of the Comintern (SH) !

We know, that your struggle is hard. Former Yugoslav social-fascism still tries to influence the revolutionary forces of Serbia. We do not let you in the lurch ! The victory is ours ! Down with revisionism !

We followed the discussion on the forum and welcome your firmness of defending the 5 classics of Marxism-Leninism. The banning from the list is totally justified. This way you have strengthened the new Stalinist-Hoxhaist movement in Serbia !

History shows that both: the first revisionist country in power - and the only country which resisted successfully the capitalist-revisionist world encirclement - are neighboring countries. Exacerbated class-struggle in your country is therefore inevitably hard-wired and extremely important for the successful development of the whole Stalinist-Hoxhaist World Movement.

Comrades !

Proletarian internationalism is stronger than all nationalism in the countries all over the world !

Proletarian internationalism in Serbia is stronger than Serbian nationalism because the Serbian proletariat is a detachment of the world proletarian army !

Every internationalist comrade in Serbia is backed by the solidarity of the internationalist comrades all over the world !

We are and will always be 100% internationalists and no percent less !

Long live our Serbian Section !

Long live the Comintern (SH) !
Long live the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism !
Long live the socialist world revolution !

Long live the Serbian socialism on the socialist Balkan in a socialist world !

The comrades of the German Section of the Comintern (SH)

23rd of November, 2011





November 16, 2011

Decision of the Serbian Section

In the light of recent events here, I must inform candidates and members of Comintern (SH)/ Section Serbia, that they are obliged to follow and defend General line of the World Party strictly and with no compromise. This is because some comrades show opportunism and lack of class awareness, especially concerning the issue of national question in Balkan. That is, some comrades show enormous shovinism and nationalism, which will not be tolerated. Question of Albanian strugle and right of selfdetermination is a principle and any member who do not support General line in this matter will be expelled and proscribed as nationalist and reactionist, therefore traitor to Comintern (SH). Members and candidates who try to contact Comintern (SH) without knolege of section's leadership and criticize the General line will be also treated as enemy. Comrades who have already done so have been expelled. Comrades must be aware that proleterian internationalism and solidarity are the foundation of SH and we must fight against great-serbo nationalism and serbian hegemony in Balkan. Since the very begining on the process creating Section, we are constantly uner attack of revizionists and sovinists who tries to agitate against Comintern (SH) and General line. Most agressive are titoists who acuses us for breaking communist movement in Serbia and that we are "sect" and that Stalin was not communist, but monster, and they constantly try to agitate that we should be only on line of 3 classics, Marx, Engels and Lenin and openely call us to do treason against proletariat and our World Party. When that attempt failed, becouse they find extreme resistance and loyalti to Comintern (SH), and when they realise that we do not negotiate about 5 clasics and loyalty to Comintern (SH), and that we do not want to fall in a mud of revisionism, they change tactics and play on a card of patriotism and nationalism. They are attackin g us that we are traitors of Serbia, becouse we support Albanian people. They are exposed from us that they are simply nationalists, not communists, and that they are on positions of Serbian nationalists, and burgoase. That they betrayed class and internationalism and fall in mud of profasistic politics of regime, becouse they are on the same page when Kosova is topic, with Serbian ruling class and reaction. People who does that are afiliate with League of Communists of Yugoslavia - SKJ and Communists of Serbia - KS, both titoists. Other attacs come from New Communist Party of Yugoslavia, so called Marxist Leninist. Thy attac us that we are sect and that Hoxhism is nom real Marxism Leninism. They simply deny Great Hoxha as classic. They are exposed that they are sovinists, and just bring damage to communist movement and that they do that on purpose becouse, in fact they are one police party. On last election they supported Serbian Radical Party - far right party which program is Great National Serbia, and ethnic cleansing on Kosova. NKPJ is on a position that Albanians are terrorists!!!! So they are exposed to others by Section. Our work here is hard, but we will continue to fight with greatest and most powerfull weapon. Teachings of 5 classics and politics of Great Comintern (SH). 




November 8, 2011

Declaration of the foundation of the Serbian Section of the Comintern (SH)




Founding Declaration

We, comrades from Serbia, decided to join class struggle on the General line Marxism-Leninism / Stalinism-Hoxhism, therefore, on November 2011. We decided to join Comintern (SH) as the only true Marxist-Leninist force capable to lead proletariat to victory. We decided to join ONE WORLD PARTY and be section of that Party/Comintern (SH).

The preparation for and creation of one strong communist party/section of Comintern (SH) in Serbia are the main task of our group - a communist organization on the basis of Marxism-Leninism. We call ourselves Comintern (SH) / Section Serbia. 

CI (SH) was founded on the basis of the best traditions of the Serbian working class and revolutionary movement - from the time of Svetozar Markovic and Dimitrije Tucovic of the revolutionary Serbian social-democratic party, and later, of the revolutionary Comunist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ), which was the revolutionary vanguard party until 1948, when KPJ vote against Resolution of IB and became revisionistic. CI (SH) is going to defend and carry traditions of 5 classics:  Marx-Engels-Lenin-Stalin-Hoxha, and declare war against any revisionist movement as anti- proletarian. We will defend and carry on the fight against modern revisionism. upholding especially the political line of Comintern (SH).

CI (SH) is founded on the best traditions of the international communist movement - from the International of Marx, the 2nd International and the Communist International (Comintern), from the fight against modern revisionism, until the present international communist movement. CI (SH) will also defend these traditions.

CI (SH)  is founded on the basis of scientific socialism and will defend it, as conceived and developed by its founders, Marx and Engels. CI (SH)  is also founded on the doctrine of Lenin - Leninism - which is Marxism in the epoch of imperialism - and on the contributions to the development of Marxism-Leninism provided by Stalin, Enver Hoxha and other great Marxists.
The goal and main task of CI (SH)  is to contribute to the creation of the ideological, political and organizational prerequisites for the foundation of one strong communist party in Serbia, as part of Comintern (SH), which can take its rightful position in the international communist movement as the communist vanguard party of the Serbian working class.
CI (SH) endeavors to create such a party on the basis of the Platform of Comintern (SH)

The organizational principle of CI (SH) is democratic centralism.


Belgrade, November 2011.














Enver Hoxha

Selection of his works

related to the struggle against Titoism



The Titoites

















On occasion of the 70th Anniversary of the PLA and the founding-day of the Serbian Section of the

Comintern (SH)

Laying the foundation of the new Albania
















The Albanian People Will Stand By the Yugoslav Peoples

excerpt from a ‘Zeri i Popullit’ Editorial of 1980 and which was broadcast by Radio Tirana on January 19th 1980 reminds us that in such an event Enver Hoxha had argued that the Albanian people would stand by the Yugoslav peoples.

The Albanian people, who know the past of the Yugoslavian people well, have the unflinching conviction that they are not intimidated by any threat or blackmail, that if the necessity arises they will know how to fight with courage and bravery against any attack of the enemies no matter where it comes from: the Yugoslav peoples are not the sort who back down in the face of threats. They know how to fight with self-sacrifice to defend their freedom, won with so much bloodshed and sacrifice.

We Albanians have had and still have irreconcilable ideological differences with the Yugoslav leadership. We have always and will continue to criticize the anti-Marxist system of self-administration; we have fought and will fight determinedly against the Yugoslav and modern revisionism, for the defence of the purity of Marxism-Leninism; we have and will continue to interest ourselves in the rights which the Albanians of Kosova, Macedonia, Montenegro, should enjoy on the basis of the Yugoslav constitution.

World opinion knows and is clear on this stand of ours.

The foreign policy of our country in the stand towards our neighbours, continues Zeri i Popullit, has never and will never change. Our republic has made and will make all-round efforts for the normal development of trading, cultural and other relations with them. We have publicly stated that Albania will never permit foreigners to use its territory as a base against Yugoslavia or Greece, that we will support the Yugoslav and Greek peoples in the struggle for national freedom, independence and sovereignty. Hence not only will nothing bad come to them from Albania, but they will be aided. The peoples of the Balkans do not threaten anyone, but neither do they fear threats just as they do not fear aggressive war, which others may launch and which they know how to cope with successfully...

In the face of the threats of the Soviet, American and other imperialist aggressors against Yugoslavia, the Albanian people adhere to what comrade Enver Hoxha said at the Seventh Congress of the Party of Labour of Albania, that in the case of an eventual attack by the Soviet Union or any power against Yugoslavia, the Albanian people will stand by the Yugoslav peoples.

Thus everyone can rest assured that if the question arises of the defence of freedom and independence from imperialist aggressors of no matter what kind, the Albanians and Yugoslavs will once more fight together against the common enemies as they fought in the past.

Historical facts prove this. Our divisions went and fought in Yugoslavia in the same trenches as the Yugoslav partisans, against German fascism and triumphed. We Albanians fight for freedom and justice and like brave fighters Albanians are cool-headed. But when anyone tries to trample them underfoot, then the rifle speaks.

Enver Hoxha:

Our policy towards Yugoslavia has not changed and will not change, provided that the Yugoslav government, too, is correct towards us. The declaration of the Party of Labour of Albania, that in case of any eventual aggression against Yugoslavia by the Soviet Union or some other power the Albanian people will stand by the Yugoslav peoples, will always hold good. But the Yugoslav side must respond to this stand of Albania with just and correct actions towards us.

From: Enver Hoxha ‘Report on the Activity of the C.C. of the Party of Labour of Albania’ submitted to the 7th Congress of the Party of Labour of Albania, November 1, 1976,Tirana, 1977, pp. 202-203.












(excerpt related to Titoism)






The Role of Titoism and Other Revisionist

Trends in the Global Strategy of Imperialism and



In the savage fight which imperialism and social-imperialism, world capitalism and reaction are waging against the revolution, socialism and the peoples, they have the support of the modern revisionists of all trends. These renegades and traitors assist imperialism in the implementation of its global strategy by undermining from within, splitting and sabotaging the efforts of t he proletariat and the struggle of the peoples to get rid of social and national bondage. modern revisionists have taken upon themselves to denigrate and distort Marxism-Leninism, to confuse people's minds and to alienate them from the revolution- struggle, to assist capital, to preserve and perpetuate its system of oppression and exploitation.

Along with the Soviet and Chinese revisionists, whom we mentioned above, the Yugoslav Titoite revisionists play a role of first-rate importance in this great and dangerous counterrevolutionary game.

Titoism is an old agency of capital, a favourite weapon of the imperialist bourgeoisie in its fight against socialism and the liberation movements.

The peoples of Yugoslavia fought self-sacrificingly against the nazi-fascist occupiers :for freedom democracy and socialism. They succeeded in liberating their country, but were not allowed to continue the revolution on the road to socialism. The Yugoslav revisionist leadership wit, h Tito at the head, which had long been worked on secretly by the Intelligence Service and which, during the period of the war, posed as preserving the features of a party of the Third International, in fact, had other aims, which were contrary to Marxism Leninism and the aspirations of the peoples of Yugoslavia for the construction of a true socialist society in Yugoslavia.

The Communist Party of Yugoslavia, which came to power, had inherited many mistakes of a deviationist nature. After the Second World War, it displayed pronounced national-chauvinist features, which had shown up as early as the time of the war. These features were apparent in its departure from the Marxist-Leninist ideology, in its attitude towards the Soviet Union and Stalin, in its chauvinist stands and actions towards Albania, etc.

The system of people's democracy, which was established in Yugoslavia, was temporary. It did not suit the clique in power, though this clique continued to call itself <<Marxist>>. The Titoites were not for the construction of socialism, or f or the Communist Party of Yugoslavia to be guided by the Marxist-Leninist theory, and they did not accept the dictatorship of the proletariat. This was the source of the conflict that broke out between the Information Bureau of the Communist and Workers' Parties and the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. This was an ideological conflict between Marxism-Leninism and revisionism, and not a conflict between persons over -domination,,., as the revisionists try to make out. Stalin defended the purity of the Marxist-Leninist theory, Tito defended the deviationist, revisionist, anti-Marxist trend of modern revisionism, following in the footstep of Browder and the other opportunists, who emerged on the eve of and during the Second World War.

In the early post-liberation years, the Yugoslav leadership pretended that it was taking the construction of socialism in the Soviet Union as an example and proclaimed that it was allegedly building socialism in Yugoslavia. This was done to deceive the peoples of Yugoslavia who had shed their blood and aspired to genuine socialism.

In fact, the Titoites were not, and could not be, for the socialist social order or the form of organization of the Soviet state, because Tito was for the capitalist system and for an essentially bourgeois-democratic state, in which his clique would hold power. This state was to serve to create the idea that socialism was being built in Yugoslavia, a <<specific>> socialism of a <<more humane type>, that is, precisely the kind of <<socialism>> which would serve as a fifth column in the other socialist countries. Everything was well calculated and co-ordinated by the Anglo-American imperialists and the group around Tito. Thus, by playing the game of imperialism and world capitalism, and coming to terms with them, the Yugoslav revisionists placed themselves in opposition to the Soviet Union.

From the time of the anti-fascist national liberation war, in pursuit of their old plans, British and, subsequently, US imperialism helped Tito not only to break away from the Soviet Union, but also to carry out acts of sabotage against it, and especially to work to detach other countries of people's democracy from the socialist camp, in order to isolate the Soviet Union from all these countries and unite them with the West. This was the policy of world capitalism and its agency, Titoism.

The rabid anti-communist, Churchill, took a direct and personal part in ensuring that Tito and his group were placed in the service of capitalism. During the war he sent ,xhis most trusted friends-, as the British leader put it, and later his own son, to Tito's staff. Eventually, he himself met Tito in Naples of Italy in May 1944, in order to make quite sure that Tito would play no tricks. In his memoirs, Churchill wrote that, in his talks with Tito, the latter expressed his readiness to make a public statement later that <<communism would not be established in Yugoslavia after the war>>.

Tito worked with such great energy to serve his masters that Churchill, appraising his great services, told him: <<Now I understand that you were right, therefore I am with you, I like you even more than I did previously>>. A lover could make no warmer declarations to his love.

Almost before Yugoslavia had broken completely with the Soviet Union and the countries of people's democracy, the imperialists, the American imperialists in particular, sent it great economic, political, ideological and military ai , which became more frequent and constant later on.

This aid was supplied only on condition that the country would develop on the capitalist road. The imperialist bourgeoisie was not against Yugoslavia maintaining its outward socialist forms. On the contrary, it was greatly in its interest that Yugoslavia should keep its outward socialist colour, because in this way it would serve as a more effective weapon in the struggle against socialism and the liberation movements. Not only would this kind of <<socialism>> be radically different from the socialism envisaged and realized by Lenin and Stalin, but it would even come out against it.

Within a relatively short time Yugoslavia became the <<socialist>> mouthpiece of US imperialism, a diversionist agency to assist world capital. From 1948 to this day, Titoism has been characterized by feverish activity against Marxism - Leninism to organize a propaganda campaign everywhere in the world to present the Yugoslav system as the form of a <<genuine socialist>> order, a <<new society>>, a <<non-aligned socialism>, which is no longer like the socialism Lenin and Stalin built in the Soviet Union, but a socialist order <<with a human face>> which is being tried for the first time in the world and which is yielding <<brilliant results>>. The aim of this propaganda has always been to lead the peoples and progressive forces fighting for freedom and independence everywhere in the world up a blind alley.

The Yugoslav revisionists adopted those forms of running their country that the Trotskyites and the other anarchist elements, encouraged by the capitalist bourgeoisie, tried to adopt in the Soviet Union in the time of Lenin, in order to sabotage the construction of socialism there. While he talked about building socialism, by adopting these forms, Tito completely distorted the MarxistLeninist principles on building up industry, agriculture, etc.

The Republics of Yugoslavia assumed such features of administration and organizational political leadership that democratic centralism was liquidated and the role of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia faded into insignificance. The Communist Party of Yugoslavia changed its name. It was transformed into the <<League of Communists of Yugoslavia>>, which looks like a Marxist name, while in its content, norms, competences and aims it is anti-Marxist. The League became a spineless front, was stripped of the distinguishing features of a Marxist-Leninist party, preserved the old form, but no longer played the role of the vanguard of the working class, was no longer the political f orce which led the Federative Republic of Yugoslavia, but, according to the Titoite revisionists, allegedly performed only general <<educational>> functions.

The Titoite leadership placed the party under the control of the UDB, to Which it was subordinated, turned it into a fascist organization, and the state into a fascist We know full well the great danger of these activities, for Koçi Xoxe, the agent in the pay of the Titoites, tried to achieve the same thing in Albania.

Tito, Rankovich and their agency entirely liquidated anything which might have had the true colour of socialism. Titoism waged a fierce fight against the attempts of those internal elements who sought to blow up this agency and this capitalist-revisionist organization, as well as against all the Marxist-Leninist propaganda which was conducted abroad to unmask thh regime which posed as socialist.

The Titoite leadership quickly abandoned the collectivization of agriculture which had begun in the early years, set up the capitalist stAte farms, encouraged the development of private property in the countryside, allowed land to be bought and sold freely, rehabilitated the kuIaks, left the field free for the private market to Flourish In town and country, and carried out the first reforms which strengthened the capitalist direction of the economy.

Meanwhile, the Titoite bourgeoisie was searching for a <<new> form to camouflage the Yugoslav capitalist order, and this form was found. They called it Yugoslav <<self-administration>>.

They dressed it up in a <<Marxist - Leninist>> cloak, claiming that this system was the most authentic socialism.

At first, <<self-administration>> emerged as an economic system, then it was extended to the field of state organization and all the other fields of life in that country.

The theory and practice of Yugoslav <<self administration>> are an open negation of the teachings of Marxism-Leninism and the universal laws of the construction of socialism. The economic and political system of <<self-administration>> is an anarcho-syndicalist form of the bourgeois dictatorship, which is ruling a Yugoslavia dependent on international capital.

The system of <<self-administration>>, with all its characteristic features, such as the elimination of democratic centralism, the role of unified management by the state, anarchist federalism, the anti-state ideology in general, has brought about permanent economic, political and ideological chaos and confusion in Yugoslavia, weak and unequal development of its republics and regions, great social-class differentiations, national feuds and oppression, and the degeneration of spiritual lif e It has brought about great fragmentation of the working class, by putting one detachment of it in competition with another, while fostering the bourgeois sectional, localist and individualist spirit. The working class in Yugoslavia not only does not play the hegemonic role in the state and society, but the system of <<self-administration>> places it in such conditions that it is unable even to defend its own general interests and to act as a unified and compact class.

From the capitalist world, particularly from us imperialism, large amounts of capital have poured into Yugoslavia in the f orm of investments, credits and loans. It is precisely this capital which constitutes the material basis of the <<develop- of Yugoslav capitalist <<self - administrative socialism>>. Its indebtedness alone amounts to over 11 billion dollars. Yugoslavia has received over 7 billion dollars in credits from the United States of America.

Despite the numerous c edits the Titoite leadership receives from abroad, the peoples of Yugoslavia have not enjoyed, nor are they enjoying, the <<brilliant results>> of this specific <<socialism>>. On the contrary, there is political and ideological chaos in Yugoslavia. A system which engenders large-scale unemployment at home and mass emigration of labour abroad prevails there, and this makes Yugoslavia completely dependent on the imperialist powers. The Yugoslav peoples are being exploited to the bone in the interests of the class in power and of all the imperialist powers which have made investments in that country. The Yugoslav state is not concerned that prices go up every day, that the poverty of the working masses is steadily increasing and that the country is not only up to its neck in debt, but is also deeply involved in the great crisis of the capitalist world. Yugoslavia has only limited independence and sovereignty, because, apart from anything else, it has no economic potential completely its own. The greater part of it exists in joint ownership with various foreign capitalist firms and states, therefore it is bound to suffer the destruct tive effects of the crisis and foreign exploitation.

But it is not accidental that world capitalism gives Yugoslav <<self - administration>> such great political and financial support and sings in har- mony with the Titoite propaganda to pass this system off as <<a new tested form of the construction of socialism>> for all countries.

It does this because the form of Yugoslav <<seòf administration>> provides a way of ideological and political subversion and sabotage against the revolutionary liberation movements of the proletariat and the peoples, a way to open the road to the political and economic penetration of imperialism into the various countries of the world. Imperialism and the bourgeoisie want to keep selfadministration,.,. as a reserve system for various circumstances and different countries, in order to prolop the life of capitalism, which does not give up the ghost easily, but is striving to find various forms of government at the expense of the peoples.

The Yugoslav theories and practices of <<non alignment>> render a great service to various imperialists, for they help them hoodwink the peoples. This is in the interest of the imperialists and social-imperialists alike, because it helps them to stablish and strengthen their influ~nce in the <<non - aligned countries>>, to divert the freedom loving peoples from the road of national liberation and proletarian revolution. Therefore, both CarteF and Brezhnev, as well as Hua Kuo-feng, lavish praise on the Titoite policy of <<non - alignment>> and try to exploit it for their own purposes.

Titoism has always been a weapon of the imperialist bourgeoisie, a fire-extinguisher to quell the flames of the revolution. It is of the same line and has the same aims as modern revisionism, in general, and its different variants, with which it is in ideological unity. The ways, forms and tactics they use in the struggle against Marxism-Leninism, the revolution and socialism may be different, but their counterrevolutionary aims are identical.

In the efforts which the bourgeoisie and reaction are making to put down the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat and the peoples, the revisionist parties of Europe, in the first place, and those of all countries on the other continents render them a great service.

The revisionist parties of the countries of Western Europe are making efforts to concoct a theory about a <<new society>>, allegedly socialist, which will be achieved through <<structural reforms>> and in close coalition with the social-democratic parties, and even with the right-wing parties. This society, according to them, will be built on new foundations, through <<social reforms>> <<social peace>>, <<the parliamentary road>> and the <<historic compromise>> with the bourgeois parties.

The revisionist parties of Europe, such as those of Italy, France and Spain, and following them all the other revisionist parties of the West, deny Leninism, the class struggle, the revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat. All of them have embarked on the road of compromise with the capitalist bourgeoisie. They have named this anti-Marxist line <<Eurocommunism>>. <<Eurocomunism>> is a new pseudo-communist trend which is and is not in opposition to the Soviet revisionist bloc. This wavering stand is explained by their aim to have a coexistence of ideas with European social-democray and the whole welter of views setething in the cauldron of Europe. The <<Eurocomunist>> can unite with anybody at all except those who fight for the triumph of the revolution and the purity of the Marxist-Leninist ideology.

All the revisionist, opportunist and socialdemocratic trends are going the whole length to assist the superpowers in their diabolical activ- to suppress the revolution and the peoples. The support of all these trends for the allegedly neiw organisms of the bourgeoisie has a single aim: to smother the revolution by raising a thousand and one material, political and ideological obstacles to it. They are working to disorientate and split the proletariat and its allies, because they know that, divided and split by factional struggles, the latter will be unable to create, either at home or on an international plane that ideological political and militant unity which is essential to cope with the attacks of world capitalism in decay.

The coalition of modern revisionism with social-democracy is afraid of the advent of fascism, especially in certain countries which are threatened by the extreme right. To avoid the fascist dictatorship, the revisionists and social-democrats make efforts <<to mitigate>> the contradictions and <<tone down>> the class struggle between the masses of the people and the proletariat, on the one hand, and the capitalist bourgeoisie, on the other. Thus, in order to secure <<social peace>>, these subjects of the coalition have to make concessions to one another and to reach a compromise with the capitalist bourgeoisie, come to agreement with it over some sort of regime suitable to both sides. Thus, while the capitalist bourgeoisie and its parties openly continue their fight against communism, the revisionist parties endeavour to distort Marxism Leninism, the guiding ideology of the revolution.

The trade-unions, which are reformist and are especially educated and trained in compromises With the owning class and only f or economic claims and not for strikes with political demands and aims of the seizure of state power by the proletariat, have become the mainstay of the revisionist parties of Europe. Naturally, their bargaining is; aimed at striking a balance between the demand and the offer -- one side begs alms and the other side determines the size of this alms. The two sides, both the reformist trade-unions and the revisionist parties, and the owning class with its parties, state power and trade-unions, are threatened by the revolution, by the proletariat and its; genuine Marxist-Leninist parties. Therefore, they are in search of a reactionary compromise a solution that cannot be the same in all the capitalist countries, because of the differences in the strength of capital, the depth of the crisis and the extent of the contradictions eroding them from within.









(excerpts - related to Yugoslav Revisionism)


After the Second World War the Yugoslav revisionists were included in the great campaign of American imperialism and other reactionary forces that gathered around it, in the struggle against socialism and the revolution. This current, which represented revisionism in power, emerged at a crucial moment of the struggle between socialism and imperialism.

The period after the Second World War could not be a period of tranquility either for imperialism or for socialism. In the new conditions which had been created, imperialism had to cope with situations which were mortally dangerous to it, while socialism had to be consolidated, had to radiate and give its aid in the right way for the liberation and the progress of the peoples of the world. It was a time when not only the wounds of the war had to be treated and healed, but the class struggle had to be waged correctly, too, both within the countries where the proletariat had taken power and in the international arena. The victory over fascism had been achieved, but the peace was relative, the war continued with other means.

The socialist countries and their communist parties were faced with the task of working to consolidate their victories on the Marxist-Leninist road and to become examples and mirrors for the peoples and the other communist parties which were not in power. The communist parties of the socialist countries, also, had to temper themselves further with the Marxist-Leninist ideology, taking care that this was not turned into a dogma, but preserved as a revolutionary theory for action, a means to achieve profound social transformations, which is what it is in fact. In particular, after the historic victory over the fascist coalition, the socialist countries and the communist parties had to avoid becoming conceited, thinking that they were infallible, and forgetting or weakening the class struggle. This is the important thing Stalin had in mind when he stressed the need for the continuation of the class struggle in socialism.

Precisely in these circumstances the Titoites came out against Marxism-Leninism. Titoism did not throw off its disguise and come out openly against the revolution and socialism at the start, but, on the contrary, tried to camouflage itself while continuing to prepare the terrain for taking Yugoslavia back into the road of capitalism and its transformation into a tool of world imperialism.

It is a recognized fact that Titoism leaned spiritually, politically and ideologically towards the West, towards the United States of America, that right from the start it maintaiined numerous political contacts and achieved secret combinations with the British and other representatives of world capitalism The Yugoslav leaders opened all the doors to UNRRA, and by this means and under the pretext of aid with the stockpiles of clothing and food left over from the time of the war, the American-British imperialialist tried to infiltrate into many countries of the world, and especially into the countries of people's democracy. The aim of the imperialists was to prepare a more or less suitable terrain for ioperations of a more wide-ranging plan in the future. The Yugoslavs benefited greatly from the things UNRRA gave them, but for its part, UNRRA was able to exert its influence on the still incompletely built state mechanisms of the newly formed Yugoslav state. Right from the start, American imperialism and the whole of international reaction gave Titoism all their support because they saw in it the course, the ideology and the policy which led to the degeneration of the countries of the socialist camp, to the splitting and disruption of their unity with the Soviet Union. The activity of Titoism conformed completely to the aim of American imperialism to undermine socialism from within. But Titoism was also to serve the strategy of imperialism of paralysing the liberation struggles and weaning new states, which had just thrown off the colonialist Yoke, away from the revolutionary movement.

From the beginning, the Yugoslav revisionists were against the theory and practice of the genuine socialism of Lenin and Stalin on all questions and in all fields. Tito and his group linked the country with the capitalist world and set themselves the task of transforming everything in Yugoslavia, including its policy, ideology, state organization, the organization of the economy and the army, in the direction of the Western capitalist states. Their aim was to transform Yugoslavia into a bourgeois capitalist country as quickly as possible. Browder's ideas, which were the ideas of American capitalism, found a place in the political and ideological platform of Titoism.

First of all, the Titoites revised the fundamental principles of Marxism-Leninism about the role and mission of the revolutionary state power and the communist party in socialist society. They attacked the Marxist thesis about the leading role of the communist party in all fields of life in the system of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Following the example of Browder in America, they liquidated the party in practice, not just because they changed its name, calling it the League of Communists, but because they also changed the aims, functions, organization and the role which this party was to play in the revolution and the construction of socialism. The Titoites transformed the party into an educational and propaganda association. They eliminated the revolutionary spirit of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia and de facto went so far as to eliminate the influence of the party and to raise the role of the Popular Front above it.

On the cardinal question of the party, in connection with the leading factor of the revolution and the construction of socialism, there is a community of political, ideological and organizational views between Browderism and Titoism. Since Titoism, like Browderism, is liquidationist and anti-Marxist on the decisive platform of the vanguard role of the party of the working class in the revolution and construction of socialism, it is such in all its platforms.

The similarity of the views of the Titoites and those of Browder is apparent also in their stand towards <<American democracy>> which the Titoites took as a model for the construction of the political system in Yugoslavia. Kardelj himself has admitted that this system is <<... similar to the organization of the executive power in the United States of America>>.* *(E. Kardelj, Directions of the Development of the Political System of Socialist Self-administration, Rilindja, Prishtina 1978, p.235)

Following the liquidation of the party and the break with the Soviet Union and the countries of people's democracy, Yugoslavia has been writhing in a chaos of economic-organizational operations. The Titoites proclaimed the state property <<social>> property, and camouflaged the capitalist relations of production under the anarcho-syndicalist slogan of <<factories to the workers>>, and set the detachments of the working class one against the other. The collectivization of small producers was called the <<Russian way>> and was opposed with the <<American way>> of the creation of capitalist farms and the encouragement of private peasant economies.

This transformation in the economic, political and ideological fields was bound to bring about the subsequent transformation of the state organization, the organization of the army, and the organization of education and culture and so it did. In the fifties they proclaimed their so-called self-governing socialism, which was used to disguise the capitalist order. This <<specific socialism>>, according to them, was to be built by relying not on the socialist state, but directly on the producers. On this basis, they preached the withering away of the state in socialism, denied the fundamental Marxist-Leninist thesis about the need for the existence of the dictatorship of the proletariat during the whole period of the transition from capitalism to communism.

In order to justify their course of betrayal and to throw dust in people's eyes, the Titoites presented themselves as <<creative Marxists>> who opposed only <<Stalinism>> but not Marxism-Leninism. Thus, they proved once again that the slogan of <<the creative development of Marxism and the struggle against dogmatism>> is the favourite slogan common to every variant of revisionism.

The United States of America, Britain, European social-democracy, etc., gave Titoite Yugoslavia all-round political, economic and military aid and kept it alive. The bourgeoisie was not opposed to Yugoslavia formally retaining its <<socialist>> appearance, indeed it was interested in this. However, this kind of <<socialism>> had to be completely different from the socialism envisaged and built by Lenin and Stalin, which the Yugoslav revisionists began to attack, to call a <<low form of <<socialism>>, <<state socialism>>, <<bureaucratic>.,. and <<anti-democratic>>. Yugoslav <<socialism>> had to be a hybrid capitalist-revisionist society, but essentially bourgeois-capitalist. It had to be a <<Trojan horse>> which would get into the other socialist countries, in order to divert them from the road of socialism and link them with imperialism.

And in fact Titoism became the inspirer of revisionist and opportunist elements in the former socialist countries.

The Yugoslav revisionists carried out extensive undermining and sabotage work in these countries. Suffice it to mention theevents in Hungary in 1956, in which the Yugoslav Titoites played a very active role to open the way to the counter-revolution and take Hungary into the camp of imperialism.

In his well-known speech at Pula in 1956, Tito himself has clearly and openly explained the place which Titoism occupies in the overall strategy of imperialism in undermining the socialist countries from within. At that time he declared that the Yugoslav model of socialism was valid not only for Yugoslavia, but also for other socialist countries, which ought to follow and apply it.

The Titoite concepts and theories about world development and international relations also conformed to the strategy of American imperialism. In his speech delivered in Oslo in October 1954, the main theoretician of Yugoslav revisionism, Kardelj, came out openly against the theory of the revolution, while advertising the -newsolutions which capitalism had allegedly found. Distorting the essence of state monopoly capitalism, which assumed wide proportions in many capitalist countries after the Second World War, he proclaimed it an element of socialism, while he called classical bourgeois democracy <<a regulator of social contradictions in the direction of the gradual strengthening of socialist ele ments>>. He declared that today <<a gradual evolution towards socialism>> is taking place, and this he called <<an historical fact>> in a series of capital ist states. These revisionist concepts, which in essence are identical with those of Browder, were included in the program of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia and became a means of ideological and political diversion against the revolutionary and liberation movements of the proletariat and peoples.

On this basis the Yugoslav revisionists elaborated their theories and practices of <<non-alignment>>, which came to the aid of the strategy of American imperialism to restrain the impulse of the anti-imperialist struggle of the peoples of the so-called third world and to undermine their efforts to defend their freedom, independence and sovereignty. The Titoites advised these peoples that their aspirations could be fulfilled by applying the policy of non-alignment, that is, of not opposing imperialism. According to the Titoites, the road to the development of these countries had to be sought in <<active cooperation>>, in <<ever more extensive co-operation>> with the imperialists and big world capital, in the aid and credits which they should take from the developed capitalist countries.

As to where the course which the revisionists of Belgrade advocate leads, the present-day reality of Yugoslavia makes this very clear. The collaboration with American imperialism, with Soviet social-imperialism and the other big capitalist states, the large amount of aid and credits which they have received from them have turned Yugoslavia into a country which is dependent on world capitalism for everything, into a country with its independence and sovereignty crippled.






Enver Hoxha







(excerpts related to Titoism)




Speech delivered at the Meeting of 81 Communist and Workers' Parties in Moscow on November 16, 1960




    Dear Comrades!

        In the 1957 Moscow Declaration as well as in the draft-Statement submitted to us, it is pointed out that revisionism constitutes today the principal danger in the international communist and workers' movement. In the 1957 Moscow Declaration it is rightly stressed that the existence of bourgeois influence is the internal source of revisionism, while capitulation to the pressure of imperialism is its external source. Experience has fully corroborated that, disguised under pseudo-Marxist and revolutionary slogans, modern revisionism has tried by all manner of means to discredit our great doctrine, Marxism-Leninism, which it has dubbed as <<out dated>> and no longer compatible with social development. Hiding behind the slogan of creative Marxism, of new conditions, the revisionists have striven, on one hand, to deprive Marxism of its revolutionary spirit and to undermine the belief of the working class and the working people in socialism and, on the other, to use all the means in their power to prettify imperialism, describing it as moderate and peaceful. During the three years that have elapsed since the Moscow Conference. it has been fully confirmed that the modern revisionists are nothing but splitters of the communist movement and of the socialist camp, loyal lackeys of imperialism, avowed enemies of socialism and of the working class.

        Life itself has demonstrated that until now the standard-bearers of modern revisionism, its most aggressive and dangerous representatives are the Yugoslav revisionists, the treacherous clique of Tito and company. At the time when the Moscow Declaration was approved, this hostile group, agents of U.S. imperialism, were not publicly denounced, although, in our opinion, there were enough facts and information to warrant such a thing. Not only that, but later on, when the danger it presented became more evident, the fight against Yugoslav revisionism, the consistent and ceaseless fight to smash it ideologically and politically, was not conducted with the proper intensity. On the contrary, this has been and is the source of many evils and much damage to our international communist and workers' movement. In the opinion of our Party, the reason why Tito's revisionist group has not been totally exposed, why false <<hopes>> have arisen for an alleged <<improvement>> and positive <<turn>> of this treacherous group is because comrade Khrushchev and some other Soviet leaders maintain a conciliatory attitude towards, erroneous views about, and an incorrect assessment of this dangerous Titoite revisionist group.

        It has been said that J. V. Stalin was mistaken in assessing the Yugoslav revisionists and in sharpening his attitude towards them. Our Party has never endorsed such a view, because time and experience has proven the contrary. Stalin made a very correct assessment of the danger of the Yugoslav revisionists, he tried to settle this affair at the proper moment and in a Marxist way. The Inform Bureau, as a collective organ, was called together at that time and, after the Titoite group was exposed, a merciless battle was waged against it. Time has proven over and over again that such a thing was necessary and correct.

        The Party of Labor of Albania has always held the opinion and is convinced that Tito's group are traitors to Marxism-Leninism, agents of imperialism, dangerous enemies of the socialist camp and of the entire international communist and workers' movement, therefore a merciless battle should be waged against them. We, on our part, have waged and continue to wage this battle as internationalist communists and also because we have felt and continue to feel on our own backs the burden of the hostile activity of Tito's revisionist clique against our Party and our country. But this stand of our Party has not been and is not to the liking of comrade Khrushchev and certain other comrades.

        The Titoite group have long been a group of Trotskyites and renegades. For the Party of Labor of Albania, at least, they have been such since 1942, that is, since 18 years ago.

        As far back as 1942, when the war of the Albanian people surged forward, the Belgrade Trotskyite group disguising themselves as friends and abusing our trust in them tried their uttermost to hinder the development of our armed struggle, to hamper the creation of powerful Albanian partisan fighting detachments, and, since it was impossible to stop them, to put them under their direct political and military control. They attempted to make everything dependent on Belgrade, and our Party and our partisan army mere appendages of the Yugoslav Communist Party and the Yugoslav National-liberation Army.

        Our Party, while preserving its friendship with the Yugoslav partisans, successfully resisted these diabolical intentions. It was at that time that the Titoite group tried to found the Balkan Federation under the direction of the Belgrade Titoites, to hitch the Communist Parties to the chariot of the Yugoslav Communist Party, to place the partisan armies of the Balkan peoples under the Yugoslav Titoite staff. It was to this end that, in agreement with the British, they tried to set up the Balkan Staff and to place it, that is to say, to place our armies under the direction of the Anglo-Americans. Our Party successfully resisted these diabolic schemes. And when the banner of liberation was hoisted in Tirana, the Titoite gang in Belgrade issued orders to their agents in Albania to discredit the success of the Albanian Communist Party and to organize a <<putsch>> to overthrow the leadership of our Party which guided the National-liberation War and led the Albanian people to victory. The first <<putsch>> was organized by Tito through his secret agents within our Party. But the Albanian Communist Party frustrated this plot of Tito's.

        The Belgrade plotters did not lay down their arms and, together with their agent in our Party, the traitor Koçi Xoxe, continued the re-organization of their plot against new Albania in other forms, new forms [ 5 ] . Their intention was to turn Albania into a seventh Republic of Yugoslavia.

        At a time when our country had been devasted and laid waste and needed to be completely rebuilt, when our people were without food and shelter but with high morale, when our people and army, weapons in hand, kept vigilant guard against the plots of reaction organized by the Anglo-U.S. military missions who threatened Albania with a new invasion, when a large part of the Albanian partisan army had crossed the border and had gone to the aid of the Yugoslav brothers, fighting side by side with them and together liberating Montenegro, Bosnia, Herzegovina, Kosova and Metohia and Macedonia, the Belgrade plotters hatched up schemes to enslave Albania.

        But our Party offered heroic resistance to these secret agents who posed as communists. When the Belgrade Trotskyites realized that they had lost their case, that our Party was smashing their plots, they played their last card, namely, to invade Albania with their army, to crush all resistance, to arrest the leaders of the Party of Labor of Albania and of the Albanian State and to proclaim Albania a seventh Republic of Yugoslavia. Our Party defeated this diabolic scheme of theirs also. Joseph Stalin's aid and intervention at these moments was decisive for our Party and for the freedom of the Albanian people. Precisely at this time the Information Bureau exposed the Tito clique. Stalin and the Soviet Union saved the Albanian people for the second time.

        The Information Bureau brought about the defeat of the conspiracies of the Tito clique, not only in Albania but also in other countries of People's Democracy. Posing as communists, the renegade and agent of imperialism, Tito, and his gang, tried to alienate the countries of People's Democracy in the Balkans and Central Europe from the friendship and wartime alliance with the Soviet Union, to destroy the communist and workers' parties of our countries and to turn our States into reserves of Anglo-American imperialism.

        Who was there who did not know about and see in action the hostile schemes of imperialism and its loyal servitor Tito? Everybody knew, everybody learned, and all unanimously approved the correct decisions of the Information Bureau. Everyone without exception approved the Resolutions of the Information Bureau which, in our opinion, were and still are correct.

        Those who did not want to see and understand these acts of this criminal gang had a second chance to do so in the Hungarian counter-revolution and in the unceasing plots against Albania. The wolf may change his coat but he remains a wolf. Tito and his gang may resort to trickery, may try to disguise themselves, but they are traitors, criminals and agents of imperialism. They are the murderers of the heroic Yugoslav internationalist communists and thus they will remain and thus they will act until they are wiped out.

        The Party of Labor of Albania considers the decisions taken against Tito's renegade group by the Information Bureau not as decisions taken by comrade Stalin personally but as decisions taken by all the parties that made up the Information Bureau. And not only by these parties alone but also by the communist and workers' parties which did not take part in the Information Bureau. Since this was a matter that concerned all the communist and workers' parties, it also concerned the Party of Labor of Albania which, having received and studied a copy of the letter comrades Stalin and Molotov had written to the Central Committee of the Yugoslav Communist Party, endorsed in full both the letter and the decisions of the Information Bureau.

        Why then was the <<change of attitude>> towards the Yugoslav revisionists, adopted by comrade Khrushchev and the Central Committee of the Soviet Union in 1955, not made an issue for consultation in the normal way with the other communist and workers' parties, but was conceived and carried out so hastily and in a unilateral way? This was a matter that concerned us all. The Yugoslav revisionists had either opposed Marxism-Leninism and the communist and workers' parties of the world or they had not; either they were wrong, or we, not only Stalin, had erred against them. It was not up to comrade Khrushchev to settle this affair at his own discretion. But in fact, that is what he did and this change of attitude in the relations with the Yugoslav revisionists is connected with his visit to Belgrade. This was a bomb shell to the Party of Labor of Albania which immediately opposed it categorically. Before comrade Khrushchev set out for Belgrade in May 1955, the Central Committee of the Party of Labor of Albania sent a letter to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in which it expressed the opposition of our Party to his going to Belgrade, stressing that the Yugoslav issue could not be settled in a unilateral way but that a meeting of the Information Bureau should be called to which it asked that the Party of Labor of Albania also should be invited. It is there that this matter should have been settled after a correct and lengthy discussion.

        Of course, formally we had no right to decide whether comrade Khrushchev should or should not go to Belgrade, and we backed down on this, but in essence we were right, and time has confirmed that the Yugoslav issue should not be settled in this precipitate way.

        The slogan of <<overriding interests>> was launched, the second Resolution of the Information' Bureau was speedily revoked, the <<epoch of reconciliation>> with <<the Yugoslav comrades>> began, the conspirators, wherever they were, were re-examined and re-habilitated and <<the Yugoslav comrades>> came off unscathed, strutted like peacocks trumpeted abroad that their <<just cause>> had triumphed, that the <<criminal Stalin>> had trumped up all these things and a situation was created under which whoever refused to take this course was dubbed as a <<Stalinist>> who should be done away with.

        Our Party refused to take such a conciliatory and opportunist course. It stood fast on correct Marxist-Leninist ideological grounds, fighting the Yugoslav revisionists ideologically and politically. The Party of Labor of Albania remained unshaken in its views that the Titoite group were traitors, renegades, Trotskyites, subversionists and agents of the U.S. imperialists, that the Party of Labor of Albania had not been mistaken about them.

        The Party of Labor of Albania remained unshaken in its view that comrade Stalin had not erred in this matter, that, by pursuing their treacherous line, the revisionists had attempted to enslave Albania and, through hatching up a number of international plots with the Anglo-American imperialists, they had tried to plunge Albania into international conflicts.

        On the other hand, the Party of Labor of Albania was in favor of establishing state relations of good neighborliness, trade and cultural relations with the People's Federal Republic of Yugoslavia provided that the norms of peaceful co-existence between states of different regimes were observed, because as far as the Party of Labor of Albania is concerned, Titoite Yugoslavia has not been, is not, and will never be a socialist country so long as it is headed by a group of renegades and agents of imperialism.

        No open or disguised attempt will make the Party of Labor of Albania turn from this correct stand. It was futile for the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union to try to persuade us through comrade Suslov to eliminate the question of Koçi Xoxe from the Report submitted at our 3rd Congress in May 1956, for that would mean negating our struggle and our principled stand.

        In Albania, the Titoite saw struck a nail, or, as Tito says, <<Albania was a thorn in his flesh>> and, of course, the treacherous Titoite group continued their battle against the Party of Labor of Albania, thinking that they were exposing us by dubbing us <<Stalinists>>.

        The Belgrade group did not confine their fight against us to propaganda alone but they continued their espionage, subversion, plots, dispatching armed bands into our country more intensively than in 1948. These are all facts. But the tragedy is that, while the Party of Labor of Albania mounted guard against the bitter and repeated attacks by the Yugoslav revisionists, its unshaken, principled, Marxist-Leninist stand was in opposition to the conciliatory stand of the Soviet leaders and of certain other communist and workers' parties towards the Yugoslav revisionists.

        Then it was loudly proclaimed and written that <<Yugoslavia is a socialist country and this is a fact>>, that <<the Yugoslav communists possess a great experience and great merits>>, that <<the Yugoslav experience deserves greater interest and more attentive study>>, that <<the period of disputes and misunderstandings is not due to Yugoslavia>> and that <<great injustice had been done to it>>, and so on and so forth. This, of course, gave heart to Tito's clique who thought they had won everything except that there was still that <<thorn in their flesh>>, which they thought of isolating and then liquidating. But not only could our Party not be isolated, much less liquidated, but time proved that the views of our Party were correct.

        Much pressure has been exerted on our Party over this stand. The Albanian leaders were considered <<hot-blooded>> and <<stubborn>>, <<exaggerating>> matters with Yugoslavia, unjustly harassing the Yugoslavs, etc. The attack against our Party in this direction has been led by Comrade Khrushchev.

        So far, I have mentioned in brief what the Yugoslav revisionists have done against our country during and after the war, after 1948, but I will dwell a little also on the events prior to the Hungarian counter-revolution which is the work of Yugoslav agents. The treacherous Belgrade group began to organize a counter-revolution in Albania also. Had our Party made the mistake of joining in the <<conciliation waltz>> with the Yugoslav revisionists as Khrushchev preached after 1955, then the people's democracy in Albania would have gone down the drain. We, Albanians, would not have been here in this hall but would have been still fighting in our mountains.

        Firmly united by steel-like bonds, our Party and people kept their eyes wide open and discovered and unmasked Tito's spies in our Central Committee who worked in collusion with the Yugoslav Legation in Tirana. Tito sent word to these traitors, saying that they had precipitated things, that they should have waited for his orders. These spies and traitors also wrote to comrade Khrushchev to intervene against the Central Committee of the Party of Labor of Albania. These are documented facts. Tito's intention was to coordinate the counter-revolution in Albania with that of Hungary.

        Our 3rd Congress was to be held following the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The Yugoslav agents thought that the time had come to overthrow the <<obstinate Stalinist Albanian leadership>> and organized a plot which was discovered and crushed at the Party Conference of Tirana in April 1956. The plotters received the stern punishment they deserved.

        Tito's other dangerous agents, Dali Ndreu and Liri Gega, received orders from Tito to flee to Yugoslavia for <<they were in danger and because activities against the Party of Labor were to be organized from Yugoslav territory>>. Our Party was fully aware of Tito's activity and secret orders. It was wide awake and caught the traitors right on the border when they were trying to flee. The traitors were brought to court and were executed. All the Yugoslav agents who were preparing the counter-revolution in Albania were detected and wiped out. To our amazement comrade Khrushchev came out against us in defense of these traitors and Yugoslav agents. He accused us of having shot the Yugoslav agent, the traitress Liri Gega, allegedly <<when she was pregnant, a thing which had not happened even at the time of the Czar, and this had made a bad impression on world opinion>>. These were slanders trumped up by the Yugoslavs in whom comrade Khrushchev had more faith than in us. We of course denied all these insinuations made by comrade Khrushchev.

        But comrade Khrushchev's incorrect, unprincipled and hostile stand towards our Party and its leadership did not stop there. The other Yugoslav agent and traitor to the Party of Labor of Albania and to the Albanian people, Panajot Plaku, fled to Yugoslavia and placed himself in the service of the Yugoslavs. He organized the hostile broadcasts from the socalled <<Socialist Albania>> radio station. This traitor wrote to bandit Tito and comrade Khrushchev asking the latter to use his authority to eliminate the leadership of Albania headed by Enver Hoxha under the pretext that we were <<anti-Marxists and Stalinists>>. Far from being indignant at the letter of this traitor, comrade Khrushchev expressed the opinion that Panajot Plaku could return to Albania on condition that we do nothing to him, or he could find political asylum in the Soviet Union. We felt as if the walls of the Kremlin had dropped on our heads, for we could never imagine that the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union could go so far as to support Tito's agents and traitors to our Party against our Party and our people.

        But the culmination of our principled opposition over the Yugoslav issue with comrade Khrushchev was reached when, faced with our principled persistence in the exposure of the Belgrade Titoite agents, he was so enraged that, during the official talks between the two delegations in April 1957, said to us angrily: <<We suspend the negotiations. We come to terms with you. You are seeking to lead us to Stalin's ways>>.

        We were disgusted at such an unfriendly stand taken by comrade Khrushchev who intended to break off the talks, which would mean an aggravation of relations with the Albanian Party and State over the question of the traitors to Marxism-Leninism, the Tito group. We could never have agreed on this matter, but we, who had been accused of being hot-blooded, kept calm, for we were convinced that we were in the right, and not comrade Khrushchev, that the line we were pursuing was the correct one, and not that of comrade Khrushchev, that our line would be confirmed again by experience, as it has been confirmed many times over.

        In our opinion, the counter-revolution in Hun gary was mainly the work of the Titoites. In Tito and the Belgrade renegades, the U.S. imperialists had their best weapon to destroy the people's democracy in Hungary.

        After comrade Khrushchev's visit to Belgrade in 1955, no more was said about Tito's undermining activity. The counter-revolution in Hungary did not break out unexpectedly. It was prepared for, we might say, quite openly, and it would be futile for any one to try to convince us that this counter-revolution was prepared in great secrecy. This counter-revolution was prepared by the agents of the Tito gang in collusion with the traitor Imre Nagy, in collusion with the Hungarian fascists and all of them acted openly under the direction of the Americans.

        The scheme of the Titoites, who were the leaders, was for Hungary to be detached from our socialist camp, to be turned into a second Yugoslavia, be linked in alliance with NATO through Yugoslavia, Greece and Turkey, to receive aid from the U.S.A. and, together with Yugoslavia and under the direction of the imperialists, to continue the struggle against the socialist camp.







Report to the 5th Congress of the PLA



(Excerpts related to Titoism)



We were given another example that is eloquent of the weakening of the various revisionist groups by the recent events in Titoite Yugoslavia.
Among the Titoite leading group squabbles and fights for power, as well as national rivalries have broken out. The T i t o - K a r d e l j - B a k a r i c h group that represents the interests of the capitalist bourgeoisie and Croat-slovenian chauvinism eliminated the other rival group of Rankovich, that represented
great Serb capitalist chauvinism relying on UDB, which was used not only to suppress and murder the Yugoslavian communists and people — a thing that served the common interests of the whole Titoite clique — but was used by Rankovich to ensure the great-Serb hegemony in Yugoslavia, and to eliminate any resistance to it.
The recent events are the natural course of development
in Titoite Yugoslavia which has become involved in complete capitalist chaos and degeneration.
The betrayal by the Tito clique of M a r x i s m - Leninism could not f a i l to lead and in fact did lead, to the growth of the most rabid nationalism and chauvinism. «The direct democracy» and «the workers' self-administration» as well as the economic
reforms, etc. were nothing but the device by which the economically stronger group, mainly the Croat- Slovenian group tried to sanction their domination over the other republics of the Yugoslav Federation, which were to remain merely sources of raw materials and manpower. The rivalries that are developing in Yugoslavia now are closely bound up w i t h the rivalries of the external wolves, in the first place, between the U.S. imperialists and the Soviet revisionists leaders, who are struggling for zones of influence, for capital investments and to
establish their domination at the expense of the Yugoslav peoples. From the last clash those who came out victorious were the U.S. imperialists who supported the Tito-Kardelj group of the richest Sloveno-Croat bourgeoisie. But this is not the end of the affair. Not only because the Rankovich Serbomaniac chauvinistis w i l l not lightly lay down their arms, but because, in the first place, the Yugoslav people and the
genuine Yugoslav Communists w i l l not allow these chauvinistic groups, Serbomaniacs or Croat-Slovens, no matter who they are to perform at their expense.
The Yugoslav peoples and the genuine Yugoslav Communists are realizing ever more clearly that the Titoite regime, no matter which chauvinistic group stands at the top, represents a
cruel, bloody, police regime, which keeps under the yoke and mercilessly oppresses not only the peoples of Montenegro and Macedonia, of Kosova and Bosnia-Herzegovina, but also the w o r k i n g people of Serbia, Croatia, and Slovenia, and all the
other peoples of Yugoslavia.
The experience of the Titoite betrayal has served as an example for all the other modern revisionists. A l l of them, one more zealously than the other, have tried to copy it and apply it in their own countries. A n d now in the Yugoslav chaos, in the struggle for power, in the chauvinistic rivalries,
we should see their future too, the mine in which they w i l l end up.










(Contribution to the Discussion
at the 18th Plenum of the CC of the PLA)
September 7, 1960



Has our Party been wrong over the Yugoslav questions? Facts have shown that it has not been wrong. Others have made mistakes, and first of all Khrushchev.
He is not sufficiently a Marxist to have the courage to say, "I
have been wrong." Since he has made mistakes, he should turn
around and make a self-criticism and say, "I have accused Stalin
of having been wrong about the Yugoslavs." Life has proved that Stalin was right. Then, if your are a Marxist, come out and say that Stalin was not wrong about these questions.
What does it mean when we are told that we should keep
quiet and not expose the Yugoslav revisionists, since that would allegedly give them undue importance? This means we should be quiet, because if you speak out against the Yugoslav revisionists, the worthlessness of others will be brought to light, too, since not only the Yugoslavs are revisionists. If you sharpen the struggle against the Yugoslav revisionists, this will open your eyes to other revisionist elements, too, in whatever form they may present themselves.









Report to the 7th Congress of the PLA


(excerpt concerning the "non-aligned states")




"non-aligned states"


On the basis of these teachings the revolutionary movement and the proletariat build their strategy and tactics, f i n d and unite w i t h their true allies in the struggle against imperialism, the bourgeoisie and reaction. The terms «third world», «non-aligned states» or «developing countries», create the illusion among the broad masses fighting for national and social liberation that a roof has allegedly been found under which to shelter from the threat of the superpowers. These terms conceal the real situation in the majority of these countries, which, in this or that manner, politically, ideologically, and economically, are bound to, and depend on, the two superpowers and the former colonial metropolises.
The Yugoslav revisionists champion the idea of «nonaligned
countries». According to them, f a l l i ng w i t h i n this
group are those countries which have not aligned themselves
through m i l i t a r y treaties with the big imperialist
and revisionist powers, mainly w i t h N A T O and the Warsaw
Treaty. But without formally participating in these two
m i l i t a r y blocs, many of these countries are so completely
aligned w i t h the superpowers and the big capitalist countries
through a series of treaties and agreements, that the
word «non-aligned» has a very hollow sound to it.

This situation of the «non-aligned» movement was borne out by the Colombo Conference. With difficulty it managed to cover up the divergencies and the opposing political aims which individual countries and groups of participating states are pursuing. This time nobody spoke out against or openly attacked the United States of America and the Soviet Union by name and opposed their aggressive and war-mongering policy and activity. However, they did find it opportune and advantageous to attack France!
Many states which pretend to be non-aligned have concluded among themselves defensive and aggressive m i l i t a ry treaties in which imperialist powers take part, too.
None of the participants have denounced these treaties.
Soviet social-imperialism is trying to set up the «Asian
Security Treaty», tomorrow a similiar treaty on «African
Security», etc. A l l these are different forms of organization
intended to turn an allegedly non-aligned country into a country enslaved from every viewpoint.
The slogan of «non-aligned countries» gives the false
impression that a group of states which have the possibil i ty of «opposing» the superpower blocs is being created.
It gives the impression that these countries, all of them, without exception, are anti-imperialist, opposed to war,
opposed to the dictate of others, that they are «democratic
» and even «socialist». This helps to strengthen the
pseudo-democratic and anti-popular positions of the leading
groups of some states which participate among the
«non-aligned», and creates the impression among the
peoples of these countries that when their chiefs establish
or dissolve relations of any kind and nature with the
imperialists and the social-imperialists, openly or in secret,
they do this not only in the capacity of «popular
governments», but also in the capacity of a group of
states «with which even the superpowers must reckon».







Tito joins the West


Soviet cartoon - 1950






The Stalinist-Hoxhaist Movement