ENGLISH

 

August Bebel

 

Long live August Bebel -

a great revolutionary leader

of the

German and international workers' movement !


 

 

AUGUST BEBEL

[ in pictures ]

 

Messages of Solidarity

22 - 2 - 1840

22 - 2 - 2015

Greeting Message of the Comintern (SH)

on occasion of the 175th Birthday of August Bebel

22nd of February 2015



Today we celebrate the 175th Birthday of August Bebel, the "Father" of the revolutionary social democracy.

We greet all comrades all over the world who defend the revolutionary heritage of August Bebel, together with us, against reformism and revisionism, against Lassallianerism and all hues of opportunism.

August Bebel was the co-founder of the first Marxist party of the world in 1869.

He was one of the great leaders of the social democratic world movement, member of the First International since 1866, and one of the revolutionary leaders of the Second International since its founding in 1889.

He was over 44 years active in leading the international class struggle of the world proletariat.

August Bebel was born in Deutz, nearby Cologne, and learnt a trade as a turner. As a complete orphan he grew up in poor circumstances.

As a young man Bebel settled in Leipzig, the hub of German political activity, and became politically active with the radical Gewerblicher Bildungsverein (Industrial Educational Association). He studied Marx and Engels and other prominent figures in economic and social history, which contributed to his growing socialist worldview. Bebel developed a reputation as a powerful speaker, and was elected to the North German Constituent Reichstag in 1867, representing the Saxon People's Party.

August Bebel created the first Tactics and Strategy of the revolutionary workers' movement of the world.

Under his leadership the Marxist Mass Party gained a significant victory in the illegal struggle against the Anti-Socialist-Law.

A total of 57 months, August Bebel was sentenced to imprisonment in a fortress .

August Bebel was not only an excellent organizer, public speaker and workers' politician on all battle-fields ( struggle for the emancipation of women among other things).

August Bebel was also a great theoretician and philosopher.

He developed further the science of historical and dialectical materialism on nearly all fields of ideological class-struggle.

The Comintern (SH) started a campaign against religion, in the beginning of this year. Therefore we like to highlight the contribution of August Bebel to the struggle against christianity.

"Christianity is the enemy of liberty and civilization. It has kept mankind in slavery and oppression. The Church and the State have always fraternally united to exploit the people."

“We aim in the domain of politics at republicanism; in the domain of economics at socialism; in the domain of what is today called religion, at atheism.”

"Anti-Semitism is the socialism of fools."

August Bebel has dealt extensively with issues of religion, their ideas and historical, and social roots and their social function. In his essay "Glosses Ives Guyot's and Sigismond Lacroix's" (1878) he examined primarily the class character of the various forms of consciousness, revealing the relationship between religion and philosophy (Clericalism and the Socialist Attitude Thereto, 1903).

 

"Religious organisations and with them the churches will gradually disappear without any violent assault or any suppression of beliefs.

Religion is the transcendental reflection of prevailing social conditions. In the measure that human development progresses, and society is transformed, religion is transformed along with it; to use Marx's phrase, religion is the striving after an illusory happiness for the people that stems from the social condition, necessitating such are illusion, and it disappears as soon as the masses understand what genuine happiness is and see the possibility of its realisation. The ruling classes endeavour, in their own interests, to obstruct this understanding and, therefore, seek to preserve religion as a means of upholding their domination, which is most clearly expressed in the well-known statement: "Religion must be preserved for the people. " In a society based on class domination this for becomes an important official function. A caste forms which assumes this function and devotes all its ingenuity to preserving and enlarging this edifice, since it thereby enhances its own power and prestige. Fetishism at the lowest stage of civilisation, in primitive social conditions, gives way to polytheism at a higher stay of development, and monotheism at a still higher stage. It is not the gods that create men, it is men who make the gods or God for themselves. "In his own image he (man) created Him (God)", not the other way round. Monotheism, too, has already dissolved in an all-embracing, all-permeating pantheism and continues to fade away. The natural sciences have reduced the dogma of the creation of the Earth in six days to a myth; astronomy and mathematics have made heaven into a mere structure of air, and the stars in the firmament, on which the angels are enthroned, into planets and fixed stars, the nature of which excludes all angel life.

The ruling class, finding that its existence is threatened, clings to religion as the prop of all authority, just as every ruling class in the past has done. The bourgeoisie itself does not believe in anything; in the whole course of its development, by means of modern science to which it itself gave birth, the bourgeoisie has been destroying faith in religion and all authority. Its faith is only a pretence, and the Church accepts the aid of this false friend because it is in need of it. "Religion is necessary for the people." No such considerations move the new society. Constant human progress and unadulterated science are its motto. If someone should still have religious requirements, let him satisfy them in the company of like-minded people. Society does not concern itself with the matter. The priest, too, must work in order to live and since he learns in doing so, the day will come when he too realises that the highest aim in life is to be a man. Ethics and morality exist also without religion; the opposite can be asserted only by the simple-minded or hypocrites. Ethics and morality are the expression for concepts which govern both relations between men and their actions. Religion embraces the relations of men with supernatural beings. As religion, so concepts of morality stem from the prevailing social conditions in which men live. Cannibals regard man-eating as highly moral, the Greeks and Romans considered slavery moral, the feudal lord of the Middle Ages considered serfdom moral; and today to the modern capitalist wage-labour relations, the exploitation of women and the demoralisation of children by industrial labour all appear moral. Four stages of society and four concepts of morality, and yet the highest moral sense prevails in none. The highest moral condition is when men stand to one another as free and equal beings, that in which the principle "As ye would that men should do to you, do ye also to them likewise" rules all human relations. In the Middle Ages it was man's genealogical tree that determined everything, now it is his property; in future man will be respected because he is man. And the future belongs to socialism." (Bebel: Women and Socialism)


On December 31st, 1878, Bebel, in the presence of the entire Reichstag, declared: “In the area of religion, we aspire to atheism”; and on September 16th, 1878, he expressed “a firm trust that socialism will lead to atheism.”

Bebel called himself the enemy of all religion, “of which people of high quality have no need.”

The denial of immortality is one of the main conditions for the success of socialism, “because with the weakening of belief in heaven, socialist demands for heaven on earth will be strengthened” (Bebel). August Bebel suggested that “the threats of hell be mocked, and that pointing to heaven be disdained.”

As a Marxist, August Bebel sought the basic reasons of all social changes and revolutions not in the heads of men and not in their views on eternal righteousness and justice, but in changes in the means of production and distribution. The views on law, custom, morality is only the consequence of the existing social relations, and not their causes.

August Bebel was one of the early advocates of separation of church and state, one of the most popular program points of all revolutionary social democratic parties in the world.

On occasion of the 175th Birthday, the Comintern (SH) has published the biggest Bebel-Internet-Archive all over the world - namely in 7 languages. And we plan to add some more languages to our Bebel-Archives in the next time.

We close our message with a quotation of comrade Stalin who said:

"Only the militant proletariat could have produced a man like Bebel, virile, eternally young and eternally forward looking, as it is itself."

Long live the 175th Birthday of August Bebel !

Long live the heritage of the revolutionary social democratic world movement of the 19th century !

Long live August Bebel, one of the greatest Marxist leaders of the world proletariat !

 

 

 

MARX, ENGELS, LENIN AND STALIN

ON AUGUST BEBEL

 

Marx and Engels, as well as Lenin and Stalin recognized the international significance of August Bebel:


Karl Marx

called Bebel "a single appearance within the German (you can tell within the 'European working class" (letter from Marx to Engels, September 16, 1882).


Friedrich Engels:

In a letter to Sorge, Engels wrote in 1882: "Bebel is the one of the leaders who has behaved also in this matter at best." [namely to resist the renegades]. After the death of Karl Marx, Engels was the undisputed spiritual leader of the international labor movement. In his correspondence with August Bebel, the tactics of the class struggle of the socialist parties took up a central position. August Bebel received valuable practical advice of Friedrich Engels on the need to break with the opportunists.


Lenin:

At the time of his death Bebel was eulogized by V.I. Lenin as a "model workers' leader," who had proven himself able to "break his own road" from being an ordinary worker into becoming a political leader in the struggle for a "better social system."

In a letter to the SDGP Lenin wrote: “We share your grief at the loss of one of the most prominent leaders of international revolutionary Social-Democracy.”

With the death of Bebel we lost not only the German Social-Democratic leader who had the greatest influence among the working class, and was most popular with the masses; in the course of his development and his political activity, Bebel was the embodiment of a whole historical period in the life of international as well as German Social Democracy.”

The period of preparation and the mustering of working-class forces is in all countries a necessary stage in the development of the world emancipation struggle of the proletariat, and nobody can compare with August Bebel as a brilliant personification of the peculiarities and tasks of that period. Himself a worker, he proved able to break his own road to sound socialist convictions and became a model workers' leader, a representative and participant in the mass struggle of the wage-slaves of capital for a better social system.”

"There was a time, during the Anti-Socialist Law when August Bebel committed opportunistic errors, the party corrected these errors and pointed Bebel the way."

Bebel is undoubtedly such a significant authority in the international proletarian movement, such an experienced practical guide, a Socialist of such fine feeling for the needs of revolutionary struggle that out of 100 cases he was able to help himself out of the swamp in 99 cases, when he had done a wrong step here and there.”

It is also profoundly unfair to speak in general about the “present-day” opportunistic Bebel. There are no grounds for such a generalisation. We must criticise the mistakes of the German leaders fearlessly and openly if we wish to be true to the spirit of Marx and help the Russian socialists to be equal to the present-day tasks of the workers’ movement. Bebel was undoubtedly mistaken at Essen as well when he defended Noske, when he upheld the division of wars into defensive and offensive, when he attacked the method of struggle of the “radicals” against. Van Kol, when he denied (with Singer) the failure and fallacy of the German delegation’s tactics at Stuttgart. We should not conceal these mistakes, but should use them as an example to teach the Russian Social-Democrats how to avoid them and live up to the more rigorous requirements of revolutionary Marxism.”

 

Stalin:

His thunderous speeches in the German parliament, in which he lashed out at the musty aristocracy, tore the mask from the liberals and pilloried the "imperial government," and his long years of activity in the trade unions—all show that Bebel, the faithful guardian of the interests of the proletariat, appeared wherever the fight was hottest, wherever his seething proletarian energy was needed.

That is why the German and international Socialists revere Bebel so much.

Of course, Bebel made mistakes—who does not? (Only the dead make no mistakes.) But all small mistakes pale into insignificance when contrasted with the tremendous services he has rendered the Party, which today, after forty-two years of leadership by Bebel, has over 600,000 members, about 2,000,000 workers organised in trade unions, enjoys the confidence of 3,000,000 to 4,000,000 voters, and by a wave of the hand can organise demonstrations of hundreds of thousands in Prussia.

Such are the life and activities of old Bebel, yes, very old, but ever so young in spirit, standing, as of old, at his post in anticipation of fresh battles and fresh victories.

Only the militant proletariat could have produced a man like Bebel, virile, eternally young and eternally forward looking, as it is itself.

Only the theory of scientific socialism could have given wide scope for Bebel's ebullient nature, for his tireless efforts to destroy the old, decaying capitalist world.

Bebel's life and activities testify to the strength and invincibility of the proletariat, to the inevitable triumph of socialism. . . .

Let us, then, comrades, send greetings to our beloved teacher—the turner August Bebel!

Let him serve as an example to us Russian workers, who are particularly in need of Bebels in the labour movement.

Long Live Bebel!

Long Live International Social-Democracy!

 


Rosa Luxemburg

said on August Bebel:


"Life of Bebel is as an open book for the fighting proletariat, in which one can read on each page:

Only through tireless, restless, no victims, no trouble shying fight for the smallest tangible practical results, in political and economic struggle, through parliamentary action and mass pressure in any form, but at the same time only through constant and unwavering focus the whole battle line to the socialist end goal, the cause of the proletariat can win the victory - despite storm and stress."


Even today, the reactionary social democratic leaders decorate themselves with the revolutionary life and work of August Bebel, because he is deeply rooted in the German proletariat. The Comintern (SH) tears off the mask of all bourgeois reactionaries, opportunists and revisionists who still seek to hide behind August Bebel. August Bebel belongs to the revolutionary world proletariat - and no one else! He was a fighter for the matter of proletarian socialism - always in strict demarcation from the advocators of bourgeois socialism !

 

Bebel's great historic merit was to tear the workers away from the influence of the bourgeoisie, to unite them in an independent Marxist workers party and thus to lead the class struggle as an independent class against the bourgeoisie - for the purpose of her overthrow and downfall.


We Stalinist-Hoxhaists pay tribute to comrade Bebel, who is a model and inspiration for us in the path towards world socialist revolution, world proletarian dictatorship, world socialism and world communism based on Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism-Hoxhaism. We will always uphold and defend comrade Bebel’s revolutionary and proletarian socialist legacy.



Autobiography

Reminiscences:

Part I

1910

 

Biographical Note:

A worker and Marxist revolutionary, Bebel co-founded German Social Democracy with Wilhelm Liebknecht in 1869. Bebel had trained as a cabinet maker, and in 1863, at the time of the founding of Lassalle’s German Workers’ Association, he found "socialism and communism" "totally unfamiliar concepts, double-duth words". Bebel was a member of the Reichstag from 1867. Sentenced with Liebknecht to two years imprisonment for "treason" (opposition to Franco-German War) in 1872. After the GSD merged with the Lassalleans in Gotha in 1875, Bebel remained the unquestioned leader. His fiery parliamentary speeches – from 1868 he was continuously a member first of the North German and later the German Reichstag – are part of the history of German social democracy, as are also his books, above all his autobiography From My Life and Woman and Socialism.

His books were burnt by the state-authorities of the German Kaiserreich in Bebel's life time, and ...

... on May 10, 1933 - twenty years after his death - , the books of August Bebel were burnt under the Nazi regime on several public places in Germany.

 

At the time of his death Bebel was eulogized by V.I. Lenin as a "model workers' leader," who had proven himself able to "break his own road" from being an ordinary worker into becoming a political leader in the struggle for a "better social system."

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Bebel

- Speeches and Writings -

[ ENGLISH ARCHIVE]

 

 

Reichstag Speech

November 8, 1871

 

 

 

Speech of August Bebel

at the German Reichstag, Berlin, 1889

 

 

 

WOMAN UNDER SOCIALISM

 

In Bebel's lifetime Women and Socialism appeared in fifty-three German-language print editions, was translated into twenty languages, and sold almost a million and a half copies.

People came to be attracted to socialism through this book

 

 

 

 

Assassinations and Socialism

2 November 1898

 

 

August Bebel Speaks Out For Homosexual Rights

1898

 

 

The Darwinian Theory and Socialism

1899

 

 

The Situation in Germany

Justice, 3 May 1902

 

 

Features of the Electoral Battle

1903

 

 

Clericalism and the Socialist Attitude Thereto

1903

 

 

 

 

For Union and Unity

1905

 

 

Socialism and Internationalism

1905

 

 

Socialism and the General Strike in Germany

1905

 

 

Socialism and the Student

1905

 

 

 

England and Germany

1907

 

 

 

A Justification of Our Position.

1908

 

“An Explanation”
(Letter)

1908

 

 

 

 

 

Marx and Engels to
August Bebel, Wilhelm Liebknecht, Wilhelm Bracke and others

1879

 

Frederick Engels

LETTERS TO AUGUST BEBEL

 

 

Lenin on August Bebel

 

 

Stalin on August Bebel

Stalin 1913

 

"August Bebel,

Leader of the German Workers"

LEAFLET

March 23, 1910


Stalin Works, Vol. 2, 1907 - 1913


 

Who does not know Bebel, the veteran leader of the German workers, once a "mere" turner, but now a famous political leader before whose criticism "crowned heads" and accredited savants have often retreated as from hammer blows, whose words are heeded by the millions of proletarians in Germany like the words of a prophet?


On February 22 of this year Bebel reached the age of seventy.


On that day the militant proletariat of the whole of Germany, the International Socialist Bureau, and the organised workers in all countries all over the globe celebrated old Bebel's seventieth birthday.


How has Bebel earned this veneration? What has he done for the proletariat?


How did Bebel rise from the mass of the workers, how did he, a "mere" turner, become the great champion of the world proletariat?


What is the story of his life?


Bebel spent his childhood amidst poverty and privation. At the age of three he lost his father, the breadwinner of his family, a poor, consumptive non-commissioned officer. To provide the children with another breadwinner Bebel's mother married a second time, this time a prison warder. The mother and children left the army barracks in which they had lived hitherto and moved to the prison building.


But three years later the second husband died. The family was left without a breadwinner, so the mother took the children to her birthplace in the remote provinces, and there they lived in semi-starvation. Bebel, as the child of a poor family, was taken into a "charity school," which he successfully finished at the age of thirteen. But a year before he finished school another misfortune befell him—he lost his mother, his last support. A complete orphan, left to his own devices, and unable to continue his education, Bebel became the apprentice of a turner of his acquaintance.


A life of monotonous and arduous toil began. From five in the morning until seven at night Bebel worked in the workshop. Some variety was introduced in his life by books, to the reading of which he devoted all his spare time. To obtain books he subscribed to the local library, sacrificing the few pence per week he earned by carrying water for his mistress every morning before starting work.


Evidently, far from breaking the spirit of young Bebel, far from killing in him his striving towards the light, poverty and privation still further strengthened his will, increased his thirst for knowledge, raised in his mind questions, the answers to which he zealously sought in books.


And so, in the struggle against poverty, the future tireless fighter for the emancipation of the proletariat was trained.


On reaching the age of seventeen Bebel finished his apprenticeship and started life as a journeyman turner.


At the age of nineteen he attended a meeting of workers in Leipzig and heard the speeches of socialist working men. This was the first meeting at which Bebel came face to face with working-men orators. He was not yet a Socialist, he sympathised with the liberals, but he was sincerely glad to hear the independent speeches of the workers, he envied them—and he was filled with the ambition to become a working-man orator like them.


From that moment a new life opened for Bebel— a definite road stretched before him. He joined workers' organisations and became very active in them. Soon he acquired influence, and he was elected to the committee of the workers' unions. In the course of his activities in the unions he fought the Socialists and went hand in hand with the liberals, but while fighting the Socialists he gradually became convinced that they were right.


In his twenty-sixth year he was already a Social-Democrat. His fame spread so rapidly that a year later (1867) he was elected chairman of the committee of the unions and the first workers' representative in parliament.


Thus, fighting and winning, step by step surmounting the obstacles that surrounded him, Bebel at last rose from the mass of the workers and became the leader of the militant workers of Germany.


From that time onwards Bebel openly supported Social-Democracy. His immediate aim was to wage war against the liberals, to free the workers from their influence, and to unite the workers in their own workers' Social-Democratic Party.


Bebel achieved his aim in the following year, 1868, at the Nuremberg Congress. The skilful and relentless attack he launched at this congress brought about the utter defeat of the liberals, and German Social-Democracy rose up on the ruins of liberalism.


The emancipation of the workers can be the act only of the workers themselves, said Bebel at the congress, and therefore, the workers must break away from the bourgeois liberals and unite in their own workers' party—and in spite of the opposition of the handful of liberals, the overwhelming majority at the congress repeated after him the great words of Karl Marx.


To achieve their complete emancipation the workers of all countries must unite, said Bebel, and therefore, it was necessary to affiliate to the International Work-ingmen's Association—and the majority at the congress unanimously repeated after him the words of the great teacher.


Thus, the Social-Democratic Labour Party of Germany was born, and Bebel was its midwife.


From that time onwards Bebel's life was merged with that of the Party, his sorrows and joys were merged with the Party's sorrows and joys. He became the German workers' beloved leader and inspirer, because, comrades, one cannot help loving a man who has done so much to put the workers on their own feet, to free them from the tutelage of the bourgeois liberals and to give them their own workers' party.


The year 1870 put the young party to its first test. The war against France began, the German government demanded money for the war from parliament, of which Bebel was also a member, and a definite stand had to be taken for or against the war. Bebel realised, of course, that the war benefited only the enemies of the proletariat; but all classes of German society, from the bourgeoisie to the workers, had been swept off their feet by the fever of false patriotism and regarded refusal to vote the government the money it demanded as treachery to the fatherland. But Bebel paid no heed to "patriotic" prejudices and, not fearing to swim against the stream, loudly proclaimed from the floor of parliament: I, as a Socialist and a republican, am in favour not of war but of the fraternity of nations, not of enmity with the French workers but of our German workers' unity with them. Denunciation, ridicule and contempt —such was the response to Bebel's bold pronouncement even on the part of the workers. But, faithful to the principles of scientific socialism, Bebel did not for a moment haul down the flag to suit the prejudices of his fellow-workers; on the contrary, he did all in his power to raise them to the level of clearly understanding the fatal consequences of the war. Subsequently, the workers realised their mistake and loved their staunch and sturdy Bebel all the more. The government, however, rewarded him with two years' imprisonment, but he did not idle away his time in prison. It was in prison that he wrote his famous book Woman and Socialism.


The end of the 'seventies and the 'eighties put the party to further tests. Alarmed by the growth of Social-Democracy, the German government issued the Anti-Socialist Laws, broke up the party and trade union organisations, suppressed all the Social-Democratic newspapers without exception, annulled freedom of assembly and freedom of association, and the Social-Democratic Party, which had been legal only the day before, was driven underground. By these measures the government wanted to provoke Social-Democracy into unsuccessful and fatal actions, and to demoralise and crush it. Exceptional firmness and unexampled foresight were needed to avoid losing one's head, to change tactics in time, and wisely to adjust the movement to the new conditions, Many Social-Democrats yielded to these acts of provocation and swung towards anarchism. Others renounced all their ideals and sank to the level of the liberals. But Bebel staunchly remained at his post, encouraging some, cooling the excessive zeal of others and exposing the phrasemongering of still others, and skilfully guided the Party along the true path, forward, ever forward. Ten years later the government was obliged to yield to the growing strength of the labour movement and repealed the Anti-Socialist Laws. Bebel's line of policy proved to be the only correct line.


The end of the 'nineties and the 1900's put the Party to still another test. Encouraged by the industrial boom and the relatively easy economic victories, the moderate elements in the Social-Democratic movement began to deny the necessity of an uncompromising class struggle and a socialist revolution. We must not be uncompromising, we do not need a revolution, they said; what we need is class collaboration, we need agreements with the bourgeoisie and the government, so that we may jointly with them patch up the existing system. Let us therefore vote for the bourgeois government's budget, let us enter the present bourgeois government.


By these arguments the moderates undermined the principles of scientific socialism and the revolutionary tactics of Social-Democracy. Bebel realised how dangerous the situation was and, together with other leaders of the Party, he proclaimed uncompromising war upon the moderates. At the Dresden Congress (1903) he utterly defeated Bernstein and Vollmar, the German leaders of the moderates, and proclaimed the necessity of revolutionary methods of struggle. In the following year, in Amsterdam, in the presence of Socialists from all countries, he defeated Jean Jaures, the international leader of the moderates, and once again proclaimed the necessity of an uncompromising struggle. From that time onwards he gave the "moderate enemies of the Party" no rest, inflicting defeat after defeat upon them in Jena (1905) and Nuremberg (1908). As a result, the Party emerged from the internal struggle united and strong, astonishingly consolidated and immensely grown, and for all this it was indebted mainly to August Bebel. . . .


But Bebel was not satisfied merely with activity within the Party. His thunderous speeches in the German parliament, in which he lashed out at the musty aristocracy, tore the mask from the liberals and pilloried the "imperial government," and his long years of activity in the trade unions—all show that Bebel, the faithful guardian of the interests of the proletariat, appeared wherever the fight was hottest, wherever his seething proletarian energy was needed.


That is why the German and international Socialists revere Bebel so much.


Of course, Bebel made mistakes—who does not? (Only the dead make no mistakes.) But all small mistakes pale into insignificance when contrasted with the tremendous services he has rendered the Party, which today, after forty-two years of leadership by Bebel, has over 600,000 members, about 2,000,000 workers organised in trade unions, enjoys the confidence of 3,000,000 to 4,000,000 voters, and by a wave of the hand can organise demonstrations of hundreds of thousands in Prussia.


It is noteworthy that the celebrations in honour of Bebel's birthday coincided with a striking demonstration of the might of German Social-Democracy, with huge and unprecedentedly well-organised demonstrations in favour of universal suffrage in Prussia.


Bebel has every right to claim that he has not worked in vain.


Such are the life and activities of old Bebel, yes, very old, but ever so young in spirit, standing, as of old, at his post in anticipation of fresh battles and fresh victories.


Only the militant proletariat could have produced a man like Bebel, virile, eternally young and eternally forward looking, as it is itself.


Only the theory of scientific socialism could have given wide scope for Bebel's ebullient nature, for his tireless efforts to destroy the old, decaying capitalist world.


Bebel's life and activities testify to the strength and invincibility of the proletariat, to the inevitable triumph of socialism. . . .


Let us, then, comrades, send greetings to our beloved teacher—the turner August Bebel!


Let him serve as an example to us Russian workers, who are particularly in need of Bebels in the labour movement.


Long Live Bebel!

Long Live International Social-Democracy!


The Baku Committee of the R.S.D.L.P.


Published in leaflet form March 23, 1910



August Bebel

May Day 1895

 

"The idea of May Day celebrations has taken root ineradicably in Germany....The stoppage of work on the day of the celebration is, slowly but surely, being more and more adopted. The sad economic state of affairs which we have been experiencing for years and which hardly admits improvement forces hundreds of thousands to rest not only on Mayday, but also before and after. This is the main reason why the party has up to now declined to take a strong stand on the extension of the stoppage of work on May 1st. But the idea is extending further and further, the number of participants is becoming, to an ever increasing degree, a proletarian holiday which is dedicated to the demands of the proletariat for working hours, working and living conditions worthy of human beings."

 

A. BEBEL.

 

 

Bebel-Funeral in Zurich

13th of August 1913 - 13th of August 2013

 

August Bebel

 

On his 100th Day of Death

 

 

 

 

GERMAN

CHINESE

FINNISH

FRENCH

 

AUGUST BEBEL

ARCHIVE