سرخ بین المللی اتحادیه های کارگری

 

 

 

 

 

فارسی

 

5 کلاسیک مارکسیسم لنینیسم

اتحادیه راجع به

 

بایگانی

- سرخ بین المللی اتحادیه های کارگری

(1921 - 1937)

انجمن بین المللی اتحادیه های کارگری در سال 1921-1937.

5 کنگره برگزار می شود (در مسکو): 1ST (جولای 1921)

2ND (نوامبر - دسامبر 1922

سوم (جولای 1924)،

4TH (مارس - آوریل سال 1928)

5TH (جولای سال 1930 توسط نمایندگان 51 کشور حضور داشتند).

 

 

Lozovsky


(1878/03/28 - 1952/08/12)


نام مستعار Dridze سلیمان آبراموویچ.
دایره المعارف بزرگ اتحاد جماهیر شوروی: Lozovskiy (نام واقعی و نام و نام خانوادگی - Dridze سلیمان آبراموویچ) [16 (28) .3.1878 - 1952/12/08]، دولت شوروی و رهبر حزب، دکتر علوم تاریخی (1939). یک عضو حزب کمونیست از سال 1901. در روستای اسکندر شهرستان Danylivka دولت در Yekaterinoslav معلم به دنیا آمد. کار حزب در سن پترزبورگ، قازان، خارکف انجام شده است.
شرکت کنندگان فعال در انقلاب 1905-1907 در قازان، نماینده 1ST کنفرانس از ر در Tammerfors ها (1905). در سال 1906، در سال 1908 در راه خود را به پیوند فرار در خارج از کشور را دستگیر کردند. در 1909-1917 در تبعید در ژنو و پاریس. عضو از حزب سوسیالیست فرانسه، در جنبش اتحادیه های کارگری فرانسه صورت گرفت. از سال 1912 او به یک گروه از سازش بلشویک تعلق دارد. در طول جنگ جهانی 1ST، 1914-1918 انترناسیونالیست. در ژوئن سال 1917 او به روسیه بازگشت. وزیر امور خارجه از همه در 3RD کنفرانس همه اتحادیه (جولای 1917) انتخاب شد. در دسامبر 1917، برای سخن گفتن در برابر سیاست حزب از ر (ب) حذف شده است. در 1918-1919، او به رهبری گروه از دموکرات ها انترناسیونالیست های اجتماعی، که در شامل دسامبر سال 1919 دوباره تصویب در RCP (ب). به در 1918-1921 دبیر اجرایی اتحادیه کارگران نساجی، راه آهن، رئیس MGSPS. در سال 1921-1937 وزیر Profinternu، عمومی. در 1937-1939 کارگردان Goslitizdat. در 1939-1946، معاون کمیسر، سپس معاون وزیر امور خارجه اتحاد جماهیر شوروی، در حالی که در سال 1941-1948 معاون رئیس، سپس رئیس اداره اطلاعات شوروی. در 1940-1949 رئیس بخش تاریخ روابط بین الملل و سیاست خارجی اتحاد جماهیر شوروی حزب مدرسه عالی کمیته مرکزی حزب کمونیست شوروی (ب). نماینده کنگره حزب 8، 18، 15 و 17 این کنگره انتخاب نامزد عضو کمیته مرکزی در کنگره 18 عضو کمیته مرکزی حزب کمونیست شوروی (ب). نماینده 2-7 کنگره انترناسیونال کمونیستی یک عضو ECCI. عضو کمیته اجرایی مرکزی و کمیته اجرایی مرکزی اتحاد جماهیر شوروی. معاون شورای عالی اتحاد جماهیر شوروی از 1st و 2nd convocations. نویسنده آثار متعدد در جنبش بین المللی اتحادیه های کارگری و اتحاد جماهیر شوروی. او سفارش از لنین، سفارش از جنگ میهنی 1ST درجه و مدال اهدا شد ..


بستر های نرم افزاری

تأسیس سرخ بین المللی اتحادیه های کارگری در سال 2003

 

 

 

قانون اساسی

سرخ بین المللی اتحادیه های کارگری
تصمیم گیری در مورد 2ND کنگره جهانی از R I L U
در ماه نوامبر سال 1922

 

کمینترن
اتحادیه راجع به

 

اتحاد جماهیر شوروی
اتحادیه های کارگری

 

آلبانی
اتحادیه های کارگری

 

 

 

کشورهای دیگر

 

اتحادیه های کارگری قرمز

و

مخالفان انقلابی

در داخل اتحادیه های صنفی اصلاح طلب

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The history of the emergence of workers in Iran goes back to the early twentieth century. The first strikes were reported from around 70 to 80 years ago, and the first workers' organisations took form around 1920. In the 1920s the small number of workers were organised in a national union led by communists. This union, comprising several thousand workers, was significant enough for the monarchist government of the time, i.e. that of Reza Shah, to set the crushing of the incipient workers' movement as one of its prime tasks.

Later, with the relative development of capitalism, the establishment of railways and the growth of factories, the number of workers increased. During the development of the years 1941-53 the Iranian working class was organised in organisations with tens of thousands of members; the oil workers, in particular, had a tangible presence on the social stage.

The working class in its present sense, however, developed only after the Land Reforms of the 1960s. As a result of these Land Reforms capitalist relations were rapidly established. Millions of dispossessed peasants were driven into the labour market. With the capitalist boom in Iran in the early 70s industrial workers developed in their millions. Thus from the 1960s onwards the working class emerged as the main producing class. The working class in Iran is therefore a young class. Despite the early existence of workers in sectors such as oil, printing and textiles, most sections of the Iranian working class are not more than two generations old.

The first great social experience of this new working class was the 1979 revolution. In fact it should be said that the Iranian working class in its present political and social form is, more than anything else, the product of the developments of the last ten to fifteen years. In the 1979 revolution the working class was the backbone of the revolutionary movement and the workers' nationwide strikes were the most radical blows struck at the Shah's regime. The slogan "Our oilworkers are our staunch leaders" which then became the universal slogan of the revolutionary masses, reflected this vanguard and decisive role played by the workers. Although, in general, workers were not able to free themselves from the domination of the bourgeois-religious opposition, they put forward their own independent demands. For example, through the oilworkers they demanded to be present in the "Revolutionary Council" which was formed in the wake of the Shah's downfall.

With the accession of the Islamic Republic regime to power, workers' struggle against this new rule of the bourgeoisie began from the very first days. The first bullets fired by the new regime against the revolution hit the hearts of unemployed workers who had launched a widescale movement. Workers' economic struggle in the factories was a main stronghold for the continuation of the revolution. Workers step by step were voicing their demands with greater clarity. Workers' councils, having sprung up from the heart of the strike waves before the uprising, took the lead of an enthusiastic and profoundly revolutionary struggle to realise the demands of the working class and safeguard the gains of the uprising. The revolutionary period 78-81 was the period of the richest experiences for workers and their direct intervention - in their millions - in the fate of society, leaving its stamp on the consciousness of the whole working class. But this period ended in 1981 with the Islamic regime's massacring of the workers' councils, the crushing of the political organisations and the establishment of an unprecedented repression.

 

THE RIGHT TO STRIKE
Iranian workers have almost always been deprived of a legal right to strike. The current Labour Law and that which is to be passed soon do not recognise the right to strike. Khomeini had repeatedly declared that strike is a sin. Many strikes have been confronted and crushed by the Pasdaran and the military. Both under the Shah's regime and under the Islamic Republic many workers have been sacked, imprisoned and even murdered on charges of going on strike. Nevertheless, none of these measures has succeeded in preventing the widespread strikes during the past several years. Going on strike is illegal, but each year on average over a hundred "illegal" strikes take place. The strike action has truly proved to be the workers' weapon in their collective protest against the capitalists and the Islamic Republic to improve their conditions. Today the next step for the workers is to impose the right to strike as a legal right on a nationwide scale.