Author `s free, revised and improved translation from the German original text
Part II
Appeal
of the
Communist International
(Marxists- Leninist)
decided on the 31st December, 2006
(at our 6th anniversary)
Words which change the world:
"World proletariat - unite all countries! "
The labour union "question"...
... is one of the biggest obstacles on the way to the unity of the world proletariat. We want labour unions which serve exclusively the class struggle of the world proletariat in every single country. We struggle for the necessity of red labour unions and the destruction of bourgeois labour unions. We struggle for removing their nationally backwardness, their resistance against their ineluctable reformation as global unification weapons in the hands of the world proletariat. The revival of the traditional labour union `s movement is only possible as a globally reorganized movement - otherwise it would further suffer and waste away in the hands of the bourgeoisie. The global up building of revolutionary labour unions is necessary but impossible without the struggle for the global disarmament of bourgeois labour unions. The workers, however, can get their own global labour unions not until they have liberated their capitalised labour unions in the countries. "World proletariat - unite all the labour unions of the countries !" This is our message to solve globally the labour union `s question.
It shouldn't escape the notice of the labour unions in the leading capitalist countries, that the world capital influenced the traditional anti-capitalist development of the labour union movement in these countries more and more strongly and to be more precise to the effect that it ruthlessly disregards the progressive achievements of these more than 150 years old labour movements. Moreover, world capitalism proceeded to exploit the labour unions and to subdue them under the law of profit just by the misuse of the labour unions. The bourgeoisie exercises power over the labour unions from a global position so that labour unions within their national four walls became incapacitating even if they would fight honestly for the interests of the workers but they don `t do. National labour unions are useless if they are not led by a powerful global centre. However, who is the forerunner of the international attack on the achievements of the workers of the single countries?
The forerunners of the global campaign against the workers` rights and their social systems, which once arose from the class struggle in the capitalist countries, those are the bourgeois labour unions themselves who serve to the capitalism and by this disarmed the own workers became helpless towards the world capitalist campaign !
The governments, the labour unions and all the old-fashioned instruments of exploitation and oppression within the single countries, all this gets in conflict with the interests of the world capital, which need not to regard the rights of the world labourers in particular.
While the capitalists of single countries are tied to a certain degree to legal, even though minimal considerateness, the global capital can disregard national conventions. Global capital is bound to nothing, can make use of the reserve armies of all countries, can benefit from the labour competition among the nations etc. Since the world capitalist, however, doesn't exploit his world labourers on the moon but in the middle of the countries where the wage labourers of the national capitalists are also exploited, the international capitalist "poaches" so to speak in the strange districts of the national capitalists, he puts them into competition among themselves and exerts pressure on them, especially on the collective bargaining, amount of wages, labour time, conditions of employment, social insurance etc. The world proletariat demands for a minimum of globally equal working conditions, wages, collective bargaining etc. "Equal wage for equal labour in every country!" If you compare the working conditions in factories of international monopolies with those in factories with a locally "settled" property , the working conditions are much worse, the wages lower with the world capitalists, so the "long-established" enterprises are forced for their part to worsen their working conditions and to push the pay to remain competitive internationally. The term of “global wage-dumping” is well known. And an anti-wage-dumping campaign can only be successfully organised by globally centralised revolutionary labour unions, who coordinate the struggle in the single countries. This applies also to the well known cause and effect of globalised outsourcing. These all are known appearances of worldwide moves, migrations, relocations, shifting, outsourcings and transfers of production means, of industrial facilities, manufacturing facilities and other production facilities, whole factories and whole industries in cheap pay countries and the return of the factories to former locations but under deteriorated work and pay conditions! clear and brief: the world capital disregards the hurdles of single countries and becomes increasingly the pacemaker of the exploitation and oppression in the countries` development, the pacemaker of the deterioration of the more than one hundred years old tradition of the countries` labour movements. In next to no time the world bourgeoisie can do as it pleases whereas the traditional national bourgeoisie would need time till doomsday. Especially the working classes of the capitalist countries felt painfully the effects of globalisation. They passed through a long period of hard class struggle to wring this and that improvement of their situation from the capitalist system and now they see their achievements dashed. The only problem is that the world capital does not give a damn about the harsh fate of the labourers. World capital is most anti-labourer and who risks a protest gets the sack. World capital can max out on the million reserve army and is mobile enough to gain access to a better location at every time, where and when it can make more profit trouble-free, faster and more easily, in the line of least resistance and at a minimal expense .So the car industry goes to the East, i.e. to China, because the increase of the capital is there at best, now. The cheapest pay country of the world is the social imperialist China today. The fourth largest finance capital of the world already is in China `s hands just to give an example. And vice versa, the Deutsche Bank, this bank of the export- world 's- champion- country was de placed by China and set back from the forth position to the 23rd position within only few years. The international bank capital went besides itself. The teachings of Stalin concerning the crisis of the financial, industrial and agricultural capital in the imperialist countries applies extremely to the globalised crisis of the world imperialist system with its far-reaching consequences on the global labour market and last not least on the increasing class-struggle. Let `s speak about the influences on the changing of former forms of the international class-struggle caused by the global capitalist crisis.
The old means of class struggle, the fight forms of the first period of socialism have to be modified under the changing conditions of globalisation and in the perspective of the second period of socialism. We have urgently to talk about the development of global forms of the international class struggle. There is no doubt about the daily experiences of the workers who discover the loss of effect by adhering to the traditional forms of class struggle but they are not yet conscious about the alternative solutions. The world proletariat demands for effective counter agents against the global fight forms and global weapons of the world capital. The international form of the globalisation determines the global consciousness about the globalisation and therewith the global forms of the labour union `s class struggle by which world capitalism is attacked. Completely all forms of the labour union `s struggle, the former and new ones, will be carried, developed, altered and subordinated by the coming global class struggle for the socialist world revolution. Every crisis of the labour union `s movement leads unavoidably to the fact that the old forms do not apply to the changing content of class struggle any more. The new forms of the global labour movement develop to such degree as the global formation of labour develops by the world capital.
The possible global forms of the economic class struggle will be determined by its new global contents on the one hand and by the adoption of former forms of the struggle on the other hand. The world proletariat can neither back-pedal with former forms of struggle, nor return to lower-level forms, if globalisation forces the development of new forms on a higher stage.
The better, the more conscious, the larger and deeper the economic class struggle will be prepared, organised and evaluated and the more content and form is intimately connected and harmonised, the more sustainably the revolutionary effect will be, the more effective is the global transformation of the economic class-struggle and the overcoming of the bourgeois labour unions who serve the world capitalists.
The Comintern (ML) respects all the different forms of the workers` struggle, namely we do not reinvent "totally new" labour unions and we do not "make" any forms of global class-struggle but we just try to generalise the developing process of the global labour movement which creates its own forms of struggle. We only organise the struggle and give them communist consciousness. Marxism-Leninism denies abstract formulae and dogmatic recipes and teaches to keep an eye on the actual proceedings of the movement. At first we are all learning from the practice of the mass movement and we are far away from "teaching" new forms of class-struggle. Secondly we prefer to analyse fight forms in the light of the historical materialism. In different moments of the globalisation, in dependency on different political, global an national conditions etc. some different fight forms come to the fore, become main forms of the fight and therewith again secondary fight forms, fight forms with subordinated importance which all get changed. Every attempt to propagate a fight form affirmatively or negatively without any detailed and concrete fact-finding of a concrete situation and a given movement on a given stage of development is equal to leave the bottom of Marxism-Leninism. Marxism-Leninism is encouraged to apply the basic teachings of proletarian internationalism to the present conditions of globalisation, particularly the consequences for the political line of the revolutionary labour union, and more precisely, the improvement of the economic struggle in regard to the aim of the coming proletarian socialist world revolution. We need global forms of struggle which improve the practice of the proletarian globalism under the global conditions of today. It is unavoidable and relates to the ABC of Marxism-Leninism that the decisive struggles of the labour unions develop as global struggles on a global battle-field. Merging the content of global class struggle with adequate global forms - without neglecting the necessity of different forms in different countries - this is the task of the world revolutionary labour movement.
The fight of the two ideologies is not alone going on between bourgeoisie and proletariat but also among the workers themselves, between those workers who disqualify the chains of antiquated forms of the struggle on the one hand and those workers who still persist on those old traditions which are outdated. This fight takes place inside and outside the labour unions. There is unavoidably a similar struggle among the Marxists-Leninist. The one tries to get rid of the break shoe of outdated principles and antiquated ways of thinking and acting while the other cling to it - unable or not willing to break away from it. The fight against a superior world is inevitably also an unavoidable fight among the innovators both among the workers and among the Communists. The worldwide mass movements of the workers as well as the international movements of the Communists are confused in two different ways today:
Firstly because of the rotations of disjointedness, contradictions, uncertainties, falsities, fallacies, aberrations, misorientation and disorientation;
Secondly because of the harmful and dangerous role of the revisionists who are the pacemaker of the bourgeois and petty bourgeois influence in the mass movements of the workers as well as their role within the ranks of the world revolutionary movement of the Marxists-Leninist.
The fight against the revisionists in the rows of one's own is just as intense as the fight outside in the capitalist world. Experiences are sometimes disappointing and sometimes bothering. Sometimes you regret later on that you agreed to unite and sometimes you regret having rejected the unity which should n `t have rejected. In the end the genuine unity finds the right way to succeed but its Marxism-Leninism which shortens and eases the process of unity. And if we don ´t care about the permanent update of Marxism-Leninism then this will cause damages and prolong and complicate the way towards unity. And this is one of the things we Marxists-Leninist have to consider. There is nobody but we Marxists-Leninist ourselves who can really update Marxism-Leninism. It is a crime towards the world proletariat not to fulfil this task thoroughly and faithfully and we would do a disservice to the bourgeoisie and its revisionist lackeys who would take advantage of our sin of omission. We need utmost efforts, an arduous time and a long and winding road to overcome global confusion ideologically, politically and organisationally and to establish world revolutionary unity of the world proletariat and the global communists on the basis of Marxism-Leninism.
Let `s come back to the global transformation of fight forms of the changing economic struggle.
Well, new global fight forms of the capitalists and old-fashioned fight forms of the proletariat in the single countries are standing vis-à-vis. This fatal disproportion of the weapons seems to be considerably evident. To give an example: If the workers of a car factory fight for the preservation of their jobs, against rationalisation of working places and destruction of jobs and finally against close-down, then the car factory is frequently replaced abroad where the pay is lower or less resistance would have been expected on the part of the workers. Or foreign labourers are brought into the country for a dumping pay, which increases the domestic wage pressure and diminishes the domestic working places. The world capitalist has the more modern weapons, the working class of a single country obsolete weapons with which they fight against each other, a dissimilar fight. The workers can fight heroically but with obsolete weapons the defeat is predetermined. And indeed, that `s the capitalist beauty of global life ! Everybody can see this with one's own eyes. The workers of the single countries are snookered by the world capitalists. And there is no alternative but workers` global unification! What do the national labour unions say to it? The labour union bosses don't only look away and twitch with the shoulders but they betray the workers, they leave them alone and are doing nothing against the governments which permit this ruinous competition of between domestic and foreign (legal as well as illegal) labourers. The bourgeois labour unions have got a class-controlling position within the capitalist system. It is a historical fact that the labour unions in the capitalist countries have raped the internationalist character of the labour movement `s tradition for more than hundred years. Labour unions are still instruments of the international class-struggle but they turned from the hands of the proletariat into the hands of the bourgeoisie, and by reformism and revisionism they received their reactionary character. The capitalists captured the workers` labour unions and replaced proletarian internationalism by the reactionary narrowness of bourgeois nationalism, reformism and revisionism, social-imperialism, social-fascism etc. and the capitalists cultivated the labour aristocracy as their social sustainer within the labour movement. With the bourgeois labour unions the working class was kept under the control of capitalism, the international front of the revolutionary labour movement was splitting, and the world revolutionary unions struggle paralysed and undermined and respectively brutally destroyed. The worker of today slaves away muffled in the realm of the shades of global exploitation and oppression, powerless, helpless and the labour unions, these lackeys of world imperialism, left the workers in the lurch. The workers are sold down the river of globalism. meanwhile the states of the whole world and their yellow labour unions are almost completely in the hands of the monopolies, the global business groups, the world capital. Even the membership in a yellow labour union is already a reason for the rejection of an application or grounds for dismissal. The governments, the states knuckle under the diktat of the world capital and so do the yellow labour unions. They all became dogsbody of globalised capital. The worker rights, the traditional labour union rights, the rights of the peoples, the human rights - they all are annulled and cancelled. World fascism is the other side of the world capitalist coin. The Chinese workers belong to the most exploited and oppressed part of the world labourers an world capitalism developed an appetite for the new global type of Chinese coolies. After all it is not by chance that the Communist International (Marxists- Leninist) has founded the Red Labour Union International in the spirit of proletarian globalism;
firstly, for backing up the proletarians in the single countries to reconquer their own labour unions as genuine tools of their class-struggle and
secondly, to pave the way for the global revolutionary labour union `s movement. The Red Labour Union International was founded in the wise foresight that the labour union movement produces new international fight forms against the world capital. We want to support this global process of the labour unions` unification. We want to become a global mouthpiece for revolutionary labour unions and for the comrades who are involved in the complicated global economic struggle we want to be their guide-line. By the globalisation of the economical class struggle the world proletariat takes advantage of the global power of persuasion representing the interests of the workers all over the world on the open battlefield as well at the global negotiating table of the world capitalists. The global pugnacity of the world proletariat makes the difference ! The global capitalists can break the fist of the proletariat of a single country, but not the global fist of the world proletariat ! Times shall pass by when the maintenance of the front of the global labour union becomes more important than the struggle for increasing the global wage ! At this front all global elements of the capital on the side and the global elements of the labour shall meet on the coming world battle !
Arrived at this point the Revolutionary Labour Union International will be able to accomplish its political tasks to abolish the ruinous competition among the workers in a world scale and to set up the world association of socialist labour unions.
Without the international unification of the revolutionary labour union movement the international labour movement is powerless, stands on clay feet, lacks the base, cannot develop without base. The Red Labour Union International is an organisation which includes the world proletariat as a whole but which isn't able to establish the world dictatorship of the proletariat. For this purpose it is required a whole package of differentiated international unifications, an enormous international mechanism of all proletarian organisations (international transmission belts) which start working by means of a number of transmission wheels . The international dictatorship of the proletariat cannot be established without the avant-garde, the proletarian world party which is closely connected with the Red Labour Union International. Without this mechanism the distance between world imperialism and world socialism cannot be spanned.
How does the dialectical interrelation of national and international labour union movement proceed?
The yellow labour unions are instruments of the imperialism to suppress, control and split the proletariat increasingly on a global scale. The world capital needs the world 's wage-slavery and thus also the global reformation of the yellow labour union will be a bulwark against the coming world proletarian class-struggle whose long term purpose is to abolish world 's wage-slavery. The world capital cannot "take over" the nationally narrowness of most of the existing yellow labour unions of the countries and more less to crush them. Global world capitalism needs a global world capitalist labour union suited to its special demands of centrally controlling the proletarian movements all over the world. The world capital cannot do without its own unions because of the simple reason, namely to channel the exploitation- and oppression system of the national bourgeoisies into global regulation instruments. However, in the same way world capital changes the national bourgeoisie as a detachment of the world bourgeoisie, it also changes the national labour unions into detachments of global capital centralized as global regulation instruments. By this the yellow labour unions in every country must completely be modified to serve the global interests of world capital more effectively. If the yellow labour unions appear as new detachments of the new yellow international labour union of the globalised world capital - and world capital forces them to do so inevitably -, every yellow labour union does no longer lead the traditional hostile fight within the labour movement to maintain wage-slavery in the country of its own but is moreover forced to subordinate all national labour interests under the labour interests of the world capital. This means that the yellow labour union `s instruments of all countries must be converted to one single, centralized instrument of the world capital to make the world labour more disposable and available which means again: the old reactionary, national guild system of the labour unions must fall unconditionally, which has immensely impeded the labour movement of every country in its revolutionary internationalist development. The guild system was one of the most effective means against the internationalist spirit of the labour movement. But it cannot be simply copied to satisfy global demands. They were just fitted to the interests of the national bourgeoisie.
This is perfectly well and not bad! The first efforts to organize a labour union movement on an international scale took place in single branches of productions, for example the tobacco industry in 1871. In 1902 there were some labour union conferences of several European countries and the USA on occasion of the Stuttgart-Congress of the German labour unions. However these were social democratic, reformist labour unions. They were led by opportunism, reformism, nationalism and chauvinism. They were led by the guild system and didn't play the roll for supporting and coordinating the worldwide solidarity of the workers in this or that branch especially the solidarity with the toilers in the colonies. During the First World War they didn't play a decisive roll, though they were the representatives of over 6 million members. In fact, they withdraw from anti-militarist position and defended the national interests of their own warmongering country. The revolutionary development of the worldwide labour union movement began with the events of the October-Revolution. The establishment of socialist unions in the Soviet Union were a mighty lever for a new international class-struggling labour union movement. Historically we can speak about the beginning of the revolutionary world labour union movement. Simultaneously it was a total break with the reformist and revisionist labour union movement in the capitalist countries. Since that time we have to consider the split of the world labour union movement in two contrary lines, the class-struggle between the capitalist, reactionary labour union world movement and the revolutionary, socialist world labour union movement - up to now. So the foundation of the " (Yellow) Amsterdam International" in 1919 was directly a reaction on the events of the Red October. The "Amsterdam International" was built as a bulwark of the Western reformist labour unions against the revolutionary labour union movement whose centre was Moscow. The "Amsterdam International" was the prolonged arm of the social democratic International within the labour union movement. In the course of the foundation of the Comintern in 1919 the Red International Labour Union was founded in 1920 by delegates of 41 countries. The programme of the RILU aimed for the revolutionary abolition of the capitalist system and for the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat - nota bene ! - on a worldwide scale. The programme was led by the ideology of Marxism-Leninism in the struggle against reformism and revisionism, especially against the "Amsterdam International" of the social-imperialist social democrats. In the course of this struggle of two contrary lines in the world labour union movement the RILU had 20 million members in 1937 and the membership of the "Amsterdam International" was shrinking towards 12 millions. In the course of the historical development there was a period of revisionist degeneration of the revolutionary world labour movement, which started with the revisionist betrayal of Yugoslavia, followed by the betrayal of the soviet-revisionists, the Chinese-revisionists, the Albanian revisionists and many others. The new labour aristocracy was the social base of this reactionary development. With the re-foundation of the RILU in 2003 things changed better. We are entering the period of the global battle of crashing worldwide wage-slavery, a global battle particularly between the reactionary labour unions of the world bourgeoisie and the revolutionary labour unions of the world proletariat, a global battle between the capitalist and the socialist world labour union ! This battle ends unavoidably with the global removal of the capitalist labour union and the establishment of the socialist labour union. For this perspective of the revolutionary international labour union `s movement this is good when the world capital sharpens the contradictions of national barriers of the yellow labour union movement and also good for the revolutionary labour union movement in every country. Through this the recovery of the labour union members will become easier and accelerated as well for the ideas of the communism in the whole world as in the countries.
With the intention to globally centralise the reactionary trade unions the world capitalism has to strengthen its interests within the yellow trade unions in the single countries. To force through global interests world capitalism has to abolish the guild character and the national narrowness of the reformist labour unions of the countries.
If the world capital dominates the national instruments of the reactionary labour unions in the countries, it would be hardly possible to up build revolutionary labour unions in the single countries, because they can only rely on limited national forces of the proletariat faced by capitalist labour unions which will be backed by global forces of world capitalism. The revolutionary labour union movement with its internationalist character cannot be unfolded in national narrowness, unless the Red unionists remove from limited national grounds, unless the (inner) revolutionary labour union of each country is transformed as a type of an international detachment of the world proletariat `s International Labour Union. Only by this transformation the revolutionary labour union movement of each country can develop on a higher qualitative level - such a level which is needed to oppose the international reactionary labour union movement of the world capital and to crush their international organisations. And this - and only this - is the guarantee of the victory over the yellow labour union `s movement in each country under the present conditions of world-wage-slavery! The world capital so to speak changes the inner yellow labour union (that of the single country) into an instrument of the outer capitalist international labour union. Annexed at one point world capitalism has transformed all national labour unions into his own detachments. They are then changed - so to speak - into world capitalist outposts within the single countries. The world capital wakes up the world's reactionary labour union from the national Sleeping Beauty. World capital is fortifying at a simultaneous increase of the contradictions and competition between the national labour and the world labour.
Only since installing yellow world labour unions in the single countries world capital sets the global stage for the establishment of broad revolutionary labour unions. Only since the global revolutionary labour movement in all the countries is fully being anchored and spreading in all the countries the yellow labour unions begin to vacate the historical world scene and disappear, never to be seen again even in the last single country. Globalisation of world capital and world labour lay the foundations for the global death of all the bourgeois labour unions and the up building of world revolutionary labour unions and the rebirth of class-struggling labour unions in every single country. The world proletariat can unite the countries as its detachments not until it has united all revolutionary labour unions ( self-evident in the victorious struggle against the yellow labour unions): "World proletariat - unite the revolutionary labour unions of all countries!" - this is the world revolutionary idea for the solution of the labour union crisis: In principle we do not doubt that capitalist labour unions can be beaten by the own revolutionary forces of the proletariat in a single country. But one thing is for sure: by their strong ties to the world capital this tour de force would make class-struggle unnecessarily miserable and would cost avoidable sacrifices. However any victory on a national stage gained by a single revolutionary labour union can never be guaranteed as long as the reactionary labour union of a country can draw sufficiently anew regeneration strengths from the world capital. For cutting global connexions we need globally united weapons - the sole, unaccompanied weapons of the revolutionary labour union in a single country would n `t do. Because of this we must compete with all anti-proletarian strategies and tactics of the labour union `s struggle, particularly against the ideas of right world economism and "left" world sectarianism, which attack our ideas of the world revolutionary labour union as well as the narrow-minded nationalist (= anti-internationalist) ideas of bourgeois and petty bourgeois about spirit and purpose of the labour unions. Our opponents do not content themselves with open weapons against our world revolutionary labour union ideas. Neo-revisionism concerning the Red Labour Union International ... that means: "struggling for the aim of world revolutionary labour unions in words and serving the yellow labour unions, and therewith serving world capital, in deeds ! A guaranteed (historically final) victory over the yellow labour unions (and only the abolishment of the inevitableness of capitalist labour union's movement within the imperialist world order can be defined as a guaranteed victory !!) is only in so far realisable if the international labour union `s movement, the Red Labour Union International, the war of removing the yellow unions, the anti-imperialist union `s civil world war... if all of this serves to the wars of conquest for gaining the political power of the world proletariat. The traditional labour unions had been the product of the nation `s capitalism whereas the new ones will be developed under conditions of the globalisation of capitalism. We are now passing through a period of the labour unions transformation which has to be mastered in the new spirit of Marxism-Leninism. So the development of the red labour union in every country doesn't go straightly, not regularly and independently from the international development of the labour union movement. They are growing with their internationalist character and formations in the heat of global class-struggle. Red Labour Unions are forced by global capitalism to develop in an indirect way. They cannot develop in the same way as the former national labour unions used to do because they are developments of the global class- struggle in the single countries and not the other way round. This depends on the stage of the global capitalist involvements within the different countries, depends on the different stage of capitalism in every single country, depends on the class-consciousness of the proletariat in every country, last not least on the stage of the world proletarian class` development, etc.. So the birth of red labour unions in single countries have to overcome many hurdles before they become genuine internationalist detachments of the global world proletarian labour union movement. Though world capitalism objectively provides the necessary preconditions for the global development of red unions it is again their direct opponent in every single country. In so far world capitalism is aspired to do something against all essential global activities of the workers to unionise beyond all national borders. At first world capitalism attaches the national labour unions as their bulwarks. And secondly, if the national labour unions shall become insufficient to cover global needs, world capitalism will be bound to transform the labour unions directly as its globally centralised detachments. This is the reason why the world proletariat as a whole has to unite the labour unions of the countries. This global task can impossibly be left to the proletarians of the single countries. The old red unionist strategy of penetrating and breaking through the unionist legality in the countries has to be translated into the strategy of penetrating and breaking through the global unionist legality.
Of course, the revolutionary workers of single countries cannot twiddle their thumbs waiting for some "global unionist activities" of the "world proletariat". The world proletariat is not just an abstraction. For the time being the global formation of the workers shall be developed consistently by the globalisation of labour. There will be a steady interchange of "global" and "national" workers in the same way as "global" and "national" labour interchanges by globalisation. The revolutionary workers, the global industrial workers in the single countries, shall organize the revolutionary work of the labour union opposition both in the yellow and outside the yellow labour unions and they shall form transition forms suitable for the creation of an independent red labour union. These transition forms will turn out different in all countries since the yellow labour union of the one country differs from that of the other country. We Marxists- Leninist, as well as the revolutionary unionists do know very well, that the unionist struggle belongs to the toughest, most attritional, complicated and difficult forms of class-struggle. We are aware of the fact that the global unionist struggle will be tougher, more complicated and more difficult than any other unionist struggle in single countries and that this will cost hardest and most sacrificially efforts of the world proletariat. The yellow labour unions were able to keep up their influence within the labour movement because the workers still hesitate to send them packing, because they did not shake off the labour aristocracy and because they did not replace the capitalist unions by militant class unions. And the workers go on hesitating with it to the same degree the bourgeoisie takes them for a fool, to the same degree they are fuddled by bourgeois and petty bourgeois ideology - for centuries, for decades, year in, year out, daily, hourly. The bourgeois consciousness about labour unions is still the predominant consciousness of the workers and there will be red unions not until the communists succeeded to revolutionise the proletarian consciousness of the workers - patiently for centuries, for decades, year in, year out, daily, hourly. The bourgeois labour union is still idolized as the "sacred cow" which one mustn't slaughter because otherwise everything could come "much worse" yet. This superstition is no longer an issue, this legend will be bettered if the workers have understood well and truly and by their own experiences that a class labour union of the bourgeoisie can never represent the interests of the working class and that only the proletarian class labour union can do. If the workers do not regain their consciousness of being a part of a class within a class society they do not recognize their class-unionist consciousness. Armed with revolutionary class consciousness the workers shall make an end with the yellow labour union, then the old revolutionary labour union, its militant class tradition shall revive after hundred years. 100 years of splitting the labour union movement will then be removed, there will be free unity labour unions which do serve nobody but the workers themselves. It is in the hands of us Communists to shorten this period of the rebuilding of proletarian class unions. This is a hard mandatory fight to overcome the global split of the world proletariat, to reproduce its unity labour union, a unionist unity against world capital.
But let `s have a look around the Communists themselves. They brought discredit on the workers` unionist struggle. The Communists turned out to be on the wrong track nowhere less than in the labour union question. That `s a shame ! Reputation will come our way if we behave as genuine Bolshevists able to master self-criticism. To regain reputation we Communist have to abandon all non-sellers still offered by the revisionists as cheap as chips. Our hair stand on end even if quotations of Lenin about the labour union question blow up in our face. In all seriousness we are still confronted with upholding unionist principles which were valid over 100 years ago. At that time, a hundred !!) years ago, Lenin was struggling against the teething troubles (!!!!!) of the communists in the union `s question. Today, quite seriously, we wonder whether we shouldn't write a book about the communist symptoms of old age so that it is finally understood by everyone that we cannot solve the labour union question with the answers which were valid 100 years ago and - sorry about that - which do not at all correspond with the changing conditions of globalisation. It is the revisionists who dig out the old Lenin quotations just to direct them against us Marxists-Leninist to en damage us as "sectarians". The disgrace is this that the vast majority of the Communists has sinned against the workers heavily in the labour union question that they have been crushed under the burden of the reformism and revisionism accumulated for 100 years because they have failed and feared to shake this burden off instead of adopting a self-critical, Bolshevist attitude. There is still a deep influence of the ideology of the labour aristocracy and the petty bourgeoisie within the labour union movement which is far reaching into the ranks of the Communists. The labour union question is the most dividing question. The revisionists and reformists did their share to force the communists to float with the reformist tide and to withdraw the communist banner from the labour unions movement. Instead of holding our communist ground within the labour union movement we left our position which was then occupied by the Syndicalists and different sectarian groupings, especially Trotskyite groupings concerning the world labour movement. If the labour union question paralyses the unity of the Marxist Leninist world movement, then one must tackle the labour union question at the very latest, and this means nothing else then to find a radical Marxist Leninist solution. And we have to continue the correct line of the Comintern where the revisionists succeeded to finish the so called "Third Period - class against class !" This line was correct and has therefore to be applied to our times of globalisation - that is our way towards a correct Marxist-Leninist solution of the labour union `s question. If we have put away the revisionist spoke in our wheel, the unionist struggle of the Communists will finally obtain the desired progress. So, we Communists have to unite for the up building of revolutionary labour unions - wherefore else ? When the Red Labour Union International was founded on May 1st, 2003, it entered the global class-struggle with the following platform:
"The Red Labour Union International is an organisation of the Comintern (ML), an independent internationalist school of communism to unite the world proletariat and to train and support its revolutionary labour union struggle generally.
The Red Labour Union International is guided by the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Enver Hoxha - especially by their unionist line. The generalisation of the single experiences of the revolutionary labour union `s struggle in all the countries in connexion with a central analysis of the international world labour union movement are the base for the further development of the general line of the Red Labour Union International. Aim is primarily the mutual solidary support of the revolutionary labour unionists in the whole world to use the labour union fight of the world proletariat as a powerful international lever for the socialist world revolution.
The fight for the unification and organisationing of all revolutionary strengths of the international labour union movement against class reconciliation, split, capitulationism and liquidationism particularly against all branches of revisionism, reformism, Trotskyism, Anarcho-Syndicalism and against any bourgeois and petty bourgeois influence within the international labour union movement to
a) achieve and guarantee the independence of the world proletariat in its economic, political, ideological and organizational labour union fight;
b) bring the complete world proletariat together under the red banner of the united front in the labour union fight against the world capitalism.
The Red Labour Union International fights for the revolutionary elimination of the bourgeois labour unions. These instruments of the world capitalism must crush and socialist labour unions as instruments of the power of the world proletariat have to be created for the construction or reconstruction of the socialism - both at national and at an international level. In turn the Red Labour Union International counts on the tactics of the revolutionary united front of the world proletariat."
The Red Labour Union International has a positive influence on the unification of the revolutionary unionists in every factory, in every country and globally all over the world:
Protect every worker of the world against global exploitation !
Employ every worker all over the world !
Equal work and pay all over the world !
35-Hours-Week !
Equal and better working conditions all over the world !
Equal and better social systems all over the world !
Equal economical and political rights for the workers all over the world !
Equal rights for the workers` labour unions all over the world !
Unlimited rights for strikes and support of workers` demonstrations !
Worldwide ban for lockouts against striking workers !
Against illegalization of "wild" and spontaneous strikes all over the world !
Equal rights for foreign and domestic workers in every country without any exception !
Equal rights for male and female workers in every country without any exception !
For the organization of collection campaigns to support the workers` international class-struggle !
Down with the reformist and revisionist labour unions !
Down with global class-collaboration and global class - reconciliation ! For global class-labour-unions ! For revolutionary labour unions !
Global freedom fighting
World political freedom is the ground on which the unification of the world proletariat prospers. And vice versa - a united world proletariat strengthens its power of freedom. The global and national interrelations of international class-struggle were explained in detail. So the global struggle for political freedom is self-explanatory an interactive struggle both in the countries and in the world, too. So let `s apply Occam's razor.
World revolution needs global air to breathe. All the revolutions of the classes were carried by air of political freedom. And the world cannot breathe free air if their is any country missing, if there is stuffy, dead air in the countries anywhere. And vice versa, world capitalism can even squeeze all the breath out of a socialist "single" country by means of the imperialist-revisionist encirclement. The struggle of the world proletariat differs from any former class-struggle for political freedom. The world proletariat is both the carrier of global political freedom and the remover of the inevitableness of the struggle for political freedom. Communism is a classless society where freedom is liberated from any politics. Communism is a politicless society (and expressing, forming and publishing totally new revolutionary terms is a certain kind of political freedom which is needed to prepare world revolution!). The term "politicless" is not to be found in any dictionary and it is not to be mixed up by the terms "apolitical" or "non-political". Even an apolitical attitude or a non-political indifference is a certain political expression of a class in this or that class-society. However, if there are no more classes on the earth, who then will need political ideas, attitudes or struggles ? Communism is politicless politeness powered by classless fastness. Even to be apolitical or non-political is impossible in the politicless world of communism whereas the politicless world cannot be realised automatically by itself. It is needed the greatest struggle for political freedom mankind has ever seen.
The political freedom won't deliver the world proletariat from the misery suddenly and in a single step, however, political freedom will deliver the necessary international weapons for the fight against the misery in every single hut in particular and as well as in the global poorhouse in general. There is not another means and there can't be another remedy for the fight against the misery as the class-political association of the workers. But this international association must be won by international political liberties once. This does not happen in a self-running process and can't be developed without declaring the war on the yellow labour unions without waging the war against them: "Who- whom?" - that `s the question, a political question. The fight against the split and fragmentation of the world proletariat is primarily a political fight and begins ordinarily with the struggle for his political freedom in every country of the world. So the global struggle for political freedom, too, doesn't have to follow the economic fight but the other way round, the economic struggle must be subordinated to the political struggle of the world proletariat. Last not least it is the global political party of the world proletariat which must lead the economic fight centrally even though the communist parties have to realize the global economic struggle according to the different conditions of the countries in particular. The same applies to the struggle for political freedom.
The global unifying of the proletarian military struggle
As the political class struggle aims at the economic liberation of the world proletariat, the military class struggle also has the aim of the military smashing of the international counter-revolution, the rule apparatus of the world bourgeoisie, has the aim to conquer and defend the political power of the world proletariat. Thereby the social and economic removal of the world of capitalism and the establishment of socialism can be carried out. The political and finally the military unification of the world proletariat grows out of its economic unification - just as the unification in every factory, as in every country and to be more precise by the unification in every factory, by the unification in every country. And inversely the economic unification can be achieved not until the political and military unification is developing. There is no political unification without economic and military unification as well as there is not military unification without political and economic unification - and all this related to the local and global stages and any moment of class-struggle, whether in a single factory, or in the single country or in the world as a whole. Here is no rigid or fixed mechanism but all this dialectically depends on each other is related to each other – last not least also on the dialectic of the unification of the class-enemy in every single phase of class struggle etc. The unification penetrates the whole historical process of the class struggle and is penetrated by it. The complexity of the unification is as infinitely as content and form of the proletarian `s unification. In this complex view the degree of the unification is always decisive for the class forces. Unification of the proletarians can determine victory or defeat of the whole world proletariat and last not least unification can be decisive for rise and fall of the whole world capital. The unification of the world proletariat and the unification of the world bourgeoisie reach their cumulative highest economic, political and military degree if the united world proletariat dispossesses the united world bourgeoisie. In the course of the growing world revolutionary situation the meaning of our watchword: "World proletariat - unite all countries!" will increase particularly in regard of their military unification. Nothing would be more dangerous and more fatal but to reduce the meaning of our firm-principled watchword in world revolutionary times. The draft of our watchword has already now an enormous significance for the Comintern (ML) although we are still not able - and just because we are still not able - to lead the world proletariat in the spirit of the principles of Marxism-Leninism. This immense meaning lies in the fact that the Comintern (ML) shall risk much less any after-trot politics and to be behind the world revolutionary events.
The Comintern (ML) has the advantage over all other international parties that our world revolutionary watchwords are already based on a world revolutionary program, and this means worked out and justified scientifically. The development of the world revolutionary class struggle is still not ripe for answering concrete question about all the economic, political or the military unifications. We are only at the point today where we must think about the prerequisites first for this: Main emphasis is the ideological unification of the world revolutionaries and then that of the world proletariat itself and we have stressed this more than one time. The construction of the Bolshevist International Party starts with the ideological construction:
"The International lies in the fact that people join (at first ideologically, then however, at the given time, also organizationally), really capable to stand up for socialist internationalism, i.e. to recharge one's batteries first and to shoot at a later time" (Lenin, Volume, 21, page 88, German edition, free editor `s translation).
So the military fight of the world proletariat arises inevitably from the sharpening of the political fight because it is the political fight with utmost global means. "Turn the guns over!" and "World proletariat - unite your proletarian weapons in all countries!" - these two formulae combined guarantee the victory in the international military fight, in the global civil war and in the imperialist (world)war.
So the workers of all countries have to get over their governments and as well the centres of the rule apparatus of the whole world bourgeoisie. Besides they have to cope with world opportunism and its reactionary global watchword about the "Burgfrieden policy" (= policy of entering into a world truce). So there's nothing else for it but to build up one's own centralised armed apparatus to liberate the world, i.e. to arrange troops for the red world army to gird oneself for the battle against the old capitalist world order. The world proletariat is a global class, which cannot be military occupied like a nation. The world proletariat is a class which is organised beyond all the national bounds and therefore predestined to attack, to defend or to withdraw its troops at any location and to any time. So there is the armed struggle of the whole world proletariat marching under the banner: "World proletariat - arm all countries and unite them as detachments of the Global Red Army!" The necessity of a proletarian international army is only in so far blind as it isn't understood as a future product of the historical development of the world proletarian class struggle led with utmost means.
An imperialist war as an utmost means of the foreign policy is the continuation of the fascist dictatorship as an utmost means of the domestic policy. "The modern militarism is a result of the capitalism. In both its forms it is a 'life appearance' of the capitalism: as a military power used by the capitalist states for their foreign clashes ('outward militarism ...`) and as a weapon in the hands of the ruling classes for the suppression of all (economic and political) movements of the proletariat ('inward militarism') "[Lenin, Volume 15, page 187, German edition, free editor `s translation]. At that time Lenin analysed the enforcements of hegemonistic interest of the single warlike great power (or its alliance) as hostile quarrels among imperialist countries resp. as military operations within a country or within occupied countries by a single or allied imperialist power. Now the imperialists, no matter warring or just assisting, are more or less involved and enter the world `s battle fields in a close front, like a united world imperialist war power, as a unified military world machinery which subdues every single country and which force them to be integrated within the organs of the military power of the world imperialist order; with other words: public life of the countries is globally transformed into military detachments of world imperialism ( globalisation of military world capitalism). Even if the U.S. imperialists have remained the greatest armed forces power of the world, it isn't basically about the same quality of the former U.S. imperialist superpower , which exclusively served the U.S. interests. By now it is - even the leading one - only part of all allied armed forces powers of the whole world imperialist system. Short: Meanwhile the world capital dictates all weapons of the whole world. Meanwhile world capital subordinates even the largest imperialist world powers and coordinates all military forces all over the world for one and only purpose - maximisation of profit no matter "peacefully" or violently ( violently outwards as well as inwards). Meanwhile we are living in times of the world army of the world bourgeoisie and not any longer in times of Lenin. The revisionists prefer their non-observance. Notice: It is the same weapons with which the world capital is destroyed from inside and outside! World socialism cancels out the international difference between inside and outside in the course of global proletarian class-struggle in general and related to militarism in particular. Globally outside is the universe and nothing more. As long as there are capitalist nations subordinated under the global laws of capitalism, which bring forth the last and utmost means of the dictatorship of the world bourgeoisie to suppress proletarian world revolution, we still have to talk about the international militarism which enters the countries as the world fascism's detachments. World fascism is the centralized survival weapon of world capitalism to bury its gravediggers by all means - dead or alive ! It is the global battle-field of the civil war which will be entered by the capitalist gravediggers and the socialist gravediggers of all countries. It is the class-battle which decides on world hegemony, on the dictatorship of world proletariat or world bourgeoisie.
The "modern" militarism at Lenin `s times is no longer modern. It was replaced by global militarism.
By "modern militarism" we understand at present the capitalist world system of armed organs of power which penetrates all spheres of the whole globalised class-society, the public live of the countries as well as the public live beyond all national bounds. Thereby the capitalist world system - growing from its roots - is more or less closed because there are still interactions and contradictions of the elder and younger imperialist powers who strive for their hegemony within the world capitalist system and so do their military organs of power, too. In so far - more or less - the strategy and tactics of the world proletariat is still aiming at taking advantage of the contradictions within the camp of the global class-enemy. In the world scale, modern militarism appears with characteristic forms, forms which are different from the former national ones. What sort of militarism is "inner" and "outer" militarism in the world scale? This all new issue leads to our world revolutionary idea. There is only this world even if world bourgeoisie and world proletariat would continue their class warfare in the universe. On the international battlefield both terms, the "inner" as well as the "outer" get a different meaning from former times, they get a new quality, a global quality. Capitalism developed from narrowness of national bounds to a self-contained global quality. Dialectically "inside" and "outside" do not just interchange their position mechanically . Sole mechanical interchange of positions is metaphysics - the qualitative leap is dialectics. Engels said: "If even any simple mechanical local move is enclosing its own contradiction then the more are enclosed in higher levelled forms of the matter `s motion" (MEW, Volume 20, page 112, German edition; free editor `s translation). And the globalisation of matter `s motions is such a higher form, whether it is the global class or its fascist dictatorship, it is enclosing the contradictions it causes to all nations.
Globalisationing is not just outspreading beyond the nations borders in a pure locally sense. Turning back to the nations is certainly more powerful, it is true, but not unchanged. Globalisation is a process of the nation `s alienation and so does the process of fascism `s globalisation. If world capital is alienated, negated national capital, then world fascism is alienated, negated national fascism. Fascism contains the inner tendency of global and national contradictions. Leaving its narrowness of national bounds capitalism overcomes not just local borders but first of all its own former nationalist nature. World capitalism collides with national interests, forces them to bow and obey the basic law of capitalism. And, consequently, for the removal of world capitalism all the interests of the proletarians of single countries have to be subordinated under the global interests of the world proletariat. This does not happen automatically, this is only to be achieved by class-struggle which begins by fighting against the bourgeois influence of the proletarian consciousness in the single countries.
For fighting fascism the interests of the proletarians of single countries have to be subordinated under the interests of the world proletariat.
What does this mean?
This does not mean, to fight fascism in any country, but moreover fighting for the final abolishment of the inevitableness of fascism, for fighting against the inherent tendency of fascism to follow its own course of restoration in case of its defeat. And the only class which can do this good deed is the world proletariat.
If the world capitalism `s fascism exerts increasingly influence - from outside - on the fascisation in the single countries, if the inner fascism of a country is determined by world fascism, then the proletariat cannot be victorious in its own anti-fascist struggle, unless it leaves national ground in the spirit of internationalism. Admittedly it looks a little bit abstruse at the first glance, but the meaning is clear and determined:
The (inner) anti-fascism of every country must be (qualitatively) transformed by the world proletariat into its own united (outer) anti-fascist detachments, to defeat world (=foreign/outer) fascism on the global battlefield. This - and only this - is the whole guarantee of the victory over the (inner) fascism of every country under the terms of the globalised capitalist-fascist society.
World fascism raises the anti - fascism onto the world stage. Quasi world capitalism appropriates fascism by changing the inner fascism into the outer fascism without removing the effect of the outer fascism inside, therefore the effect of the inner (Neo-) fascism. In the contrary, global fascism strengthens every inner fascism, gives it back to all countries in a higher quality by transforming them into global detachments against the world proletariat. So, the world proletariat for its part has to formate its own anti-fascist detachment against world fascism `s detachments in every single country. To fight the anti-fascist battle means to fight it globally, and more precisely by the united national detachments of the global class. This is our world revolutionaries idea about the global strategy of anti - fascism : “World proletariat - unite all countries against world fascism by forming your anti-fascist detachments in every country !"
Under certain circumstances the fascism of a single country is quite beatable by the own revolutionary forces of the domestic proletariat, even though it costs a higher amount of victims because of the fascist ties to the world capital. But even then there will be not at all any guarantee of preventing fascism from its own restoration as long as the world fascist order is ruling and backing those countries where fascism were defeated.
Because of this we must antagonize such anti-Marxist-Leninist, "anti-fascist" ideas which attack our anti-world-fascist ideas. “Anti-world-fascism in words but world fascism in deeds !” That is the social-fascist tactics of the revisionists all over the world.
Guaranteed defeat of fascism, this means unconditionally abolishment of the unavoidableness of fascism, means world revolutionary removal of world capitalism which is the cause of world fascism . To gain the final victory over fascism means to lead the anti-fascist struggle in the spirit of the conquest of the world proletariat `s political power. The anti-fascist struggle of the world proletariat is a struggle for world socialism.
The global unifying of the proletarians ` struggle against imperialist wars
How does the dialectical interrelation between "outer" and "inner" struggle turn out to be in regard to the global struggle against imperialist wars ? Just now described, in principle not different from the fight against the world fascism. The imperialists appear as the united world imperialists and the world capital forces them to do so, any imperialist country doesn't lead its own imperialist war any more but is forced to subordinate own imperialist war interests to the rapacious, military all in one interests of the world imperialist order. Again it looks a little bit abstruse at the first glance, but the strategy of the world proletariat is as clear as determined:
If the globalised militarisation of the world capital has taken increasingly influence on the militarisation of every imperialist country from outside, if the world capital determines the weapons (and use) of an imperialist country, the proletariat of this or that country can not durably lead its anti-imperialist struggle, its struggle for national liberation, cannot create durably a peaceful nation, if the proletariat does not leave its national ground. Again: The world proletariat has to unite all (inner) anti-imperialist struggles of every country by (qualitatively) transforming them into its own detachments to be globally victorious over the global (outer) imperialism. This - and only this - is the whole guarantee of the victory over every imperialist country under today's conditions of the globalised world imperialism !! So to speak, the world capital changes the inner imperialism into a tool of the outer (world) imperialism, without removal of the outer imperialism `s effect on the inner ones, thus the inner imperialism of every imperialist country, on the contrary. World imperialism strengthens at all every inner (own) imperialism - does not loose any contradictions concerning the world imperialism. In the contrary, by the fact that the world imperialism raises the anti-world imperialism on the world stage every imperialism can disappear from the globe at all. And so we can derive the new world revolutionary idea of anti imperialism: "World proletariat - unite all countries against the world imperialism `s wars of conquest and organise your own anti-imperialist detachments in every country!"
Under certain circumstances it is probably possible to defeat imperialism and its wars of conquest by the own forces of the domestic proletariat - though under hardest victims of the people - because of the backing of world imperialism, but peace and anti-imperialist conditions cannot be taken for granted as long as world imperialism is still alive and always be bent on regenerating the predatory war forces in every country. . Because of this we must antagonise all those ideas of "anti-war-struggle" which attack our world revolutionary anti-imperialist-war ideas. The world needs the abolishment of the inevitableness of imperialist wars and this is not to be achieved without the removal of world imperialism itself. This is the demarcation line the world proletariat has to draw concerning the united front of anti-imperialist wars. "Anti-imperialist wars in words - but imperialist wars in deeds!" That `s the social imperialist watchword of the revisionists. Guarantee against restorations of imperialism and imperialist wars is only possible if the anti-imperialist global struggle, the anti-imperialist world war, the anti-imperialist civil world war is combined with the conquest of the proletariat `s world power. The anti-imperialist struggle is a struggle for world socialism, is a world revolutionary struggle. The imperialist wars are the last means with which the world imperialism tries to eliminate the unification of the proletarian anti-imperialist detachments, the international cooperation of the working classes of all countries, to destroy the world revolutionary movement and its vanguard, to strangle the world revolution. The more eager the world imperialism strives to divide not only the workers of the whole world but also to set them against each other and send them to death just for their profit, the more brutal world fascism will be. Under these aggravating conditions it is the duty of the world proletariat to organise its class-unity, to activate its internationalism against the imperialist war mongers and world fascist hangmen by leading the global class-war against the world bourgeoisie, by creating new internationalist forms of the legal and illegal struggle, by organising centralised legal and illegal activities on a world stage by national detachments. Neither by imperialist wars nor by fascism in the world scale the proletarian International shall go down. With the world front of fascism and war the world capital creates by itself unavoidably the world front against war and fascism which is led by the world proletariat. Civil world war (inside) and imperialist world war outside) form its own unity and there is only one global front - for or against world capital ! These are the two hostile, antagonistical, global camps, the two polarised starting points of the historical movement of the class-society. Victory or defeat of the world capital decides on the future of the world: World barbarism or world socialism ??? This is the question deciding everything. "This turning into the opposite direction, this final reaching at one of the starting points which are polarly opposite - this is the naturally inevitable destiny of all historical movements" (MEW, Engels, Volume 22,page 21; German edition, free editor `s translation). This "naturally necessary destiny" also will befall the world historical movement of world capitalist war and fascism if the world proletariat has united all countries against the world capital. By the world proletarian, armed struggle the economic rule of the whole world capital has to be undermined otherwise the liberation from the unavoidability of imperialist wars and world fascism shall remain as a great dream:
" World proletariat - unite all countries against the world capital!"
This is our central watchword.
Following the world proletarian principle of irreconcilable class partiality the world proletariat gathers all its allies and unites, formates and leads them to the unity with the purpose of the world revolutionary removal of the world capital. So does the world bourgeoisie as well. The world bourgeoisie gathers and unites all allies to organise the global counter-revolutionary unity front for the purpose to defend its world capital - the source of its rise and fall. "The economy of the capitalist society is so much that only either the capital or the proletariat - which brings it down - can be the ruling force. There are no other forces in the economy of this society" (Lenin, Volume 29, page 356; German edition, free editor `s translation).
Lenin `s iron law of
inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the different capitalist countries
and its modification in the course of the globalised world
Does globalisation change the capitalist nations` economic and political development ?
Certainly it does because they are still the decisive forms in which globalised capital is materialised . There is no world beyond the countries and no laws of development beyond their laws of development include that one of the inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the capitalist countries.
Is globalisation not contradictory to Lenin `s iron law of the inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the different capitalist countries? Let `see.
That `s not contradictory in so far as the globalisation cannot abrogate laws of the different development of the countries. This law works as long as capitalist countries do exist but the decisive question is: how does it work under increasing influence of globalisation ? This law cannot work in the same way as it did in times of Lenin and Stalin. Admittedly, this iron law of Lenin has not lost its basic meaning, in the contrary, but Lenin would modify this law according to the checkable changing circumstances of globalisation. He would never ignore the scientific necessity of its verification. So to speak, Lenin `s iron law is just “globalising” which means that globalisation does not neutralise or remove the inhomogeneity but “only” change the stage on which the inhomogeneity continues to develop. The inhomogeneity did simply reach the global stage. That `s all.
Above all the law of the inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the different capitalist countries cannot infringe the main and basic law of capitalism – striving for highest profit. And the preferred way it works at present – that is globalisation but – as we said above - this cannot be realised beyond the capitalist countries ... and finally the globalisation of the inhomogeneity is a process which expresses the collapse of capitalism `s development of all capitalist countries. World capital negates national capital.
What is the negation `s negation of the law of inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the different capitalist countries in the period of globalisation?
The inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the different capitalist countries aggravates the contradiction of the world capital in the striving for profit maximization and becomes an obstacle of its globalising tendency to be centralised and concentrated. The capital must remove this obstacle following its law of globalising accumulation.
The world capitalism therefore negates the old capitalism of the single countries, withdraws its possibility to extend within national bounds in the way of the good old days of the nations ` capitalist prosperity. Capitalist countries of today, however, are on a drip of globalisation. The global curse rests on all the capitalist countries, more or less. World capital extends globally and that `s it – a global ruinous competition among the capitalist countries. Their existence depends on gaining a big deal of globalised capital and this means in consequence more and deeper exploitation and suppression of the countries by the law of world capitalism. There is a difference between the subjugation by this or that single imperialist country - even an imperialist superpower - and the subjugation by world imperialism as a whole.
Capital which doesn't have extended within national borders any more which, just after having left the country, changes into a global competitor against that country, where it came from, finally changes the inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of different countries into an inhomogeneity between the economic and political development of the different capitalist countries on the one hand and the development of the globalised capitalist economic and political world order on the other hand. An increasing amount of former capital export of the imperialist countries changes into imports of global capital . Capital exports of imperialist countries become increasingly globally concentrated and centralised to the advantage of this and to the disadvantage of the other imperialist country – the global accentuation of competition - the globalised aggravation of the law of inhomogeneity – the approval and continuation of the teachings of Marxism-Leninism. It is world capital which predominates the inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the countries all over the world.
For Marx a country is capitalist if wage slavery is predominant. In times of Marx the capitalist countries formed a minority in the world. In the globalised capitalist world every country changed into a capitalist country. There is no country left in which wage slavery is not yet predominant. Today we talk about a capitalist world if wage slavery is predominant in all countries if global wage slavery is predominant in the capitalist countries if in most of the countries the wage slavery for world capital dominates the wage slavery for national capital. By this the former inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the countries will be globally dynamised and the contradictions among the countries increased over and above: Inhomogeneity of the development among all the different world monopolies becomes predominant over the inhomogeneity of the development of the different countries – not inhomogeneity of the development of capitalist nations but inhomogeneity of the development of world capital within all nations - global competition of the world monopolies beyond the former nation `s monopolies competition. Capitalist nations were created to be abolished by globalisation of world capital – world capital burst capitalist nation `s bonds (precondition for world socialism with its socialist nations) .
The dependence of the capital of the different countries from the concentrated and centralized world capital gets bigger and bigger. The world capitalist chain weakens its own links by forcing them to their ineluctable ruinous competition. The links of the world imperialist chain become the submissive instrument of the world capital. They lose gradually their independence and sovereignty and even the necessary cohesion of the whole chain. The world capital subordinates all national capital to centralize and concentrate it. By this world capital loses the backing by the capitalist countries. World capital bequeaths disaffection to the capitalist countries. It directs itself against the capitalist countries to realise its global accumulation.
But the more the countries are forced to increase exploitation and oppression the more they are caused to their resistance to the world capital which exhausts the reserves of the countries in turn. They can not fortify themselves by means of the world capital any more but in the contrary - against the world capital. If one capitalist kills man others, the world capitalist kills many capitalists of the single countries. World capitalists proceed to kill even capitalist countries (capitalist countries are those countries in which the capitalist wage slavery prevails).
The monopoly of the world capital becomes a bond of the previous capitalist means of production of the single countries which had blossomed out with it and under it. The concentration and centralisation of private property at the world production means and the socialisation of the world labour come at a point where they get quarrelsome with their world capitalist cover. It bursts its bonds. The bell of the private property of the world capital tolls.
The world expropriators are globally expropriated. Global expropriation of the global expropriators, global socialisation of globalised private property at the global means of production that leads to the abolishment of the inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the different capitalist countries. The homogeneity of the global economic and political development leads to the homogeneity of the economic and political development in every single country, leads to the harmonisation, balance and equation of the global development of the productive forces on the one hand and the global development of the property at the means of production on the other hand.
With the collapse of the world monopolies everyone who profited from them loses their privileged stage.
The more and the faster world crisis presses the workers of the industrial metropolises down towards the level of the workers of all the other foreign countries, the more and the faster the communist movement will strengthen among them.
The maturity degree of the inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the different capitalist countries is inseparably connected with the maturity degree of the inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the proletarians of the different capitalist countries.
So, negation of the one inhomogeneity means negation of the other, too. The negation of the inhomogeneity of the proletarian movement within different capitalist countries that is the homogeneity of the world proletarian development (in the sense of: hegemony of the economic and political development of the world proletariat) : “World proletarian movement – unite the proletarian movements of all countries "!
By the globalisation of the world capital the world proletariat develops on a massive scale – strong enough to unite different weakened capitalist countries, these departments weakened by the world capital , and therefore to turn them over as its own departments by aiming them at the world capital, globally centralised and concentrated.
The world proletariat restores the basic living conditions of the countries by freeing them from the knout of the world capital and by converting them into socialist countries. The negation of the restoration of capitalist countries is the restoration of socialist countries.
The world proletariat restores the basic living conditions of the countries by the expropriation of the expropriators of the countries by the socialised property of the countries on a global scale. This “likewise” being of nationally as well as globally socialised private, capitalist property, this confusing hermaphrodite shape, this formal logically inconsistency, this smokescreen clears up by its own volition.
Producing the conditions of their own socialisation at which the capitalist countries perish, the world capitalist means of production objectively produce as well all the material conditions for their own doom.
The negation of the inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the capitalist countries is a dialectical process of capitalism `s globalisation – that `s all. The globalization of the capitalist methods of world production is the negation of the former methods of national production of the single capitalist countries.
The negation of the negation of the globalisation of the capitalist methods of world production is never to be equated with the globalisation of the socialist methods of production in a “single” socialist country ( “single” = the prototype of the socialist country in the first period of socialism) because the global methods of the production of world socialism were not available in the time of the first period of socialism, in the “single” socialist country. The revisionists do know this very well and that `s the reason why they knowingly screen the picture of the first period onto the second period of socialism. These lackeys of world imperialism propagate expressively those outdated methods of socialist production which would not harm the ruling world capitalist order. The contradictions among all the different methods of socialist production in single countries only can be solved under the conditions of world socialism. We have to modify the former socialist methods of production as well as the modern methods of globalised world capitalist production. This is a quite important teaching of the Marxism-Leninism particularly in demarcation of revisionism and petty bourgeois anti-globalism.
Socialism is not the only one of this or that socialist country but one of the world proletariat and this means : the overall socialist methods of world production are superordinated and the socialist methods of all socialist countries are assisting.
The overall interests of the world population are put into effect under the leadership of the world proletariat.
By the globalization of the capitalist methods of the world production the globalization of the socialist methods of world production is outlined against the antiquated methods of production in the “single” socialist country way, moreover, these antiquated methods are incompatible with the globalised methods of socialist world production. Why is it the way it is ? Why must it be the way it is?
The inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the different capitalist countries unavoidably have had their effects on the inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the “single” (encircled) socialist country. The inhomogeneity-law of Lenin was therefore most important for the law of the possibility of the up building of socialism in a “single” country last not least because of the inhomogeneity of the world capitalist encirclement. Today, in times of globalisation, an assumed sole socialist country could not count on such these advantages which could be taken in times of Lenin and Stalin. Globalised capitalist encirclement has a higher quality by its relative unit than the capitalist encirclement of different single imperialist countries impeding each other and outdoing one another as in times of Lenin and Stalin. So, the possibility of the restoration of the former prototype of a sole socialist country under conditions of globalism is much more restricted - not to say nearly impossible. We stress the word “nearly”, because we cannot foresee if it would work again successfully. What we do know for sure is, that the globalised world is sitting on a powder keg. As world revolutionaries we shall never fail to take our chance whenever and wherever it comes. We do not want to come out in opposition to the genuine Marxist-Leninist teachings of the possibility of the establishment of any sole socialist country under conditions of the encirclement of capitalist globalism. We can neither confirm nor deny its applicability under present or future conditions. What we want to declare is to take into consideration all the possibilities to pave the way for the rebirth of socialism namely the easiest and fastest way to world socialism. We would not do the world proletariat a favour if the revisionists would force us onto dogmatism and curtail the necessity for the permanent improvements of the teachings of Marxism-Leninism. Anti-revisionism does not mean to fall back to dogmatism. Nobody dictates us the terms of Marxism-Leninism `s applicability but Marxism-Leninism itself. What we try to find out is a new strategy and tactics of the proletarian world revolution under present conditions of world capitalist globalism – no more, no less.
The revisionist countries weren't only under the pressure of the superpowers of USA and USSR, but also under the pressure of the socialist countries. This may not be forgotten – last not least as an internationalist contribution to the working class in the revisionist countries. As is well known, we Communists are for the elimination of any exploitation and oppression, any elimination of inequality, of any privileges of this country opposite of another country - therefore not only a capitalist but also a socialist country. We Communists as is well known, aren't content and can't be content, just to reduce a tripled exploitation into a doubled one or into "simply" into one and only exploitation. Revisionist exploitation - this is the business of the revisionists, not our business. Exploitation is exploitation and has to be removed anyway i.e. inclusively the removal of its inevitableness. To be globally free means global liberation from the market-character of labour, from fees, hires and taxes, from insurance contributions and all sorts of indirect exploitations etc. All this is possible, all this is necessary - global socialism is doable by means of the political power of the global worker.
The world proletariat at the power must use its power of conviction that the methods of production of single socialist countries shall become part of the world organism of production. It isn't about the satisfaction of partial interest of a sole socialist country but primarily about the general satisfaction of the world proletariat. There is a democratic centralism which regulates the interrelation of global and national methods of world production.
As world revolutionaries we have to bear in mind that world socialism follows different forms of production not comparable with those of the former “single” socialist countries. The methods of production of the former s”single” socialist countries were methods of limited guarantee. World socialism has a higher quality namely the whole guarantee for socialism won `t change into capitalism any more. In a single country which will be part of the socialist world system the proletariat does not any more dispose on its “own” means of production all alone. World socialism is take and give and not only take and go. Not the only socialist country decides over socialism all alone. The socialist proletarians of all countries share their world power upon capitalism `s attempts of restoration as well as they share the world power of Marxism-Leninism. They share all their productions and distributions, they give and share everything.
Global revenues and expenditures, planned economy, everything socialist will be regulated collectively by world socialist centralism. All credits and debts will be globally shared by all the countries. Everything socialist goes to the “world pot” and comes from the “world pot” - to express it in simplified terms. With this world homogeneity principle all contradictions of the inhomogeneity of the development of single countries shall be overcome. “World proletariat - unite all countries!" This is the watchword with which this world principle of homogeneity of economic and political development of all socialist countries can be realised. By this principle any up coming of privileges among the countries can be avoided, for example privileges of having more oil or water stocks than other countries etc. The inhomogeneity of the development of single socialist countries cannot be avoided without the political power of the world proletariat, without the world dictatorship of the proletariat, without the world organism which is living by means of the ensemble of all its partial organisms.
By the formula: “World proletariat - unite all countries!” the law of the inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the capitalist countries will be replaced by the law of the homogeneity of the economic and political development of the socialist countries. This way all contradictions of the single socialist societies of the countries are solved by their contribution to the global socialist society. Just this presupposes a higher socialist consciousness, the socialist world consciousness. It is the task of the Communist International (Marxists – Leninist) to carry this - and only this - socialist consciousness into the working world masses. The task of fighting the world revisionist ideology of the world social imperialist thinking results from it.
We Communists must primarily tune up Marxism-Leninism by globally cleaning it up, by global defragmentations, by global configurations etc. What we have to do is a global revision of Marxism-Leninism – but note well : a world revolutionary, self-critical Marxist-Leninist revision in demarcation of the revisionist (=bourgeois) revision of Marxism-Leninism. If we stand to the historical partitioning of the first and second period of socialism `s development ( socialism of the “sole” country and world socialism) we cannot deny the historical necessity of partitioning Marxism – Leninism according to the first and second period. We have not to mix up with division of Marxism-Leninism. Marxism-Leninism is not divisible. The ideology is as individable as the class to which it belongs. However, partitioning is quite another matter, is a historical necessity. If Lenin developed Leninism, it was historically a further development of Marxism. He did not turn his back to Marxism like the traitors of the Second International. So just as we call Marxism / Leninism a historical partitioning we want to be understand with our Marxist-Leninist globalism. We don `t want to split the Marxist-Leninist ideology, in the contrary, we want to carry it on a higher level according to the challenge of the global world. The globalisation of the working class and as well the globalisation of the proletarian ideology is deeply rooted within the internationalist spirit of Marxism-Leninism and not at all anything strange. It is just the logical further development of the Marxist-Leninist ideology of the proletariat of a “single” socialist country. How far we cope with this titanic global revision of Marxism-Leninism (= creation of the globalised version of Marxism-Leninism) that will be decisive for victory or defeat of the socialist world revolution. We call for all genuine Marxists-Leninist all over the world to help us fulfil this important task. Global Marxism-Leninism is an apposite, fitting and convenient term.
The development for the world production is historically related.
The satisfaction of the human needs by the world production is not consequence but material prerequisite for the abolition, for the global socialisation of the private property. To confuse cause and effect is petty bourgeois thinking, becomes a revolutionary phrase because the world proletariat cannot escape from the bonds of the private property until capitalism is ripened far enough for world revolutionary acting. As well and particularly because the productive resources and their private character of globalised capitalism outgrow the national exchange and national private property, because globalisation becomes a material necessity, private property of the the production means will be abolished globally. And this abolition is precondition for the liberation of the world proletariat, indeed.
The process of the negation of the negation of the production of the capitalist countries takes place by the immanent laws of the capitalist world production, is determined by them. The fully mature globalisation of the world capital creates the conditions for the guaranteed (= unrestorable by capitalism) restoration of the socialism of a single country. Exactly this takes place with the negation of the socialism by the restoration of the capitalism in a country and its negation by the world capital, that is the negation of the negation of the socialism in a "sole” country, this means: the socialism of a country restored by the world socialism , the restoration of socialism on a higher stage (without any more capitalist-revisionist encirclement. The second period of socialism can therefore be defined as the period of the removal of the capitalist-revisionist encirclement – the period of unencircled socialism.
The negation of the production of the capitalist countries is a self-production inescapably following its own laws of capitalism .
The law of the inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the different capitalist countries isn't any more the main prerequisite for the victory of the socialist revolution in a country under today's development conditions of the world capital, where the front of the capitalism is at weakest etc., but
main prerequisite for the victory of the socialist revolution is the revolution in every country against the world capital.
However, what does this mean?
At the time the proletariat of a single country heralded the start of the world revolution, the Soviet Union. And there was another which continued the world revolution – Albania. This was the preliminary stage to the unification of the proletarians of all countries by the world proletariat.
Today, it always becomes more improbably that the proletariat of any single country shall liberate from the dictatorship of the capitalist world order single-handedly without - merged as detachments of the world proletarian class – liberating all countries from world capitalist exploitation and oppression thus by the globally centralised efforts of the proletariat of all countries.
It was disastrous for the first socialist country that no victorious socialist revolutions followed the October revolution in the capitalist countries, just like it was disastrous for the second socialist country that the proletariat couldn't escape from the restoration of the capitalism by the socialist revolution in the revisionist countries. However, the development of these two socialist countries were not at all in vain but a more importantly step for all the socialist countries which shall unavoidably follow: because:
From the negation of the negation of socialism in a “single” country there will grow 5, 10, 20 ... new socialist countries - the world socialism.
The negation of the negation of the restoration of the capitalism in a “single” socialist country is the restoration of the socialism in the world scale. Whereas the capitalist-revisionist encirclement could not be removed in the past, someday nothing shall remain neither the encirclement nor the capitalist or revisionist countries themselves. If the world would even need any encirclement in the course of this process then at most until it is needed to build up world socialism but certainly not the old capitalist-revisionist encirclement. So: Our answer to the question: “How can we break through the capitalist-revisionist encirclement?” is:
"World proletariat - unite all countries!"
What are the main contradictions in the world at present and how are they determined?
Our watchword: “World proletariat - unite all countries!" can't be gained acceptance if it cannot solve the main and defining social contradictions in the world if it doesn't reflect these correctly. A watchword is only usable to such degree by which it turns out well to correspond exactly with the objective changes in the world, to strengthen these changes, to inspire and to help them achieving a breakthrough.
To make use of them, however, the main contradictions have primarily to be analysed , determined and its meaning, tendencies, etc. have to be worked out and - at first we have to follow the changing of their developments historically. We have to explain the process of their coming and going scientifically, the laws of their history.
Let `s start with the main contradictions in the world as they were defined by the Comintern- Programme, 1928, which is still our general guide-line.
What about their present legitimacy ? Do they still have a lasting effect ? Did they change in the course of time ? ( – after all, nearly 80 years have passed since 1928).
There is no doubt about it, they have passed through a very long period of their history and did change a lot, indeed.
Did they change since the definitions of Enver Hoxha ? Also this is unquestionably true. What is it, then, what has fundamentally changed and which contradictions have remained? Today, unfortunately, this cannot be looked up in a clever Marxist Leninist book yet. There are many revisionist definitions about the main social contradiction of the world. So there is a need to draw our Marxist-Leninist demarcation line. The seriousness of world revolutionaries is based on the correct definition of the existing main contradictions in the world. Th strategy and tactics of world revolution has to be derived from the main contradictions in the world. This decides over victory or defeat of the world revolution.
It is remarkable that the changing of the main contradictions in the world were even yet not called into question. If we now put it on the agenda then it is a modest contribution to overcome the present crisis of the Marxist-Leninist theory.
What is the result of our critical and self critical analysis of the main contradictions of the world ? Admittedly we cannot serve with a completely worked out scientific analysis. What we try to find out is the changes of the contradictions in the world having regard to our new watchword: “World proletariat – unite all countries !” Those who would await more than this will be disappointed. Remember, this is a modest contribution to comment on the changes of the world contradictions – no more, no less. What we can state for sure and in general is the fact that globalisation at first simplified all the main contradictions in the world and at second they become more transient and instable. All the contradictions begin to develop highly variable and can be moved easier and faster than before their globalisation. Globalisation of contradictions is the final stage to be removed. This is a home position of the internationalist world proletariat. By the polarization of the world capital on the one hand and the polarization of anti- world capitalism on the other hand. One global front arose from globalisation which influences all the contradictions more or less and which helps us to solve the contradictions easier and faster. If we advance this generalising opinion we cannot exclude the up coming of new contradictions but we can hardly foresee their development by now. Overall we evaluate highly the splendid perspectives of the world revolution `s outburst in the course of the developing contradictions in the world.
First of all the progress of our world revolutionary ideas cannot be expressed but by understanding. Our previous definitions have to be revised permanently, have to be carried on a higher level. We have to give way antiquated ideas to new ideas. It must be replaced and can't be preserved from a bygone era because this would only hinder and impede our overcoming of antiquated ideas. One must part with them consciously whichever was near and dear. And as comfortable as it might have been for us simply to repeat parrot-fashioned or to write off all the main contradictions in the world we cannot shirk from the duty to undergo their necessary revision. The 5 classics determined correctly the main contradictions in the world however the world did not stagnate but moved on. The 5 classics of Marxism-Leninism cannot do the work for us any more but we are able to study our classics and help us along with the methods of their determinations of the main contradictions of the world. If we study the teachings of the 5 classics in this question, then we shall notice that the main contradictions have changed enormously in the course of the time. Concerning the determination of the essential contradictions of the capitalist society, concerning the history of their development and changes, Stalin pointed out:
"In its development the Marxism must be enriched by new experiences and new knowledge, of course, - consequently Marxism `s single formulae and conclusions have to be changed in the course of the time of course. They have to be replaced by new formulae and conclusions which correspond to the new historical tasks. The Marxism doesn't respect any unchanging conclusions and formulae which would be obligatory for all epochs and periods " (Stalin, the Marxism and the questions of the language science, 1951, page 66, German edition, free editor `s translation).
So we must watch out for dogmatic mistakes. We cannot uncritically copy the main contradictions as they were correctly determined in times when they were valid. Self-deceived, we cannot base our strategy and tactics on outdated main world contradictions. We don't have to explain the significance of these consequences for the success of the world revolution. We cannot renounce the Marxist-Leninist necessity of their permanent analysis and revision. It is just the revisionists who try to drive us Marxists-Leninist into a dogmatic corner both friendly slapping on our shoulder if we twiddle our thumbs instead of doing the necessary revisions and viciously in case of leaving unnecessary changes unrevised thus sticking to our principles instead of following in the revisionists` footsteps being subordinating under their revisionist determinations. As world revolutionaries we have the courage to make our own decisions, whether to revise outdated Marxist-Leninist formulae and conclusions or to confirm those formulae and conclusions which are still valid. The revisionists can neither discourage us nor force us to take over their revisionist formulae and conclusions . Generally speaking, Marxism-Leninism is lively a science. Without the necessary revisions Marxism-Leninism is doomed. Dogmatism is the ideology of the equalisation of Marxist-Leninist revision and bourgeois revisionism. Dogmatism is an ideology of the bourgeoisie, is the ideology of the revision `s refusal and therefore a liquidatory ideology – a declaration of capitulation. It is the revisionists who play down the different meaning of Marxist-Leninist revision and bourgeois revisionism and therefore they often stick dogmatically to such “principles” which should have been modified or abandoned, such “principles” which pave them the way to the restoration of the bourgeois ideology which makes Marxism-Leninism useful for the bourgeoisie and useless for the proletariat – not in the manner of the former restoration in this or that country but the global restoration of Marxism-Leninism on its stage of world power. What we want to point out, is, that not only Marxism-Leninism has to be revised in the course of the changing of the world contradictions but also the bourgeoisie has to revise its formulae and conclusions about the main contradictions in the course of time, namely the revisionist ones.
1. The basic contradiction of globalised capitalism is still that between capital and labour
Of course, the basic inconsistency between capital and work has remained constantly, however, it isn't said that this contradiction hasn't changed in the course of capitalism `s development. From the beginning to the end of capitalism this basic contradiction is immanently remaining effective, its nature cannot change basically but in particular its form changed globally as well as capitalism itself changed globally. So we cannot talk any more about the basic contradiction of capitalism of this or that country exclusively, but we have to redetermine the form of the basic contradiction of present capitalism as its very last form and this is
the globalised basic contradiction of world capital and world labour.
The basic contradiction of world capital and world labour predominates the basic contradictions of all countries. Vice versa: The solution of the basic contradiction of a country requires the replacement of the global dominance of the basic world contradiction, needs the solution of the global basic contradiction of capital and labour as a precondition. And derived from this our general line of the strategy and tactics of the world revolution aims for the solution, for the world revolutionary removal of the basic contradiction between world capital and world labour.
The tendency of capitalism `s globalisation is very old and you can consult the “Communist Manifesto” of Marx and Engels who determined this immanent tendency of capitalism at first. However, emerging as a self-dependent, automotive and self-sustaining historical appearance globalised class-society could only be accomplished from that moment when the global basic contradiction succeeded to be of help for the basic contradiction of capital and labour obtain superiority even in the last country, so as in the countries all over the world. At first the capitalist countries “capitalised” the other countries and at second world capitalism completed this process by globalisation. In the first period socialism of a “single” country removed the capitalist basic contradiction between capital and labour in a single capitalist country and in the second period socialism removes it globally - even in the last capitalist country.
The hegemony of the contradiction in the international scale accelerated its hegemony also in the last non-capitalist country of the world. Vice versa:
The removal of the basic contradiction of world capital and world labour accelerates its removal also in the last non-socialist country of the world.
It is only logical that, if the historical development of the very first basic contradiction between labour and capital began in a (still) non-capitalist country (without any other let alone international basic contradiction having existed before!) - the historical development of the basic contradiction took place in the very last (still) non-capitalist country by the basic contradiction between world capital and world labour!
The historical development of the basic contradiction between labour and capital - becoming the predominant appearance in a country - began in England, then in further countries of Europe and North America to spread across the whole world.
This was consequently the specific way of the historical development of the unification of the world proletariat and thus also the development of the conscious, socialist, international labour movement and the Marxist movement as well.
What does this mean the other way round?
This means that the basic contradiction between labour and capital in the first capitalist country ( England) shall bring about a solution irrevocably not until this contradiction is set on a global stage which means: not until this contradiction has been opened within a global sphere.
From the time when the conscious, socialist unification of the proletarians of all countries takes place in the world scale, then this will retro-act directly (and never passively/indirectly) on the completion of the socialist unification of the proletarians in all the capitalist countries and not only in the capitalist metropolises but also at the periphery, particularly in the former non-capitalist countries. The socialist unification of the world proletariat retro-acts in the socialist unification of the proletariat in every single country. This is the precondition for the countries ` activation as an “ensemble”. So this is the base of the laws of development of the present international labour movement, is the base of the “ensemble” of the Communist International and its sections in every country, the Communist Parties.
“Proletarians of all countries – unite!” -
“World proletariat – unite all countries!” -
“Proletarians of all countries – unite !”
and so on.... on higher and higher steps ...
... namely to such degree that both of the formulae reach their completely aligned consistency – ready for the qualitative leap.
With the result:
Reaching world revolution `s maturity for the removal of the basic contradiction between world capital and world labour and therewith the removal of the basic contradiction between labour and capital even in the last country all over the world !!!
So to speak, the proletarians of all countries “cancel each other out” as the world proletariat because the world capital will be remove by nobody else as by the world proletariat itself. Only by the revolution of the world proletariat both proletariat and bourgeoisie are removed as antagonistic classes of the world capitalist society. The formula serves for it: "World proletariat - unite all countries!"
This formula helps the proletariat to get the relief of its socialist revolution also in the last capitalist country which could not succeed just by relying on its own forces.
To solve the basic contradiction of the present society ( and to solve - this means to remove), the interaction of the (globally) opposite poles has to be assured first of all. The world proletariat, the carrier of global productive forces must get an organised, socialist force, a predominant force to be able to burst the bonds of the private property at the global means of production, to remove world capital, to liberate the productive forces in all countries from the global strait jacket of expropriation, to stimulate the socialist revolutions in every single country by the proletariat which became predominant in their countries as an organised, socialist detachment of the world proletarian forces.
The basic contradiction between world labour and world capital cannot get solved ( means completely dissolved) partially, not on the countries` level, not one by one etc. since it is about a global contradiction. Under conditions of the capitalist-revisionist encirclement the elimination of the basic contradiction between labour and capital can become "solved" by socialism in a "single” country just temporarily. However, this contradiction cannot be removed completely as long as the basic contradiction between world capital and world work is further predominant. This is why we talk about the latent danger of the restoration of the capitalism.
The basic contradiction of the world capitalism can be solved not until it is removed by the world revolution (Naturally this removal is not done within a minute. In the initial stage of world socialism the contradiction cannot be wiped out at once. A certain world socialist period of global class-struggle is needed for its total erasement).
Otherwise this contradiction would only be reproduced repeatedly, however with the dissatisfying result that its form gets worse but without any opportunity to get itself negated. The negation of the basic contradiction between capital and labour is differently implemented between its global and local forms.
The inner antagonisms of the world capitalism do not cancel each other out by the provocation of the outer contradiction `s relations. Indeed, they step back temporarily and repeatedly (relative, circular consolidation phases of the capitalism) to burst out even more exceedingly and inevitably: To overcome their capitalist bonds, the productive resources are forced by even bigger crises (world economic crisis). Just as capitalism gets deeper and deeper into the world crisis by partial measures, socialism as a partial measure also will get into the crisis (capitalist revisionist encirclement) as long as the basic contradiction remains predominant in the world. The basic contradiction only can be removed within its global field.
To ensure even greater success of getting the proletarians of all countries involved in their global field, thus the centralisation of the organised global class-struggle,
the more positively the world proletariat can have on its part an effect on the proletarians of every country, and again even better the proletarians of every country can mobilise their own revolutionary strengths to enable themselves to make a contribution to the socialist world revolution on their part.
On this and only this way the formula: “Proletarians of all countries - unite!" gets completely its new significance for today's time and we can defend this formula just by adding another formula: “World proletariat – unite all countries!" However, without this new formula the old formula cannot be reactivated optimally.
A merged matter - if one may express the “world proletariat” as a physical term for once - unfolds its resounding impact by bonding, bundling, straightening of all strength `s of the countries, whilst merely a loose, informal alliance of the proletarians of all countries forms only a low and less developed matter which can be influenced, distracted, split and finally disarmed more easily by the world capitalists. The formula: “World proletariat - unite all countries!" counteracts these counter - revolutionary possibilities of the capital, restricts the international manoeuvring ability of the capital and improves the manoeuvring ability of the organised proletariat hence to subject the basic contradiction to its solution.
Even if all the other contradictions of the global and national development of the society will not yet be removed by the socialist world revolution they furtherhin exist – but only their antagonistic character is disappearing at first and at second in the course of the next period also the non-antagonistical contradiction between the world society as a whole and the societies of the countries as its parts are changing into the contradiction of the all round melting process of the whole world society. The world society is free not until its last single member is free. Mankind is a one big capitalist commodity. Mankind is free of being nothing but commodity not until the last single human being has escaped from being nothing but commodity.
At long last, the way of the harmonised alignment of the world productive resources and their ownership structures processes not straightly but as a dialectical process. This means that those traces of the basic contradiction which even volatilise lastly do not move away absolutely. And also the traces of the contradiction between the concordance and discordance of the productive forces and their ownership structures don `t leave their marks totally.
Only its capitalist character is removed by the capitalist basic contradiction. The basic contradiction between productive forces and production `s ownership structures can be liberated from their antagonism but not dissolved as long as classes exist. Only the classless world is an unpropertied world, is a communist world. If there is no more ownership, there will be no more ownership structures and therefore no more contradictions caused by ownership structures – this will be the end of the laws of the basic contradiction between productive forces and their ownership structures. The global transformation from antagonistical ownership structures into non - antagonistical ones, this abolition of exploitation is world socialism `s purpose, however, not as a matter of its own final self - fulfilness, but as an unavoidable step towards the abolition of the inevitableness of the restoration of any property of all. We Communists are therefore world revolutionary forces because we can show how the contradictions between the rich and the poor world can finally be solved by an unpropertied society. And we can show that the world proletariat as an unpropertied global class is nearest to the society without possessions. However, to be able to create a society liberated from possession the world proletariat has unavoidably to take possession of the world. This seems to be paradox and utmost contradictory, but it is utmost dialectically. It is really conform with the dialectical laws of the world society `s development.
As a socialist basic contradiction it only appears in new global non-antagonistical forms and contents whereas the possibility of capitalist restoration cannot be excluded, if socialism fails to solve the contradiction correctly and thoroughly.
The basic contradiction itself - whose nature is penetrating, influencing and changing all the other existing contradictions - is going through the process of globalisation, has deepened its nature by the global leap of the new way of world production. So the basic contradiction did n `t only keep stable its absolutely dominant, polarising role concerning all other contradictions but did also fundamentally change all the previous contradictions. Moreover, the development of the basic contradiction did not only solve other contradictions temporarily but was able to even remove some. In the first instance the basic contradictions in the single countries are concerned. The basic contradictions between capital and labour exacerbate by the globalisation. After all it is about one and the same basic contradiction processing by means of the interaction between both of its global and national poles. The decisive conclusion is that the world revolutionary process of its solution is therefore one and the same, too - both globally and nationally interacting. And by this we come finally to the solution of the basic contradiction by means of our formula: “World proletariat – unite all countries to remove the basic contradiction between world capital and world labour !”
If we want to take the fastest and safest way to the victory of the socialist world revolution, then we must do everything so that the basic contradiction between world capital and world labour gets intensified for its faster and deeper aggravation – and this means nothing else than intensifying the class struggle between world proletariat and world bourgeoisie ! If we have to take use of any single class-contradiction then primarily we have to take use of the global contradiction between world proletariat and world bourgeoisie and this means fully concentration on the subversion of the private ownership at the world capital in all countries. We must strengthen all positions of the world proletariat opposite the world bourgeoisie. We must develop the strengths of the world proletariat to be able to subject the basic contradiction to its solution more easily and more thoroughly. How can we do this? We only can develop the strengths of the world proletariat by bundling, uniting, merging the forces of the proletarians of all countries because the world proletariat cannot do all this outside and beyond the countries. The world capital also walked this way through the countries by means of their globalization.
2. The main class contradiction in the single countries is that of the global contradiction between bourgeoisie and proletariat
Did it change in the course of the history ? Of course, it did – and it will still more change in the near future mainly caused by globalisation of both these classes. Once going globally from strength to strength both the classes exacerbate their antagonism of class-conflicts not only between themselves but also upon all the other classes because proletariat and bourgeoisie are both still the antagonistical poles of the capitalist class-society. All the other classes betwixt tend to either pole. The higher the tension between these two poles the faster all the other classes are forced to move – and by nearing they are assimilating themselves. It goes without saying that global poles can get stronger than national poles, they are even stronger than those of all the countries together. However generalisations about the global changing of the class-society shall unavoidably lead to errors of subjectivism if a scientific, detailed class-analysis of the global society is missing. To spout about redeterminations of world `s social contradictions without any exhausting and time-consuming detail work on class analyses does not behove Communists. Statistical techniques are indispensable but not sufficing. We have to modify and to alter the teachings of the 5 classics of Marxism-Leninism on a global stage being aware not simply to copy their class-analyses of the countries and the world in the given historical periods. Between both of the global and national class-analyses there are general similarities as as well not unimportant differences in particular. The programme of the Comintern (1928) is a distinguished study material though its class-analysis is outdated in many respects. Second to none is not the inclusion coverage but the global movement of the classes , their development processes and all the characteristical changes of contradictions among themselves. This cannot be achieved without class-analyses of all the single countries. There is the continual coming and going of the classes both on the global and the national stage. And according to this we have to draw up our class-analyses. In so far as we cannot yet present a genuine Marxist-Leninist global class-analysis it is to notify that our following unfunded opinions about the changes of class-contradictions in the world should have been studied with necessary reservation. Anyhow, we hope our opinions will be worth it to be discussed benevolently.
The basic contradiction of capital and labour is not homogeneously distributed all over the countries because firstly the capitalist society is not homogeneously distributed all over the world and secondly there is still the inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the different countries and therefore the different economic and political development of the countries` classes, particularly both the proletariat and the bourgeoisie.
There are not any more non-capitalist countries in the world to speak of. World capitalism prevails all countries. And another expression for this fact is the predominance of the basic contradiction of capital and labour in exclusively all the countries. This can be explained by the globalization of capitalism. And this is really different from the times of the 5 classics when they determined the class contractions of the world and therefore this is the reason for the necessary verification and general revision of their determinations of contradictions.
At that time of Marx and Engels there were only a couple of countries with the basic contradiction of capitalism while there were no capitalism in most of the countries of the world. This proportion changed in times of Lenin and Stalin to the favour of more and more (half-) capitalist countries and in times of Enver Hoxha there were hardly left pure non- capitalist countries in the world.
We already mentioned that Marx settled the question whether it is about a capitalist or non-capitalist country by the criterion whether the expropriation of the people `s property took already place or not (Karl, Marx, "The Capital" - Volume 23, the modern theory of colonialisation, page 795, German edition).
The globalization expresses the efforts of the capitalism to "make the whole world happy" therefore to change every former society into a capitalist society.
We have to consider both the changes - the quantitative and the qualitative ones. It is not only the worldwide completion of the capitalist countries` addition but as well the globalised nature of the capitalist countries. The capitalist countries of today cannot be compared with the capitalist countries in times of the 5 classics because they changed by globalisation. And consequently the conditions of the socialist revolution in the countries also changed since the times of the 5 classics. We have to consider both the changes of the socialist revolution – the quantitative and the qualitative ones. It is not only the worldwide completion of the proletariat of all countries in its additional amount but as well the globalised nature of the proletariat in the capitalist countries. So, the proletariat of today cannot be compared with the proletariat of the countries in times of the 5 classics and consequently the strategy and tactics of the proletarians socialist revolution changed since the time of the 5 classics. There is now a global revolutionary potential of the proletarians of the countries both in regard of the quantitative and the qualitative potential which cannot be compared with the times of the 5 classics, too.
The more countries accommodate proletarians in growing proportions, the more detachments are at the disposal of the global class- struggle, the more completely the world proletariat can grow up as a global monolithical class. In addition of the proletariat we have to take into consideration all the other exploited classes, who descend to the proletariat. Globalisation fills up the ranks of the world proletariat by the proletarialisation of all the other exploited classes, daily, millionfold. Let `s take the biggest global agricultural monopolies which are penetrating aggressively into the agriculture of the poorest countries and which dispossess the farmers property violently, who are condemned to vegetate as wage slaveries on their own soil and even worse their final migration into the slums of the big cities suffering their without any perspectives and filling up the global unemployed auxiliary army.
In the beginning of the labour movement the positions of the proletarians were hardly developed in most countries. The labour movement was rather exceptionally and did n `t represent the whole up coming proletariat. Whether developed or half-developed capitalist states all of them are contradictory to the world capital which does submit them all more or less. These contradictions forced by the world capital determine all the contradictions among the capitalist countries globally.
The contrasts between the capitalist countries and the world imperialism express themselves in national, anti – world imperialist crises, conflicts, interventions and wars – more or less provoked by world imperialism for benefiting from these conflicts on the one hand or the disputes are stirred up by the stronger nations against weaker nations, national majorities against national minorities etc. on the other hand. All conflicts and crises are caused by the global capitalist law: Dog Eat Dog. ... and bulimia eats the last one. Capitalist dog is a dying breed gobbled up by the rapaciousness of profit. Dog negate dog. Global capitalism negate nation capitalism. The negation of this capitalist law is the global anti-capitalist unification of the exploited and oppressed classes by the world proletariat, is : “World proletariat – unite all countries against the capitalist law of Dog Eat Dog!” The hegemony of the capitalist countries is paralysed by the hegemony of world capital itself. The contradictions among the nations will be solved by the abolition of world capital.
The old partition between the capitalist and non-capitalist countries will be removed by world capital most largely whereby world capital generates proletarians hegemony in exceptless all the countries of the world: “World proletariat – unite (socialise) all countries!"
Every strengthening of the world proletariat strengthens the hegemony of the proletariat in every single country. The world hegemony of capital produces the world hegemony of the proletariat which brings forward and paves the way for the hegemony of the proletariat in one country.
This is the decisive way on which the proletarians of all countries can take advantage of the basic contradiction between world capital and the capitalist countries for their revolutionary purpose, on which the proletariat can take the lead of the revolution in all countries without exception ! So one mustn't miss this favourable conditions for the capture of the world power by the proletariat.
The whole purpose of the unification of the countries is finally the proletarians` seizure of world power, even without awaiting the issue, when the contradiction between capital and labour is not only predominant in the industry but also in the agriculture by the efforts of globalisation.
Only because of the fact that there are still enough agrarian petty bourgeois and middle-classes all over the world cannot be reasonable for the world proletariat to set its world expropriation of the capitalist means of production aside. For the expropriation of the global means of (industrial) production the world proletariat will not waste time to the advantage of the petty bourgeoisie. The petty bourgeoisie and the middle classes have to be patient about their turn of expropriation.
The higher the world production for agricultural industrialisation ( by their socialisation), the better the maintenance of industrialised world agriculture, the faster the socialisation of the world `s agriculture can be realised in the next step and thus the accordance of industrial and agricultural relations of world production , thus the unification of the working masses of the world `s industry and agriculture.
The world capital squeezed out of the world movement of commodities paves the way for the removal of the whole world production of commodities, for the removal of the world movement of commodities, for the circulation of world commodities.
Beyond doubt, this is the most practicable and suitable way towards world socialism for those single countries with more or less numerous classes of small and middle producers. If the basic contradiction between labour and capital abolished on a global stage, then the non-capitalist production of commodities can be reversed to capitalism, because private property at the production means would arise only in the case if the labour power would reappear on the world market as a disposable commodity. And without wage labour as a commodity on the world market there can be no more world capitalist production either.
There can be capitalism only in a world where the capitalists unite labourers as commodity. And there cannot be any capitalism in a world where the workers unite without capitalists. It is the united strength of the propertyless world proletariat with which it removes the class character of the social property whereupon the unpropertied nature of the world proletariat is based.
The remaining world production of commodities is restricted by global bonds of the predominantly socialised means of world production, by the removal of the capitalist system of wage labour, by the removal of exploitation in every single country of the world.
The world socialist production of commodities is basically different from the capitalist world production of commodities and must not be confounded ( the one is untamed and the other is tamed by cutting its exploitive nature). The global fetishism of commodity is removed as well as the commodity of labour, however world socialism cannot do without a minimum of adequate supply of commodities. All the socialist restrictions of the law of value, all remainders of the society of commodities can only be removed by the period of communism completely.
World capital forces all capitalist countries to compete with each other. The contradictions among the capitalist countries changed their nation narrowed character. The countries sacrifice themselves for their world capitalist son but the son pays back his gratefulness by a life of parasite. The periodical crises of the capitalist countries was once an unavoidable process of their growing. The permanent crises of today are symptom of the dying capitalism. The historical capitalist appearance of the countries` prosperity is replaced by that one of the today `s countries` struggle to survive. Capitalist Country Eat Capitalist Country.
3. Contradictions among the capitalist countries
World capital transformed all countries into world commodities . Selling their commodities on the world `s market of commodities in times of globalisation does n `t mean anything else but selling themselves out - at least parts of themselves such as raw-materials etc. Commodities of countries change into countries of commodities. The world capital implicating the capitalist countries in ruinous competition intensifies the contradictions with each other . So by helping world capital to accumulate the capitalist countries loose their capital at the world capital. To escape from their own exploitation the capitalist countries aggravate the exploitation of their own exploited classes which is again not without consequences on the existence of the countries themselves. So the ruination of a country by other countries is the other side of the coin.
The big countries like the imperialist great powers squeeze the weaker countries out of the world market, out of the market of the row-materials etc. World capital, the world monopolies, usurp all the nation `s riches beginning with the weakest. The crises of the capitalist countries activate the world crisis and vice versa. World capitalism cannot escape from these contradictions but dying.
“And finally while the bourgeoisie of each nation maintains national interests partially the big industry produced a class which has the same interests by all nations and whereby the nationalities are already ruined, a class, which actually got rid of the whole old world and which is pitted against it simultaneously” (MEW, “Deutsche Ideologie”, Volume 3, page 60, German edition, free editor `s translation)
The inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the capitalist countries cannot stop the internationalisation of the proletarian class struggle. The workers of the large international industry carry along all the workers of the countries . The further developed capitalist countries carry along the less developed capitalist countries. The world production needs the international unification of all existing productive forces necessarily to feed up highest profits.
The grouping of the great imperialist countries, which of course haven't given up their own hegemony, is condemned to escape commonly from world c rises. There is no way left to uphold their own imperialist interests than sticking together by the formation of a global world imperialist order. This world imperialist order aggravates the contradictions among the imperialist great powers, subdues their power under the unique interests of the world capital. The robbery law of the imperialism isn't repealed of course with that. The world imperialism has not removed but further intensified the contradictions among the imperialist great powers:
4. Contradictions among the single imperialist great powers
Today, there is the imperialist band of robbers who coordinate and centralize their robberies, but instead of simply sharing the prey it is increasingly sacrificed to the world capital because the world capital is the ruling global villian. It is the ruinous competition among the great powers forced by the world capital it is the contradiction between world capital and the great powers which dominates all the contradictions among the great powers. It is the world capitalist destruction by means of the alliance of the great powers. World capital bursts all bonds of the great powers, forms new continental and even intercontinental alliances to burst their bonds again, forms the Western and the Eastern capitalist world to burst their bonds. World capital bursts all bonds. It burst the bonds of the former constellation of the “Cold War” between both the superpowers disappeared like the constellation of the superpowers themselves, disappeared by the globalisation of world capital. By this the former contradictions between the superpowers and all the other imperialist countries at both their poles became obsolete.
The negation of the superpowers paved the way for the global class-front between world bourgeoisie and world proletariat. Reaching its global position the proletariat can globally influence and use all the contradictions of the capitalist society for its own class- struggle: “World proletariat – unite all countries against the imperialist great powers, against the Western and Eastern capitalist world !”
Now we have the contradiction between the great imperialist powers – forming the world capitalist order (“civilised world”) – and the countries of its obedience. All the countries who do not dare to obey the civilised world and who offer resistance are condemned to belong to the “uncivilised world” and in so far regarded as an enemy of civilisation. To maintain the global system of oppression the “civilised world” uses the services of all the allied state powers in general and those of the great powers of imperialism in particular. By this the world bourgeoisie establishes its global means of class ruling ( the apparatuses of global militarism, and global fascism which is given into the hands of a new global bureaucratic upper class – and the global labour aristocracy as its counterpart within the world proletariat). The world imperialist formation of capitalism corresponds with the formation of the world bourgeoisie. The world dictatorship of the financial capital shall lose ground to the world dictatorship of the proletariat by the continuation of the parasitic, rottening and dying social-economic process of the crisis of the “civilised world”. The exploited and oppressed global classes will be faced with the global power of fascism and reaction. Every proletarian action, every proletarian movement, every movement of resistance of the exploited and oppressed classes will be faced with the world power of the “civilised world”. In the end there will be left the allies of the “civilised world” led by the world bourgeoisie on the one side and the allies of the “uncivilised world” led by the world proletariat on the other side. This is - in a certain manner – the continuation of the negated contradiction between the socialist and the capitalist camp which was in force in the first epoch of socialism.
The main enemy is the world bourgeoisie and its whole imperialist order of the “civilised world” - still headed by the US-imperialists. The globalised capitalist world undermines the influence of the globally bribed upper class of the world proletariat, undermines the influence of social imperialism upon the masses. This is the result of the decline of the modern revisionism, the decline of social imperialism, the undermining of its influence on the global masses. A handful of global monopolists form the rich world and the globally exploited masses form the poor world. The global class- society of today is divided in the rich and the poor world which forms its own global class-contradiction:
5. The contradictions between the rich world and the poor world
Historically this contradiction is as old as the class-society itself. The one ruling class was replaced by another to take over the world power. The world capital produced the globalised contradiction between the poor and the rich world. The global world of today is the highest, worst and last form of the contradiction between the rich and the poor world. It is its final stage. All the former exploiting and oppressing classes just replaced the old inequitable world by a new inequitable one, however with the world power of the proletariat the contradiction between the rich and the poor world will be removed inclusively the removal of the inevitableness of its restoration. It is about the global class-struggle of the exploiting and oppressing classes on the one hand and the exploited and oppressed classes on the other hand: “World proletariat – unite all countries to remove the world capitalist contradiction between the rich and the poor world !” The world revolution removes the inequality of the countries all over the world.
Both in the poor and the rich countries the contradiction between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat is predominant, so the class struggle steps forward more or less between bourgeoisie and proletariat. What concerns the poor and rich countries, great changes, movements and displacements have taken place.
If one talks about the poor countries of Latin America for example, then it stands out that although one can still talk about a poor Bolivia but not about a poor Brazil. Brazil is a new imperialist country which does not only exploit its own continent but also other countries beyond, especially in the southern hemisphere. To cite the state of South Africa as another example it is as well a new imperialist country which is no longer satisfied with just exploiting its own poor continent. So you cannot lump together all the African countries and generalise the “African colony” or the “oppressed peoples of Africa” ( exploited by the imperialist and social imperialist countries”. After globalisation this does no longer mean the same as it did in times of classical colonialism and neo-colonialism. World capital burst the bonds of the “poor” continent. The things really have changed in Asia, too. China, always pretending to be just a "developing country", already has become a social imperialistic superpower which left behind the predominance of the imperialist Japan. China does not only dominate the Eastern market. Long ago China strived for world hegemony and China is well on the way to being the global big fish.
There is no doubt about the consensus that we cannot generalise the “under dogged peoples of Africa, Latin America and Asia” any more. Globalisation burst their bonds. We have to reconsider and to revise this popular term under its changes by the globalisation.
There are at least two reasons why the contradiction between these three continents and the “old” world imperialist powers shall aggravate:
1. The new rich countries of these continents became more or less earnest competitors and their capital strives for world expansion. They put on the agenda a new distribution of the world, especially the new distribution of the poor countries of their own continent and this collides with the interests of the old world imperialist benefices and prebends.
2 . By this the pressure upon the poor countries increases dramatically. They have to stand up to both the new and the old imperialist capital and last not least to all the other poor countries who struggle for their survival.
All this does its bit to enlarge the contradiction between the poor and the rich countries becoming more and more rich on the one side and poor on the other side.
So the poor countries are forced to unify their global resistance against the foreign rule of world capital.
The world proletariat derives from their situation to lead them in the anti-imperialist global class-struggle. They have to be considered as indispensable reserves of the world revolution.
Within the new capitalist and in part the new imperialist countries, particularly on the continents of Latin America, Africa and Asia, a strong, unspent proletariat shall grow up rapidly as a big and serious detachment of the world proletariat which will play its high-ranking, honourable role in the world revolution. This new department was not yet available in times of the October Revolution.
Related to classical old capitalist countries we doubt that everything would remain unaffected:
Something is moving due to the increased competition of the globalization.
Some countries blundered into serious difficulties, into existentially deep crises. They are up to their ears in debt and go almost bankrupt.
Great global emigrant movements can be stated both in the poor and rich countries. Within these movements there are also millions of high qualified proletarians who have to leave their traditional locations of industry for their survival.
Globalisation proves the fact that both poor countries become rich and rich countries become poor, vice versa. The sharing at the world markets shrinks and the
poverty increases faster as the riches of all the countries. Neither the poverty nor the abundance knows national or any other limits and bonds.
At present, it looks like a global rebirth of the “Wild West”, like the times of the gold-diggers when life and death seemed to be a short guest performance.
The world capital takes the world for granted – as its self-service store. Global monopolism is most parasitically, rotting and dying – global disruptiveness, fission and fusion both in the poor and in the rich countries.
Globalisation is a totally new cast of dice for the redistribution of the world markets and spheres of global influences. The situation comes to a head ( imperialist wars of conquest, national liberation wars, revolutionary uprisings, insurgencies – all this will increase rapidly and herald the Great Proletarian Socialist World Revolution. The world contradictions become more dynamic and come nearer to their final solution.
Definitely we can state a binary division of the world, the division of the poor and the rich world of which all active demarcation is drawn through all continents, all countries, all cities, all villages and all places of the world. It is the large, united poor world which declares the war on the rich world which breaks its chains and which shall rise up against the rich world. The global war between rich and poor has long been overdue. The civil war between the poor and rich world will be led by both the war opponents: world bourgeoisie and world proletariat !
6. What about the further development of the contradiction between capitalism and socialism ?
Even raising this question is already prove enough for the existence of this contradiction !
Obviously opinions often differ. We would acclaim an open discussion about this question whereas we don `t waive a principled demarcation line opposite to both the revisionists and sectarians.
To be disempowered temporarily or not – socialism goes on and in so far it is still in contradiction to capitalism – no matter if that will suit the capitalists` plans or not. It is an inevitable law of the social development that capitalism will be removed by socialism – capitalism did and will not exist all the time in history of mankind.
So, as Communists we are of the basic opinion that the contradiction between capitalism and socialism ( socialist movement, socialist class-struggle, socialist heritage etc.) is going on though there is no materialised contradiction between the capitalist world and the socialist world at present. This means that Lenin `s classification of the two worlds is not valid for the time being. The Two – World Theory was valid in the period between the October Revolution and the restoration of capitalism in Albania. This is painfully and regrettable but historically true. Our previous struggle against restoration of capitalism ended with a defeat but we continue our struggle for the restoration of socialism. Therefore we speak about the present contradiction between the restoration of capitalism and socialism. The restoration of socialism is not restoration of its revisionist remainders but the new up building of world socialism. Restoration of socialism is removal of the unavoidability of capitalist restoration !
At the time of the restoration of capitalism in Albania the former contradiction between the camp of the capitalism and the camp of the socialism “disappeared” why we may not talk about the capitalist camp any more since then – there is still the global world of capitalism inclusively all its remainders of revisionist countries. However, we can talk about the former “socialist camp” only partially, because the Comintern (ML) repudiates no Marxist-Leninist countries but the Soviet Union in times of Lenin and Stalin and Albania in times of Enver Hoxha. There are no socialist countries beyond Marxist-Leninist countries. There is no socialist camp which counts revisionist countries as members.
Putting aside the fact that the fallacious equalisation of revisionist (= capitalist!) and socialist (Marxist-Leninist !) countries is only in the interest of capitalism to scare the progressive workers we can proceed from the assumption that there are no socialist countries at present. However, stating the fact that there are no socialist countries at the time does not mean in the slightest that the contradiction between capitalism and socialism would have been completely wiped out.
Everybody knows that world imperialism is interested in making us believe that socialism was totally removed and that socialism is beyond of reclaim. The capitalists are in for it but they do not dare to freely admit it.
In the narrow sense of the term we talk about the former historical contradiction between a socialist and a capitalist country or the coexistence of both the capitalist and the socialist system, or more precisely about the contradiction between capitalism and socialism in the first period of the history of socialism.
There are no two worlds but only one - the capitalist world. This change was already revised by the general line of the Comintern (ML). Revisionist countries pretend to be socialist but they are capitalist in deed. This is exactly the point which the revisionists forswear. We draw the demarcation of socialism and revisionism and therefore they accuse us Marxists-Leninist of sectarianism, dogmatism, anti-socialism, anti-imperialism, of anti-fascism etc..
Those who defend revisionist countries as so called “socialist” countries, defend world imperialism. It is the revisionists who destroyed the socialist countries, who assimilated and merged back into capitalism who restored capitalism. Revisionists are therefore capitalist lackeys, enemies of the proletariat, enemies of socialism, communism and Marxism-Leninism. They are reactionary and social-fascist, standing on the other side of the barricade of world revolution.
The revisionists hold the theory, that the contradiction between the socialist and the capitalist system isn't solved revolutionarily. They spread the illusion that the relations of socialist production of the socialism in “one” country rather "extend" to such degree that - in the world scale - the relations of the capitalist production could be “pushed back” and “replaced” by the quantitative majority rule progressively. Instead of the class-violence of the world revolution the solution of the contradiction of the two world systems so to speak would be possible all alone ( self triggering, automatically). World socialism can neither grow out of the prototype of socialism in “one” country”, nor can `t be exported into all the other countries. This would collide with the teachings of the 5 classics of Marxism-Leninism.
Only in one way it is right to say that the global solution of the capitalist basic contradiction is ( in a seminal state and not preformed) already contained in the prototype of the socialism in “one” country . As long as it is the only “one” country it is temporarily – so to say – a kind of representative of the idea of world socialism (which does not actually exist). It is a lever and base of the world revolution, the avant-garde of the world proletariat, the spearhead against world capitalism etc. – but all this can never be regarded isolated from the development of the world proletariat and the global conditions of the world revolutionary development. Socialism in “one” country can neither be the father of world socialism nor the son simultaneously in one and the same person. Socialism in “one” country heralds and improves the world socialist development, is a base and a lever for the world socialist development, it is the homeland of the world proletariat etc., but it could not remove world capitalism by its own. Socialism in “one” country cannot become the world socialist father of the descendant countries like children. It is not capitalism of one country which gives birth to world socialism but world capitalism ! The socialism in “one” country as base and lever of the world revolution can only come into global operation under the leadership of the world proletarian revolution.
In the narrower meaning a socialist country can develop into communism only as a link of the socialist world, otherwise it would be restored by capitalism sooner or later. The proletarian world revolution isn't the work of one single socialist country but a common work under the leadership of the world proletariat. The world proletariat can lead only itself, the mission of the world proletariat cannot be finished by socialism in “one” country. Socialism in “one” country can pave the way for the world socialist mission but not materialise by itself. Stalin has talked about a "deep mistake:"
„... that it is not pending for Marxists, to mix up different phenomena like “ the victory of socialism in one country” and the “victory of socialism in the world scale”. One mustn't forget that two completely different epochs are reflected in both these different phenomena which have not only to be separated from each other in terms of time (what is very important) but also in their whole nature.
The period of the victory of the socialism in the world scale is primarily just different from the period of the victory of the socialism in a country by the fact that it liquidates the imperialism in all countries, the compulsion to subject other nations, as well as that it removes the fear of the danger of the national subjugation, undermines the national distrust and the national enmity radically, that unites the nations in a uniform system of a socialist world economy and therefore creates the real conditions, which are necessary for a gradual fusion of all nations to a whole” (Stalin, "the national question and the Leninism", 1929, free translation from the German text).
And the Comintern (ML) considers another "deep mistake", namely to believe that we are still in the epoch of the socialism in “one” country. Those who can't ( or are not willing!) differ both the periods of socialism can or will hardly recognize that we have already arrived at the threshold of the decline of the world imperialism thus at the threshold of the epoch of socialism that it is our task as Communists to work out the whole nature of the socialism in the world scale scientifically.
The victory of the socialism in a country and the liquidation of the imperialism in a country didn't mean the liquidation of the world imperialism , didn't mean the victory of the socialism in the world scale . The victory of socialism in a world scale is not possible by missing out a whole epoch.
The revisionists gave the world socialism away together with the world revolution. The capitalist restoration of socialism in “one” country is to be achieved easier and faster if the revolutionary delegations of foreign working classes are replaced by delegations of businessmen and corruptionist politicians of the capitalist countries. The revisionists frightened at the capitalist encirclement and its threatening danger of foreign assimilation and annexation. It was not that defence of socialism causing their anxiety. In reality it was only the covered anxiety to lose a bit of their own revisionist system of exploitation and oppression. But more terrifying was their nightmare about the disaster which would be due to the power of the world proletariat ! Isolating the working class from the world proletariat the revisionists threw socialism of “one” country to the world imperialist wolves and paved the way for world capitalist globalisation by the restoration of capitalism.
The revisionists were just burying the proletarian world revolution with the Comintern, too. They tried to suspend and to stall socialism in “one” country, to disconnect the next step from the first step. Thereby the revisionists changed the first epoch of socialism into the last one. This was the very revisionist betrayal at the Comintern. The process of the disconnection of both the periods of socialism – that `s the process of the restoration of capitalism: “World proletariat – unite all countries against the danger of restoration of capitalism !” That is the genuine Marxist-Leninist formulae to encounter the disconnection and split of the two epochs of socialism. The world revolutionary class struggle of the socialist world against the capitalist world turned into the blocking by regarding the peaceful coexistence of the "capitalist and socialist camp" as the final stage of socialism instead of its unavoidable intermediate stage towards world socialism. The nature of the unavoidable stages of socialism `s development is their overcoming by the struggle for the next stage. If these unavoidable stages are always condemned to take on a life of their own then this is the death of any stage - it is doomed to be replaced by the previous one. The result of the peaceful coexistence of capitalism and socialism was therefore consequently the restoration of capitalism instead of world socialism.
The revisionists` paraphrase was that of a “case of exception", namely the abolition of the contradiction between a socialist and capitalist world by the effectiveness of a new relationship of its poles. They promised to solve the contradiction in the world scale by a gradual superseding of the relations of socialist production which would simultaneously lead to superseded relations of the capitalist production. But this was nothing but a declaration of capitulation towards Marxism-Leninism, towards the necessary world revolutionary removal of the capitalist relations of production in a world scale.
So, if the socialist world would have solved one non-antagonistical contradiction after another, this would eventually lead to a qualitative leap for the inevitable overcoming of all the antagonistical contradictions of the capitalist world. The revisionists argued that they could solve the antagonistical problems of capitalism by means of the solution of the non-antagonistical contradictions of the socialist society. The revisionists were the drivellers of the “theory” of “communism in one country” missing out the precondition of world socialism.
With other words: To create socialism in its first period the socialist revolution would be needed, however, once established there would be no more need for the socialist revolution. Socialism would pass the nations ` borders “peacefully” . The capitalist world would have to come clean without any socialist revolution, quasi in form of a “synthesis”, an “assimilation” - by a gradual process of adaptation from capitalist to socialist relations of production. Indeed, historically this was not at all the gradual assimilation of the capitalist system into the socialist system but just the opposite ! And this was the covered purpose of the revisionists. The competition of two-way infiltration led to the death of the socialist system and to the globalisation of the capitalist system. The transition from the first epoch of socialism into the second one is not at all of straight-line nature but utmost contradictory and comprising a whole transitional period performing a zig-zag movement of victories and defeats. The contradiction between capitalism and socialism are valid during the whole interims period of capitalism and communism thus the contradiction between the capitalist and the socialist world.
Concerning the struggle of both the world systems we have to consider two contrary, complementary dispositions which blur the objective regard of this contradiction:
At first there was the disposition to overestimate the possibilities of the prospering socialist system within its first epoch (“euphoria”) and at second the disposition to underestimate the possibilities after socialism `s defeats and downfalls (despondency, dejectedness, depressiveness). The main contradiction between socialism and capitalism is principally always the same but changing with ups and downs of the socialist as well as the capitalist development. We have to learn from our mistakes to avoid them in the coming second epoch of socialism. And we have the courage to give the advice to study capitalism coping with its own history of ups and downs. The key of studying the restoration of socialism is the study of the history of the capitalist restoration. Having the key of the socialism `s restoration you ` ll have the key for the dissolution of the contradiction between capitalism and socialism, too.
In the Moscow Declaration of 1957 was emphasized that the socialist camp presumed to have been much more powerful than the imperialist camp. Is this right historically? The socialist superiority is a phrase if it is not proved by hard class-struggle. As long as there is world imperialism actually ruling socialism is not superior. Let `s have a historical look at the date:
There were no Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin and with that no more Marxist-Leninist leadership of the socialist camp in 1957. How shall a leadershipless camp be more powerful than the imperialist camp which was commanded by a powerful USA imperialism at that time? And what about most of the other countries calling themselves “socialist countries”? We repeated several times that there weren't any really socialist countries apart from the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin and the Albania of Enver Hoxhas in the world – carefully examined by the criterion of Marxism-Leninism. In the strict sense one can only talk about a "socialist camp" beginning with socialist Albania and ending with the death of Stalin – at latest, however, with the revisionist XX. Party Congress of the CPSU in 1956. This was not a socialist camp “for itself” because it was embedded within a camp whose members had been revisionist at most . It was a “§socialist camp” In name only.
This does not mean that there were no efforts of Marxists-Leninist and Marxist-Leninist tendencies within the socialist camp. In the first line Albania waved the flag of Marxism-Leninism. However the so called “socialist camp” was a camp which waved the revisionist flag in 1957. So in reality the only socialist country, Albania, did n `t separate from the socialist camp but from the revisionist camp which was under Khrushchev `s thumb. Yugoslavia and China separated, however, as revisionist countries from the (Soviet) revisionist camp (The "polemics" published by the Chinese revisionists in 1963 is rotten to the core - (see detailed comment in: “general line” of the Comintern (ML).
Albania was the only socialist country in the world in 1957 and up to its own capitalist restoration in 1990 not a single socialist country could be added, so their was no socialist camp but only Albania which all alone represented the socialist world in that time. In our opinion the imperialist camp proved to be strong enough to force the socialist camp into capitulation by the corruption and subversion of the revisionist agents and liquidatory cooperation with the revisionist countries with the Soviet revisionists at the head. It is fact that imperialism ruined the future of world socialism by the help of revisionism at power. It is also fact that the revisionists grabbed the power before the socialist camp could developed. It is the history of the revisionist camp which hindered socialism to bring world imperialism to his knees.
All this has to be reason enough to recover the Marxist-Leninist solution of the contradiction between socialism and capitalism critically as well as self-critically. We have to purify this contradiction from its revisionist covers to find a new global revolutionary alternative for its solution. We are non-committal concerning the mandatory necessity of a possible socialist camp in future.
Proletarians of all countries - unite all your revolutionary forces for the protection of the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin! " - “Proletarians of all countries - unite all your revolutionary forces for the protection of the socialist Albania Enver Hoxhas!" These were the two correct formulae of proletarian internationalism in the world revolutionary fight against imperialism and revisionism at that time when the main contradiction between the capitalist and the socialist world was in force.
In the Chinese “Polemics” the solution of the countries ` contradictions is restricted on “revolutions of the people” . In the contrary “the revolutions of the proletarians” could never be found in the “Polemics” and more less anything about the proletarian revolution in the revisionist countries could be found there. The “theory” of the Three-Worlds is through and through an anti-Marxist-Leninist conception of the Chinese social imperialism written for the purpose to save world imperialism by the waving of the proletarians` world revolution:
“The vision of the existence of three worlds or the tripartition of the world is based on a racist and metaphysical ideology – a spawn of world capitalism and reaction (Enver Hoxha, "imperialism and revolution", page 294, German edition, free editor `s translation).
The contradiction
between capitalism and communism ...
... hasn't disappeared by the fact that the last country of the socialism was restored by capitalism. This contradiction continues to have an effect as long as there is still the ideological influence of the world bourgeoisie and even in times of world socialism the class- struggle goes on. Even communism cannot delete old traces and birthmarks of capitalism absolutely.
Doubtlessly this contradiction continues to have an effect by the elimination of the last socialist country, Albania. The first epoch of the socialism "in one" country has been terminated violently by the world imperialist and social imperialist decline of the dictatorship of the proletariat by means of the Albanian revisionists who restored capitalism.
However, neither the imperialists nor the revisionists could discourage the proletariat to prove historically the breaking off the world imperialist chain, to prove a better life without capitalism in one `s own country.
It forced the capitalist countries to unite globally against socialism. Only one socialist country was binding all the global forces of the counter-revolution to snuff out socialism `s life and to bring under control the flame of the socialist world revolution which spreads across the capitalist-revisionist encirclement.
This worldwide imperialist alliance – once formed to encircle and to finish off the former “one” socialist country – is not dissolved but reorganised inevitably against the up coming world proletariat thus the global class who is able to upgrade socialism in “one” country to world socialism. The world proletariat performs unavoidably the transition period towards the second epoch of socialism by the world revolution. A single proletariat was not able to break through the global capitalist-revisionist encirclement and this would collide with the teachings of Marxism-Leninism, with the teachings of the proletarian internationalism.
This lethal ideological weapon of the world proletariat is the inalienable guide-post guaranteeing the lasting and unalterable victory over capitalism in the world scale.
The contradiction between capitalism and communism is therefore unremovable. The contradiction seems to be disappeared but in reality it needs time to prepare the appearance in a new form, in the global form thus in a higher form – thus in a form which comes nearer to the contradiction `s solution – thus the global form which replaces the national form.
The communist forces need their time to get rid of the traditional national forms of their development in the first period of socialism. Accordingly all the former communist (and anti-communist !) forces run through a changing process of their reunification as well in the world scale as in the countries – a reunification on a qualitatively higher level. And thus is expression of the changing process of the contradiction between capitalism and communism. Furthermore the communist and anti communist strengths are still both the confronting world armies but these armies are regrouped armies related to the globalisation of class-struggle.
The more capitalism is globalising world power the more it will remobilise the anti capitalist resistance in all countries unavoidably and the more the global contradiction between capitalism and communism shall come to a head.
Until now there was only one real anti capitalism – and this is still communism. And there will be also only one really global anti capitalism in future – this is world communism !
Today, the contradiction between capitalism and communism has already become a global form. The contradiction between world capitalism and world communism is only resolvable in the world scale, too. The world proletariat unites the strengths of the anti world capitalism, unites the strengths of the world communism against the world capitalism.
If we determined the contradiction between the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and the dictatorship of proletariat then we can determine the contradiction between the world dictatorship of both these global classes, too. However, while they share the same character of dictatorship over the class enemy in a national as well as in a global scale - namely that there can be only one at a time and not both con temporarily and that the one abolishes and removes the other - then the decisive difference of this contradiction in a national as well as in the world scale consists in the fact that the dictatorship of the world bourgeoisie is just abolished and removed by the new dictatorship of the world proletariat whereas the dictatorship of the world proletariat – in contrast to all the other proletarian dictatorships – is the only one which abolishes and removes at all any class dictatorship inclusively its inevitableness – forever and irretrievably.
This is the qualitative difference of the socialism in "one" country and the world socialism and simultaneously the base of the solution of the contradiction between capitalism and communism.
The bourgeoisie has openly declared that the contradiction between capitalism and communism is already “dissolved” by the restoration of capitalism. Certainly, the revisionists are not allowed to agree with this plump lie because they would lose their influence in the leftist movement. So they pledge their words for the re-establishment of the restorable socialism, for the first epoch of socialism, simply to misuse it against the class-struggle for the second period of socialism: socialism in “one” country against world socialism !
Whereas the Communists fight for the new socialism, for the world socialism on the base of the positive socialist elements which were achieved in the first period.
This is the contradiction between the world revolutionary strengths, which want to step forward from the first period to the second period of socialism and those world revisionist strengths which are too much afraid of entering the arena of the struggle for world socialism and which prefer to leave socialism at its first stage of development – safely enough to fall in the arms of capitalism. What the revisionists like is a socialism with a capitalist additional insurance.
In this respect we can speak about the fact that the camp of capitalism and the camp of communism will enlarge globally. The future of mankind depends on the success of the fight between the world capitalism and the world communism.
Those who can unite the strongest world strengths shall win this fight at long last. The strengths of the world Communists are still extremely weak but they already succeed in intellectual victories which herald their growing strength. The world strengths of communism will win over the world strengths of capitalism. Nobody but the world proletariat itself with the communists at the head can really solve the contradiction between capitalism and communism. May the capitalists and revisionists allege to be top dog – however we shall prove in history that they `ll get the short end of the stick !
Unification - that is to overcome divisive split !
“Proletarians of all countries - unite!" and "World proletariat - unite all countries!" are both the matching formulae to overcome global split of the world proletariat and to overcome the split of the proletarians of all countries, too. At present it is the internationalist solution of the “social and national question” nationwide and worldwide:
“ Separating nations from each other is not our task, but to unify the workers of all countries” (Lenin: volume 19, page 545, German edition, free editor `s translation).
To practice Leninism that means to understand Leninism. If Lenin spoke about “separating nations” he did not mean to ignore the national question. Lenin taught that the international question cannot be solved in disregard of the national question and vice versa. And it is reasonable as well that the question of the internationalist unification of the world proletariat does not leave aside the fate of the nations. “Separating nations from each other” is actually a hindrance for the unification of the workers of all countries and this hindrance has to be ironed out. So what about reversing this citation ? To unify the workers of all countries we communists have to strive for iron out the hindrances of the nations ` separation. Unification of the world proletariat through overcoming nations ` separation: “World proletariat – unite all countries !”
Today, the irreversible unification of the nations towards their socialist unity is a foregone conclusion based on the globalisation of capital. World capitalism itself abrogates nationalism, separatism and splits of nations. Globalisation cuts back the nationalist discordances as a matter of temporary nature (although this will be a matter of utmost painful processes!).
The more national conflicts and enmities, the stronger the internationalist will, the stronger the unity of the revolutionary movement to overcome divisive splits.
The “question of the nations ` unity” is the question of bursting both their nationalist and cosmopolitical chains which are chains of the national and world bourgeoisie. Only the proletariat can shake off the nations` yoke of world capitalism: “World proletariat – unite all countries !”
The global unification question is a question applied to be solved practically and because it cannot be solved beyond the actual conditions of class struggle the question of unification has to be changed into a question of the overcoming of one `s own split thus by the usage of all forms of penetrating, splitting and subverting the antagonistic class enemy. The world proletariat needs its own strategy and tactics of antidote to pave the way for its own unification. With other words we are teaching the world proletariat how to beat the world bourgeoisie at their own game !
The bourgeoisie has known for over 150 years that globally united workers represent a devastating world power.
It is the counter strategy of self-preservation of every opposing class to destroy, to impede and inhibit all the unification processes of the opponent.
If antagonistic classes stand vis-à-vis then their life and death stand vis-à-vis, too. Class struggle shall be finally settled not until the united power of the class enemy is globally destroyed. So the global unification and defragmentation of the world proletariats comes along with the proletarians` systematic efforts to deepen and speed up the global split and fragmentation of the world bourgeoisie to make use of all the contradictions within the counter-revolutionary alliances of the class-enemy. By this the weapons of the class-enemies can be liquidated, in particular their political organisations.
The world proletariat cannot lead the global class-struggle successfully without adding global fuel to the class-enemies` disunity. The success of one `s own unification to obtain / to maintain class-power, respectively the reconquest or restoration of the formerly lost class-power depends on the crucial factor of the class-enemies` disunity. This is one of the well-known basic laws of antagonistic class struggle. Mastering this law is its newly-arranged global stage.
Undoubtedly both the proletariat and the bourgeoisie try hard to make use of this general class struggle law by their own strategy and tactics at most. The world proletariat is doomed if it relies passively on the spontaneous course of the unification of all countries and if waiting sporadically and accidentally for any occasional events in single countries. This can never lead to the success if the world proletariat does n `t actively fight against all those split and fragmentation attempts of the class opponent centralist, inter nationalistically with which the opponents paralyse and disable the unification will and the unification strength of the proletariat. Mostly, till now, the counter-revolutions didn't win,
" because they destroyed their enemy, but because the strengths were shattered, because the proletariat features a different maturity degree in the different countries. The united enemies of the working classes won by paying the price of the delay of the decision battle, however, in which that source was simultaneously enlarged and deepened – which increases the number of proletarians - maybe more slowly than it ought to be but unstoppable - and which fosters their association, toughens them in the fight and teaches them actions against the united enemy. This source is the capitalism " (Lenin, volume 15, page 465, German edition, free editor `s translation).
So the source for the adjustment of the different maturity degree of the proletarians of the different countries to the highest maturity degree of the united world proletariat is the globalised world capitalism today.
The socialist world revolution doesn't win because it destroys the whole world bourgeoisie at one blow but because the strengths of the national bourgeoisies are shattered by the world capital because the bourgeoisie features a different maturity degree in the different countries.
The united enemies of the world bourgeoisie win by paying the price of the delay of the decision battle between world capitalism and world socialism, however, in which that source will be simultaneously enlarged and deepened – which increases the number of Communists – maybe more slowly than it ought to be but unstoppable – and which fosters their association, toughens them in the fight and teaches them actions against the shattered enemy . This source is communism.
The ruinous competition of the capitalist world powers and their common fear for the socialist world revolution – these are the motive powers of the global counter-revolution. The unity of the proletarian powers and their common fearlessness for the world capitalism - these are the motive powers of the socialist world revolution: “World proletariat – unite all countries !”
If the split and fragmentation tactics of the world bourgeoisie (or the bourgeoisie in this or that country) would be always the same or at least always equally so the world proletariat (or the proletarians in this or that country) would suss it quickly and would counter the bourgeois tactic just by the same or at least equal tactics.
However, carrot and stick alternate the one time and some other time they intertwine as miscellaneous combinations due to the objective conditions of class-struggle and because of the contradictions in one `s own or in the adverse camp.
In this process all the zigzag courses of the bourgeois tactics of the proletarians` split and fragmentation always led to the strengthening of revisionism within the ranks of the labour movement. These revisionist fission fungi thrive and prosper among those representatives of the labour movement who allow themselves to be deceived, who are licked, who are duped, who take the bait, who are open to corruption and who are taken in by all the well-known revisionist false and dummy concessions. The historical experiences of all countries show that the workers were always the dupe when soever they trusted in the demagogic gossip about pseudo- “unity” of the reformists and revisionists ( unity for the sake of unity, reconciliatorish unity with the bourgeoisie etc.).
World proletariat - turn the spear over and this time the reformists and the revisionists will be duped !
As well as the class opponent runs its global agencies in the communist and labour movement, the world proletariat also shall learn to run its global agencies within the opponent class camp. The world proletariat must beat the bourgeois agencies within the labour movement with their own weapons as well.
Let `s take the revisionism as the most dangerous weapon of the class enemy in the rows of the communist and labour movement:
If the class opponent has managed the revisionism to beat the world proletariat with its own weapons, then the world proletariat must just aim those intellectual and material weapons of the revisionism at the revisionists, it must globally learn to turn over the revisionist guns of pseudo-”unity”!
The world proletariat may have neither shyness nor scruple carrying split and fragmentation into the enemies` unity – e.g. by Trojan Horses. The world proletariat must disintegrate and decompose the allies of the world capital from inside, must corrupt it.
How can this be done? Lenin teaches: „Learn from the enemies!” Study and learn from the historical defeats and splits of the internationalist proletarian movement by studying and learning from the documents and writings of the class-enemy!
Who studies the splits and fragmentations of our movement as a history of the counter-revolution, who studies the weapons of the counter-revolution will learn how to turn over these weapons, how to beat counter-revolution with its own weapons. For short:
Nothing confirms more highly the explanation of the political nature of the split and fragmentation of our revolutionary movement than its own judgements of the class-enemies who conduct it. Lenin quotes an opportunist:
"And this opportunist gives away bourgeois secrets, reveals the truth and speaks frankly about the nature of the policy of the complete international bourgeoisie concerning the labour movement of the 20th century.
One cannot reject this movement as irrelevant and one cannot suppress it by brutal violence either any more. One must corrupt it from inside out, by buying over its upper elements" (Lenin, volume 21, page 453, German edition, free editor `s translation).
And just this way the bourgeoisie bred mischief and corrupted the Second International, corrupted the Third International, corrupted the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin, corrupted the socialist Albania of Enver Hoxha, corrupted the Marxist-Leninist movement nation- and worldwide, corrupted the whole first epoch of socialism. The whole secret of this deal simply consists of the subtlety and cunning of the method to let it never come into the open. One of the most perfidious and treacherous methods is cover-up through openness in order to hold duplicitousness in honour. It was definitively a revisionist deal: “Against the corruption of the labour movement of the 20th century (by buying over the labour aristocracy) in words, however corruption of the labour movement (by buying over the labour aristocracy) in deeds”.
The bourgeoisie has been able to generate the labour aristocracy by paying the price for that the masses won `t betray their socialist thoughts and ideals.
In a manner of speaking, the revisionism of the 20th century was nothing else but the corruption of the socialism by the bribery of the revisionist aristocracy. In the 21st century exactly the contrary will take place. Though the whole corruption won't be totally removed it will be administered against the bourgeoisie by that class which will remove even the inevitableness of any class-corruption for ever and ever. It is the ruling world proletariat which will hit the bourgeoisie with its own corruptive weapons. That is the whole point of the nature of the politics of the dictatorship of the world proletariat against the global capitalist restoration movement of the 21st century.
Notice the following three rules:
Do not let the class enemies in on it; we don't allow our class opponents to penetrate into our closed room, by no means without any counter performances.
Infiltration of double agents trained by the world proletariat as "opportunists" and "revisionists" within the counter revolutionary movement to ease the restoration of socialism this way and to paralyse and undermine the split and fragmentation on the part of the counter revolution. For the restoration of the socialism we `ll take advantage of our own proletarian agents within the camp of our opponent `s movement. And we shall prove that our proletarian agents are far better and more effective to restore socialism than those agents of the bourgeoisie who restored capitalism once.
socialist internationalism must not corrupt itself - from inside out. Splits caused by ourselves are most dangerous and can end with a break down. This is the reason why our enemies try to “give us a hand” for such faults of our own or why they just allege a net of deceit.
All this will actually happen, will be carried out even more consistently namely the more the contradiction between world bourgeoisie and world proletariat shall be intensified by the globalization of the world capital.
Related to our two formulae of the proletarians` unification it is necessary for the bourgeois strategy and tactics to split the proletarians of all countries and to split the world proletariat: “Capitalists of all countries – split the unification forces of the world proletariat !” - “World capitalists – split the proletarian unification forces of all the countries !”
The whole secret of the bourgeoisie to stand the test of nearly two centuries is keeping the proletarian unification forces at arm `s length by means of split. Private property at the means of production stirs up social disunity and aggravates class-contradictions – Socialisation of the means of production generates social unity. However, the proletarians socialise all production means not until they socialise themselves. The unification forces of the proletariat gather strength not until the proletarians socialise their consciousness – socialising their consciousness strengthens the proletarians` class-consciousness - . To become conscious about the necessity of one `s own unity the proletarians have to become conscious about the necessity of overcoming their own disunity which is caused by the ideological influence of the bourgeoisie.
The class struggle shall have reached a point when the one class will be forced by the other one to transfer its struggle onto the terrain of opponent weapons and to still continue and finally succeed in class struggle under aggravated conditions.
So what does our duplicitous class opponent make?
Our class enemy enters the stage of the Marxist-Leninist World Movement like a “Marxist-Leninist”, like a “world revolutionary”, like a “socialist internationalist”, like a “global communist” or whatever is indicated - and once established on this stage continuing class struggle by snaffling both of our formulae with the purpose to direct them AGAINST us , against the world proletariat and “in the name” of the world proletariat! These subversive activities were once successfully used by the revisionists within the Comintern - for example the revisionist deformation of the popular front (united-front tactics).
The class enemy assumes the role of the “unifier” of the world proletariat and from this position he starts to attack us Communists as “those who split the movement” and therefore as those “elements of diversion” who must be liquidated in the name of the defence of “unity”. Thereby the class enemy avails himself of his own as well as our organisations in combination to feed each others lines.
The revisionists take possession of our Marxist-Leninist positions of politics, of our line, of our world revolutionary ideas to direct them all against us whereby they enter the stage of the ideological class struggle as the “true Marxists-Leninist” who “defend” Marxism-Leninism against us Marxists-Leninist by exposing us and calling us “enemies” of the world proletariat, “enemies” of the world revolution.
So there is a double deceit: 1. Our Marxist-Leninist line of unification is masked as a camouflage of the divisive line of our class enemy (carrying the divisive influence of the bourgeoisie into the world proletariat by misusing Marxist-Leninist unity as a Trojan Horse). 2. The “Stop thief!”- tactics is the famous method of our class enemy to “unmask” our Marxist-Leninist unity as “Anti-Marxist-Leninist” unity and simultaneously to mask his bourgeois divisive politics as “Marxist-Leninist”. For one tactics you slip into the role of the enemy to take over his power position and for the other tactics you “expose” and “denounce” your enemy in public to isolate him and to take over his power position. Often both these tactics are combined or exchanged depending on different conditions. Let `s go into detail:
Unification as a position going in division and split :
1) Unity with the class opponent for the purpose of obtaining one `s own superiority by succumbing unity to superior numbers with the result of forcing the enemy into a minority position (divisive unity achieved by the conquest- of- majorities tactics; unity as a catalyst of the splitting).
And then: fraction ism: clannish minorities unified as a (more or less monolith) block to obstruct the majority with the purpose to take over one `s own majority;
And then: Wearing down the splitters right up to their total liquidation (method of liquidation by means of the [smooth and gentle] unity for the purpose of its strangulation = unity `s liquidation based on the right-opportunist position. This method is preferred if the revolutionary situation increases in prosperity thus when the enemy is strong and the movement active.
2) Frustration of unity precipitated by the fission politics:
The fission-method is used for the purpose to avoid, to hinder or even to make the unification process impossible.
It is frequently used in non-revolutionary situations, in situations of the revolutionary low tide, in situations when the class opponent is not yet bounced back, when he is demoralised, when there is caused confusion in his own ranks, when the opponent is forced to rally his strength respectively when he is forced to renew or change his formation.
It is often used as a pseudo- counter method of the method 1).
You simulate as if you strive for a “principled unity” directed against the pseudo-unity, against unification ism, against unprincipled unity, against unity chaffer y etc.
organisations etc.
You start a dispute on ideological demarcations to justify the maintenance of disunity and split . You put out endless discussions on unity to make unifications complicated and even impossible.
For this purpose you resort to dogmatism and sectarianism. You over-estimate existing dissents about unity or disunity and raise an principle objection though the disagreements have no principle or antagonistic al character.
Hereby both the methods of Trojan Horses and “Stop thief!” are utilised.
The more split groups and the more diverse fractions are “installed” within the opponent camp the better for one `s own class politics and the more difficult for the class enemy to unite or reunite his split or shattered forces.
Both methods come to the success in combination. Notice that you adopt the one method as your primary and the other as your secondary method. In case of changing conditions and circumstances the exchange of major and minor method will be necessary to gain the best results.
So to speak, you must have two strings to your bow, must be quick on the draw and must beat your class-enemy to the punch. The unification of the world proletariat is an indispensable element of the global class struggle and has to be treated like a world revolutionary strategy used as an art of class- warfare which likes to be further developed, studied in theory and mastered in practice.
Our key-watchword for this strategy is : „World proletariat – unite all countries!“
Unity with opportunism equals unification with the class-enemy and leaves nothing behind but a world revolution in shatters.
To avoid all the painful and sacrificial consequences of unprincipled and enslaving unity the world proletariat has to master the Marxist-Leninist strategy and tactics against opportunist unity: Marxist – Leninist unity is not unifiable with opportunist unity. They are both irreconcilable and are antagonistically contradictory! Opportunists strive to reconcile the irreconcilable unity – Marxists- Leninist strive for the irreconciliation against the reconciliators The one unity is a revolutionary unity, thus the unity of the proletariat and the other is counter revolutionary, thus the class-reconciling unity with the enemy ! To get rid of the world bourgeoisie we have to get rid of its divisive politics, doctrines and dogmas in the heads of the workers. Splitting begins in the heads of the workers and consequently the overcoming of splitting, too. Every step of splitting off the bourgeois ideology, of splitting off opportunism, is a step of the proletarians` unification.
Let `s keep in mind that all the various divisive methods of the bourgeoisie – the (right, reconciled) pseudo-unity-tactics as well as the (“left”, sectarian) pseudo-”principled” unity tactics - are combined and modified on all fields and at all fronts of class-struggle.
For example the leaders are split off the masses by this, theory is split off practice, strategy is split off tactics, party is split off class, class is split off masses, unity of the proletariat is split off the unification with the other exploited classes, national unification is split off global unification etc.
There are thousands of valuable experiences and teachings in the history of the anti-revisionist struggle for revolutionary unity to overcome all those harmful open splits and fragmentations of the communist and labour movement caused by the class enemies on the one hand and to overcome those harmful hidden pseudo-unity and pseudo-demarcations on the other hand.
And there are also thousands of valuable experiences and teachings about all the unavoidable and necessary splits and demarcations to get rid of class-strange elements, to purify the ranks of the proletarian united front. The world proletariat shall make many other important distinctions in future to achieve its own unity as well as its global unity with all the anti-world capitalist forces. And with the wisdom of hindsight the proletarians learn better by mistakes, defeats and disappointments than by their successes and victories. The world proletariat will be forces by the class-enemy to defend its unity against its split, will be forced to max out all the possibilities and opportunities to struggle against disunity and will be forced to make sacrifices and concessions for its unity (naturally not the unprincipled ones!) . There is no pure unity down-the-line.
In case of exhausted possibilities and if there is no other way out of committing the unavoidable split, we won `t be afraid to decide it in the interest of obtaining, maintaining or retaining the requested or necessary unity. there where all possibilities really are exhausted where the union is made impossible nevertheless, the split is unavoidable, one mustn't be afraid of this decision because the split is then only left as the only possibility to produce the necessary unity (again).
The world proletariat can be victorious not until it draws the anti-revisionist demarcation line, not until it has purified its own ranks from the revisionists because every revisionist influence within the communist and labour movement is advantageous for the world bourgeoisie and harmful for the world proletariat. In principle there is no unity between revisionism and Marxism-Leninism like there is principally no unity between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat.
Splits and unifications, fragmentations and de fragmentations aren't class neutrally. They are all advantageous for the one and disadvantageous for the other antagonistic al class. Splits and unifications can be harmful for every class which does not apply or combine these strategies and tactics of class-politics correctly.
So the world proletariat uses the unrestrained tactics of a stick and a carrot for its part against the world bourgeoisie as soon as the dictatorship of the world proletariat will be established. Unification and divisiveness of classes are two sides of a coin.
We must be conscious about the fact that unity and struggle form a dialectical unit. We must be conscious about another fact that the unit of unification and divisiveness means simultaneously the utmost sharpening of the class contradictions.
Harmonise the world proletarian class-unity with the divisiveness of the international bourgeoisie - and you `ll get the victory of the world revolution! This isn't without the objectively necessary conditions such as the world revolutionary situation or a world crisis which causes globally the outrage of the exploited and oppressed classes:
"To initialise the revolution it doesn't suffice that the exploited and suppressed masses become conscious about the impossibility to live on in a previous manner and that they are conscious about calling for a revolutionary change; to initialise the revolution it is necessary that the exploiters cannot live and rule in the previous manner any more " (Lenin, volume 31, page 71, German edition, free editor `s translation).
If the one class cannot yet succeed in preventing the opponent classes from their unification directly by its destructive interferences, then it is forced to influence their unification processes indirectly, firstly by avoiding lateral damages within one `s own class caused by the unification of the adversarial classes and secondly by exerting decisive and subversive influence on the unification of the adverse classes and rather by getting hold of the unification process so that the enemy is hoist by his own petard (for example: the socialist working class – being inducted by the revisionist leaders – unifying the revisionist camp for the purpose of world imperialist annexation).
The bourgeoisie splits the proletariat, destroys its unity by the policy of class reconciliation. So the consistent, firm-principled fight against the policy of the class reconciliation unites the proletariat in the fight against the bourgeoisie. The bourgeoisie covers the deep gulf between the antagonistic al classes with the purpose just to split the proletariat. The proletariat gives the masses a reality check about the depth of the gulf among the classes with the purpose just to unite them.
To combat and liquidate the world proletarian unity by veiling the disunity and split of the proletarians all over the world, by means of Marxism-Leninism – that is the revisionist method of the world bourgeoisie `s lackeys within the ranks of the communist and labour movement ! This has always to be kept in mind if revisionists open their mouth swearing: “unity”! That `s all revisionist brainwash. If revisionists talk about “unity” then they don `t tell the truth. They only want to mask their true intention by misuse of Marxism-Leninism just to damage proletarians` unity. They want to maintain the split and to paralyse and undermine unity. Unity with the bourgeoisie instead of unity against the bourgeoisie - that is the meaning of revisionist “unity”, that is the bourgeois expression of “unity” - covered by Marxist-Leninist phrases.