Author `s free, revised and improved translation of the German original text:
Appeal
of the
Communist International
(Marxists- Leninist)
decided on the 31st December, 2006
(at our 6th anniversary)
Wolfgang Eggers
Words which change the world:
"World proletariat - unite all countries! "
Communism strikes back !
From now on this pronunciamento (pronouncement) will spread around the world and make history ! It will galvanize the international workers` socialist revolution.
"World proletariat - unite all countries !"
This rallying cry heralds a new era of the proletariat` s political world power, the era of the world dictatorship of the proletariat. It is a sign that the world proletariat is on its victorious way to free all the people of the world from capitalist exploitation and oppression.
"World's proletariat - unite all countries!"
these are the future key words to crush down the whole world capitalist system. The world proletariat is the unifier of all countries in their struggle against the world capitalist system. The world proletariat can only realize its world revolutionary mission as the unifier of all countries. That` s the new Marxist-Leninist message delivered by the Comintern (ML) ! The development of the socialist revolution in the countries is directly and entirely at the mercy of the revolutionary development of the world proletariat.
At present the majority of our opponents prefer to remain mute about our newest world revolutionary standpoints because they fear to lose face in an open confrontation with us. The truth is that they conflict with our newest Marxist-Leninist teachings about the world revolution. They criticize the new teachings of the world revolution by all those Marxist-Leninist teachings which were correctly created before the times of globalization - namely in times of the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin and the Socialist Albania of Enver Hoxha. Mixing up or equating the historical periods - this is the typical problem of the neo- revisionists. They try to criticize Marxism-Leninism (of the newest period) as to be sectarian by "Marxism-Leninism" (Marxism-Leninism of the former historical periods). However this „method“ is totally anti-Marxist-Leninist as well as it is totally impossible to criticize the truth by the "truth". From the side of "left" opportunism, from the side of dogmatism, every necessary development of Marxism-Leninism is criticized, because it collides with old principles which were valid in their times. Dogmatism however changes those principles, which are only valid for their valid times, into those principles with universally valid character. Dogmatism hinders therefore Marxism-Leninism to be transferred as a higher developed world revolutionary theory into the necessarily higher developed world revolutionary movement. Dogmatism makes the world revolutionary movement standing still. Standing still is the same as a step backwards. Dogmatism is ossification, is inflexible, is rigidity, is the death of the world revolution., is counter-revolutionary.
The right opportunism tries to assimilate openly Marxism-Leninism by bourgeois ideology, tries to degenerate the revolutionary spirit of the world revolutionary ideas of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Enver Hoxha, tries to dilute Marxism-Leninism, tries to cut off its imprescriptible principles, tries to sell Marxism-Leninism to the bourgeoisie. The right opportunism only accepts such "theories" of the world revolution, and goes only conform with such models of "world socialism" and such manipulated quotations of the 5 classics which makes capitalism restorable, which do not harm the further existence or regeneration of world capitalism. What they want is to get the world power of revisionism, the power of bourgeois world socialism. So, the neo-revisionists reduce their "criticism" on modern revisionism on the "mistakes" which led allegedly to the defeat of state-power in a single country, in the socialist camp and which caused apparently the failure of the revisionists` power on an international scale. Neo-Revisionists fight for the re-conquest of revisionism at power. Of course, the neo-revisionists do not openly say so but they intend to do this in reality. You must prove revisionists by their deeds and not by their words ! The revisionists misuse Marxism-Leninism for their explanation attempts of their defeat of state-power. However, Marxism-Leninism teaches that these are certainly not any "mistakes" of the revisionists to restore socialism. In reality these were the methods of disarming the dictatorship of the proletariat, these were unavoidable instruments to re-establish the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, the consequent way of the transformation from socialism to capitalism under the banner of Marxism-Leninism. The restoration of capitalism on an international stage, that` s what the world bourgeoisie is forced to establish by a new type of revisionists - the world revisionists - agents of the world bourgeoisie within the ranks of the Marxist-Leninist movement of the world proletariat. If we Marxists-Leninist spread the slogan: "World` s proletariat - unite the countries!", then the revisionists try to unite the countries against the world proletariat just with this our slogan! Of course, the revisionists hide behind the banner of the Marxist-Leninist world movement as their fig-leaf.
What is new in the struggle against neo-revisionism?
With this article we force the revisionists to mask themselves behind our new slogan: "World` s proletariat - unite all countries!"
This is much more difficult for them than to hide behind our long theoretical writings. The more concretely we work with world revolutionary slogans, the more concretely the revisionists have to react and to come out, the more concretely they can be unmasked. Our slogans help us Marxists-Leninist to put our theory into practice. This is an instrument to It is our duty to remove the revisionists from the all-round position of the Marxist-Leninist, from its universal arguments, a weapon which the revisionists prefer now to direct against us Marxists- Leninist. The Comintern (ML) is no debating society for indeterminate debates. Our slogans are calls of international revolutionary activities for the world proletariat.
The world proletariat does not need endless debates on dead theorization. It needs a stirring idea to put an end to the misery. It needs a convincing vision of a better world. The world proletariat needs a world revolutionary watchword to keep going the international class struggle, to lead it on the way to liberation. The world proletariat needs a clear and catchy slogan which heralds and expresses the beginning of its own world revolutionary liberation movement. The international worker needs his own international fighting banner, under which he can march together with all workers of the whole world against the shared misery ! Well, the real revolutionary upswing is not still coming immediately but when it comes (and this is an imperative necessity), we have already worked out the draft of the revolutionary world theory to describe the shortest and easiest way towards liberation. This will keep it away from spontaneous petty bourgeois ways. In short: It is on the time to present the world proletariat openly and honestly our world political line of vision, our world revolutionary idea in a concisely form.
Our efforts, all our aims and tasks, our line and our program - all this is concentrated in our new call: "World proletariat - unite all countries!" We know that this world banner only can be raised by the workers themselves. They are the standard-bearers.
We know that our slogan alone is not enough; it has to become part of the movement, it has to take effect in the class struggle, we have to bring it into the movement.
There are people who use to stifle and to end unpleasant theoretical discussions with the handing out of a new watchword. We, however, throw down the gauntlet with that. Our slogan is of tough stock. We have the pleasure to prove this in this document.
Although we don't have any world revolutionary situation, we have already found out the watchword which is strong enough to deprive the world imperialist power. Our watchword is unbeatable because it is irrefutable. And it is irrefutable because it reflects the course of the mankind history correctly. What did Marx and Engels say? They said: "Before the proletariat gains his victories on barricades and into battle lines it announces the arrival of his power by a number of intellectual victories " to " (MEW, volume 7, page 416, German edition).
However, we ` ve got to leave our own antiquated opinions about the proletarian ideology which were correct in appropriate times of socialism in a "single" country. Now we live in times of globalised capitalism without any socialist country. We live in times of the globalised proletarian revolution against globalised capitalism. We are living in times when the contradiction of productive forces and the relations of production globalised. The degree of the sharpening of the globalization of this contradiction is according to the degree of sharpening of the globalization of the contradiction between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, is an indicator of the development of the Great Proletarian World Revolution. As a science socialism has to be handled scientifically, has to be studied, has to be proved under the changing conditions of changing times. As the only revolutionary science the socialism has to be revolutionized. A revolutionary science which is not permanently updated will degenerate to revisionism, to dogmatism.. whatever, but not to a revolutionary guide to global class struggle-action. The old principles were worked out under conditions of the simultaneously existing two social camps - capitalism and socialism. Now, we live in the period of the one and only existing world capitalist system. This means to replace the old Marxist-Leninist principles, which were then useful and necessary, but which have lost their meaning at present. So, our Marxist-Leninist principles have to be further developed, developed as a science of the socialist global revolution. By no means the world proletariat can herald its power by a number of intellectual victories with rusty intellectual weapons. However, it is even much more impossible to offer the proletariat rusty weapons, this is very simply despicable, this is a crime at the worker because they condemn him to the defeat before he has taken the fight at all!
What is an international labour movement without orientation, without intellectual victories? A blind wander on barricades and battle lines! Who wants to wander about aimlessly in the class struggle ?Unlikely ! Scarcely anybody ! And us Communists? Who is the Communist letting the workers wander about? Scarcely any Communist! The worker claims to know, how to dig himself out of the capitalist hole.
We Communists have to give him answers on all his questions - not any answer but the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth - no matter how sticky the workers` position might be - unvarnished and without beating about the bush. We have not to tell so, what they want to hear. We have to defend the truth - even if the workers don` t follow us in this or that moment. We have patiently to convince them the same way we have patiently to learn from the workers and correct our wrong views. Communists, workers, we all have to prove our visions in the practice of class - struggle. The worker wants to know what he must do to change his miserable situation. Self-knowledge, self-consciousness, that` s it, what the proletarians all over the world have to acquire. The strength of the world revolutionary consciousness constitutes the strength of the international labour movement.
Therefore there is no other task more important than to get knowledge about the process of the movement of the own proletarian class, its nature, its aims, its conditions, its practical forms and above all its mass character:
With every new day of the capitalism` s globalization the amount of the world proletarians increases. The new type of a world wage labourer detaches himself from any former type of wage labourer. It` s the new international worker with a new internationalist consciousness who will lead the world revolution.
Which are the future foundation pillars of the coming international labour movement?
1st centralized world theoretical fight [The Comintern (ML) is now at this stage];
2nd centralized world political fight;
3rd centralized practical economic fight (united resistance to the world capitalists.)
If we Marxists-Leninist bring in line all these 3 sides of the fight, if we organize the world class struggle in this way, then we have not only a strong but also an invincible international revolutionary labour army.
We have to find out whether the theoretical foundation pillars still withstands the new international requirements and extraordinary burdens, whether rips or material defects have arisen some place. We must carry out an analysis. We need a revision period to verify the Marxist Leninist theory under globalised conditions. We have to replace or to remove carefully antiquated principles. Other principles have to be retained unchanged.
We need professional people for this work. At present this people are few and far between. However, there are far too much revisionist charlatans. We don` t need such people who call themselves "Marxists-Leninist" , who fill old wine in new skins. We need not antiquated principles over-brushed with red colour. We don` t have to plaster our theoretical weaknesses, we have to unearth the truth about our theoretical disorientation and we have to overcome practically the consequences because of such failures. Let` s have a look upon the theoretical foundation pillars of the international labour movement, particularly the question of the unification. Let` s begin with a general overhaul of Marxism-Leninism in the period of the socialist revolution` s globalization.
Before we shall come to the conclusions of the general overhaul, before we introduce and present our new watchword to the world proletariat, it is unavoidably, to verify the historical development of the international labour movement under our old, still valid watchword: "Proletarians of all countries unite!" We must learn to understand that this watchword shall get a new meaning under global conditions. We have to trace back this watchword of Marx and Engels through all former times of the labour movement under the particular aspect of its internationalist character and its developing and changing different national forms. If one simply slaps a new watchword off the top of one's head - without, firstly, checking it for the most urgent present questions of the international labour movement and without, secondly, deriving it from the generalization of the development way covered historically, then neither the direction nor the aim of today's international labour movement can be determined scientifically, objectively determined. Otherwise this leads to pure speculations, to all kinds of subjectivism about the watchword of Marx and Engels. Speculative watchwords, on the contrary, do not serve but do mislead the international labour movement - and this means in consequence: to fall into the revisionists` clutches And to fall into the revisionists` clutches means the ongoing subordination under the class interests of the world bourgeoisie ... and exactly this shall be avoided and overcome with our new watchword in completion of the old internationalist watchword of Marx and Engels.
To so lead the world proletariat to the world revolutionary light from the world reactionary darkness, utmost care is advisable because with the devising of the most central watchword of the world proletariat we carry a great responsibility. But we would be bad world revolutionaries if we would shirk this responsibility. If we want to serve the world proletariat, then it is our duty to go ahead because no-one can relieve us of this duty in the whole world. The world proletariat will forgive us world revolutionaries if we make mistakes but will mercilessly send us to the hell if we refuse Bolshevist criticism and self-criticism. To this criticism we fully stand. Such so called "world revolutionaries" who claim to leadership without contributing anything grave to the unfolding of the international labour movement and to the solution of its most urgent problems are completely a useless burden for the world proletariat. To lead the world proletariat means to convince it of the correctness of our revolutionary world politics which help the international worker bringing in the socialist world revolution, which eases him - by his own experiences - to recognize the correctness of our revolutionary world politics, which make it possible to get a higher consciousness standard, to safeguarding his readiness for the fight for the socialist world revolution.
The communist idea is important in itself. It has to come under the influence of the struggling world workers, has to picked up and converted by all workers that the communist idea remains alive in them. It is important that the communist idea develops, that it remains as an developing idea - able to be grasped by the masses and transformed in mass-actions. It will blame no-one for us hopefully that we don't want to conceal our modest joy at it that it is an idea of Marx and Engels and that we German comrades could complete their old watchword by our new watchword "World workers - unite all countries!" This is a secondary flexible link of the infinite communist idea` s chain. Worker! Carry the banner of the communism tightly in your hands and assert your power! We wish that this call is brought to all workers in all countries that it is translated in all languages to lead the world proletariat to the victory.
All you revisionists - all you lackeys of the world capital - pay attention and listen:
The communism was confessedly beaten in a single socialist country, but growing as a world communism it hits back! ! !
Marx` and Engels` Manifesto of the Communist Party - 1848
When it was written - the manifesto of the communist party in February 1848 of Marx and Engels, finished with the call: "Proletarians of all countries - unite!", the working classes of single capitalist countries just once started to discover their united strength. In those times there was not yet the socialist proletariat at power. The workers were not yet ready for the socialist revolution and even not yet ripe for the proletarian world revolution. At that time the proletarians weren't still conscious about their world historical mission at all, and they really couldn't be conscious at all about this because the Marxism was still a very young science, started in few Western European states as France, England, Germany etc. So socialism as a science was developed in times when the labour movement developed, but not out of the spontaneous labour movement itself, because the labour movement doesn't reach spontaneously to the scientific nature of Marxism. This was in is still only possible outside the labour movement - only on scientific basis. World socialism is the world ideology of the world proletarian class struggle, is " subordinated under the general conditions of the creation, development and strengthening of the, which means: it footholds on the whole equipment of human knowledge, implies a high level of science, needs scientific work etc." (Lenin, Volume 6, page 155, „Brief an den ´Nordbund`“, German edition).. The science of socialism reflects the capitalist class society, has discovered the labour movement in this society and worked out its revolutionary way of the liberation scientifically. The Communists collected knowledge about the capitalist system, they analysed and generalized the conclusions of the workers` experiences of the real class struggles , discovered the revolutionary role and mission of the proletariat, have drawn up the teachings of the proletarian revolution, the teaching of the dictatorship the proletariat, recognized the internationalist nature of the proletariat, the necessity of the proletarians` association of all countries, the teachings of proletarian internationalism, the teachings of world socialism, world communism. However, all these are not any utopian "ideas" of any Communists, not self-made constructions by any "clever heads" but result of their arduous, scientific work about the actually ongoing development of the society in which they lived and which were part of their life. Presumed that we speak of a world socialist and world proletarian class consciousness in the course of this text, we must always distinguish both. An identification or equation of both terms is in this respect wrong because the socialism just cannot develop spontaneously by the labour movement. It is the proletarian ideology which must be worked out scientifically while the class consciousness of the workers world is developing spontaneously in the class struggle against the world capitalists, against the world bourgeoisie. Decisive is finally that the world proletarian consciousness cannot be raised on the qualitative level of the world socialist consciousness spontaneously. For this decisive step the world proletariat needs the help of the Communists, needs the science of Marxism-Leninism developed on its highest stage, permanently further developed by the Marxists-Leninist. We keep in mind what Stalin said. Necessarily the workers reach at socialism even without Marxism-Leninism. There is no doubt about it. But it is also true that the worker reaches at socialism in a shorter time, on an easier way by applying to Marxism-Leninism. Without Marxism-Leninism the way towards socialism is much more stony and paved with much more sacrifice (Stalin, "Letters from Kutais"). This is also true in regard of the stony path of the workers` unification. The worker overcomes his regional, national and finally worldwide isolation even without Marxism-Leninism. But led by proletarian internationalism the world proletariat arrives at the goal - unification of all countries - much more easier and earlier than without the usage of proletarian internationalism. Proletarian internationalism is the science of the workers` class-unification, an instruction to become a conscious monolith class of the world, is an instructions for its own unification in actions. Proletarian Internationalism is not at all a matter of spontaneous development as a result by sheer chance, is not based on subjectivistic wishful utilitarian thinking. Proletarian Internationalism is scientifically determined. International solidarity on the highest stage implies the highest stage of internationalist consciousness - proletarian internationalism.
It is the Communist International Party which systematically plans and organizes this. The world proletariat cannot fight for the world communism spontaneously but only consciously: -
The necessary further development of the world proletarian movement towards the world communist movement under leadership of the Communist International Party - this is the main task of us world revolutionaries and only from this Marxist-Leninist point of view our parole: "world proletariat - unite all countries!" makes sense. This is the correct path towards the Great Proletarian World Revolution. All least deviations from this Marxist-Leninist point of view invite revisionist abuse. The whole revisionist trick is to change our formula into a dangerous weapon in the hands of the class enemy against the revolutionary interests of the world proletariat. Because of this our formula is only to such degree efficient as we master the circumventions of its revisionist abuse.
The identification of world proletarian and world communist movement is only in this respect permitted, as one with that thinks: the fusion of international labour movement and scientific socialism, the leadership of the world proletarian class struggle on the basis of the proletarian ideology on the basis of the Marxism-Leninism, therefore the fusion of world revolutionary theory and world revolutionary practice. So the world proletariat can unite all countries only under that prerequisite if it unites the Marxism- Leninism with itself, if it acquires the Marxism-Leninism. Uniting all countries for the world revolution - this can only be achieved by the world proletariat, if it is guided by Marxism-Leninism. For this the communist Marxist-Leninist world movement is fighting today. We Hoxhaist identify the communist Marxist-Leninist world movement as the Hoxhaist world movement. There is no communist Marxist-Leninist world movement beside the Hoxhaist movement. The Hoxhaist world movement is the only true communist Marxist-Leninist world movement. Without Hoxhaism "Marxism-Leninism" can be all but not Marxist-Leninist. In principle there is no difference between Hoxhaism and Marxism-Leninism. Hoxhaism is Marxism-Leninism which is based on the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Enver Hoxha. With this we want to express our differentiation to our opponents who define Marxism-Leninism without the teachings of Enver Hoxha. So called "Marxism-Leninism" which excludes the teachings of Enver Hoxha is revisionism. The ideology of today's world revolutionary proletarian movement is based on the teachings of all 5 classics of the Marxism-Leninism. If you divide them or if you exclude one of them, it` s revisionism.
"Uniting all countries"...
... starts with ...
... "uniting the proletarians as an internationalist class"
or
"How everything started in the history of the proletarian world unification ..."
.... On the very first stage of the worker movement` s development,on its initial stage, many workers were longing for taking revenge at their factory-owners. Imbued with hatred they crushed machines (period of machine wrecking), blew up whole factories into the air and even shot dead the tormenting capitalists because of their distressed families, because they sank into the slough of Despond urged by the inhuman treatment and exploitation of the capitalist. First machines - then the single capitalist. However in the course of time an enmity developed from the single capitalist towards the whole class of the capitalists. Simultaneously with their hate against the class enemy the workers developed their own friendship and solidarity in their factory, at their working place, in their location, their city, their living place. This was one and the same process of the labour movement` s genesis, the very beginning of the process from the being of the proletarian class " in itself" towards a conscious class "for itself". This class-consciousness was far away from a consciousness of the country` s proletarian class, and much far away from the consciousness of the world proletariat. In the beginning of the labour movement the momentum, the motivating force of the unification -process of the working class arose out of the hatred about and finally against the exploitation of the capitalists.
It is said that the workers do unite instinctively, spontaneously, that they
incline towards unification by "themselves". There are people who are of vast reading. They hold their` s nose about the term "class instinct", however this is one of those things, important appearances of the workers` movements. To study the meaning of class instinct is part of studying the teachings of the working class` unification. Last not least, in very awkward situations, in certain moments, it was just the workers` instinct which saved the labour movement from the corruptive influence of certain "birds of a feather", perfidious elements, who demagogic suck up to the workers. And then there are some intellectual wise guys, some cunning fellows or smart-alecks who would "advise" the workers to unite with such elements who butter the workers up just to bring about their downfall. Further progress of the unification rather comes true by relying on one` s own class-instinct than following the "wise" advices of class-foreign elements. Class instinct helps (to make a remark: not as an exclusive criterion but sometimes as a thoroughly valuable criterion which should not be underestimated!)
to distinguish real allies from wrong "allies."
On the one hand spontaneous workers` unification and socialist workers` unification are a tremendous difference, however on the other hand they are part or stages of the same development, the unification-process of the only revolutionary class on earth - the world proletariat. Socialist unification is nothing without spontaneous unification and vice versa. The combination, the link (and "to certain degree even the fusion" as Lenin taught us) of the spontaneous workers movement and the scientific socialism, the Marxist-Leninist ideology - this is the ideal form of the socialist revolutionary world movement. We Marxists-Leninist are fighting against worshipping the spontaneity of the workers` unification as well as against worshipping a sectarian "socialist" unification which ignores the necessity of combining spontaneous labour movement with socialist science. The socialist movement is the unification of spontaneous mass movement and scientific socialism.
It doesn't have to be denied that the workers have "further bequeathed" their experiences about and through their unification from generation to generation. And with this they also "further bequeathed" their consciousness of their unification. It doesn't have to be denied furthermore that the bourgeoisie works feverishly to bury alive the class instinct of the workers and to force them under bourgeois cultural slavery and class-foreign ideology. By all ideological means the bourgeoisie tries to prohibit and to paralyse the unification process of the working class. The bourgeoisie tries to impede that the worker becomes conscious about his class-position, about the necessity of his unification, about the unification for the purpose of class-struggle, for the purpose to establish the dictatorship of the proletariat. The bourgeoisie wages an ideological class warfare against the great tradition of the workers` unification.
The worker strikes - as the main form of the labour movement - followed the machine wrecking. "You can break a finger, but not a fist!", " All wheels stand still if your strong arm wants it " ("Alle Räder stehen still, wenn dein starker Arm es will!" - German) -- These are two of the famous fight calls of the labour movement... which haven't lost their actuality. They bring to the expression the strength of the consciousness about the power of unification, and ... needless to say ... the capitalist was also conscious about this fact. Instead of only taking revenge at the capitalists the workers united for improved working conditions, for higher pay, for abbreviated working days etc. They forced the capitalists to collective concessions for the improvement in their situation or for the defence of the permanent deteriorations.
"The first attempts of the workers to associate always take the form of coalitions“ (Marx-Engels works, volume 4, page 180 - German edition).
These coalitions, associations, first forms of the labour union, were not only the first attempts to counter the ruinous competition of the workers on the labour market but the first attempts to abolish the competition at all.
The history of the labour movement shows that the way to the elimination of the unavoidableness of the competition of the workers is surfaced in the world scale with innumerable defeats on the labour market since the approximately middle of the 19th century. The larger the world capital is, the larger is the competition of the workers on the world labour market, the bigger is the fragmentation of the proletarians, the bigger the misery of their families, the deeper is the rage of the proletarian as the only means of their unification, the more important is the necessity of the international unification of the workers against her global competition among each other. The internationalizing resistance of the workers arises from their internationalized conditions of life, the sale of the labour ware on the world market. By the concentration of the capital and the competition on the world labour market - which is the most ruinous of all labour markets with the highest international unemployment-rate ever - the misery and the need of the complete world proletariat is increasing rapidly. If a global factory shuts down, the workers are thrown on the world` s streets - no matter in which countries this may happen. The international working class as a whole is hit by unemployment. No labour market makes it to a worker more difficult than the world labour market to fight for a still tolerable life standard. Under these aggravated conditions the unity of the world proletariat is a very long arduous and self-sacrificing development process o0f global dimension and nevertheless:
"People who endure so much to bend one single bourgeois also will be able to break the power of the whole bourgeoisie"(Fr. Engels, MEW, volume 2, page 442, German edition). And people who have endured so much to bend a whole capitalist country also will be able to break the power of the whole world bourgeoisie. People who "lapsed" into oblivion about the loss of the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin and about the loss of the socialist Albania of Enver Hoxha will never be able to fight for socialism` s return. And people who don't (want to!) remind any more (and primarily the workers) to the great history of the socialism in "a single" country never become world revolutionaries. In these countries the competition at the labour market and the labour market itself was already abolished, because the capitalist wage slavery was removed by the dictatorship of the proletariat. The proletarians of all countries will be strengthened by their unification to such extend that they can attain political power over these world capitalist exploitation instruments to remove this centuries old evil of the sale of workers` labour, the wage slavery, for ever. In the "German Ideology" (volume 3, MEW, page 61), Marx and Engels speak as follows about the competition which aggravates the unification process:
"Competition isolates the individuals, not only the bourgeois, but still more the proletarians against each other, nevertheless that competition musters the proletarians. It therefore lasts for a long time, till these individuals can unite [ particularly in the world scale - remark of the editor - ], irrespectively that the ignition of such unification process - if it is not locally restricted - needs the necessary means such as big industrial cities and the easy and quick access of communications by which big industries have to be established. Therefore every organized power is hard to be defeated by individuals who live under isolated conditions - conditions which are daily reproduced. This is immanently a contradictory process between isolation on the one side and unification on the other side - which can only be solved by difficult and long-termed battles" (free translation from German language - by the author). It can be taken by granted that this phenomenon of those times - in which capitalist nations started to develop - applies exceedingly to our time of globalization. Certainly, it is all about that global - that highest - level of contradiction between isolation and unification of the workers, the one and only level on which the internationalist unification of the workers is ripe for crashing the world capitalist system unavoidably. From the regional, to the national and finally to the global class struggle against isolation - that is the determined historical process of the workers` class-unification. The capitalist labour market forces the competition among the workers as well as the competition forces them to unite against ruinous competition and to struggle for its abolition. The end of the capitalist labour market is the end of the capitalist society. Abolishing the world` s capitalist labour market means abolishing the world` s capitalist society. And the only power to do this - is the world proletariat and only the world proletariat.
Fr. Engels wrote about the unification of the labour movement in his article: "The situation of the working class in England" (MEW, volume 2, page 436):
"They presupposed the discernment, that the power of the bourgeoisie is only based on the competition of the workers among themselves, i.e. on the fragmentation of the proletarians from the dichotomy of the individual workers among each other. And just because they aim at the competition - though only one-sided and in a restricted manner - thus at the vital lifeline of the present social order, just therefore they are so dangerous for the whole existence of the social order.
The worker can touch and attack the bourgeoisie - and implemented the whole bourgeois society - at no sorer spot than at it. If the competition of the workers is interrupted and disturbed, if all workers are determined to not let exploit themselves by the bourgeoisie any more, then the empire of the property is completely shattered.
The wage is merely a matter of demand and supply and therefore dependent on the accidental situation of the labour market only because of the fact that
the workers put up with it, because they let themselves be treated as a thing which one buys and sells.
If the workers appear as human beings considering the proper worth of work in this sense, if they put their feet down as people who do have a strong will and not just manpower, if the workers decide not to sell themselves then the whole today` s national economy, the capitalist laws of pay are over (all the more this is true concerning the whole world economy and the laws of world wages - remark of the editorial staff).
The law of wages would assert themselves again in the long run, though, if the workers would stop half-way at the abolition of the competition under themselves; but they cannot do this without giving up their previous movement, without reproducing this competition of the workers among themselves again, i.e.. they can't do it at all. The necessity forces them to abolish not only a part of the competition but the competition at all, and this they will do for certain."
"And alone the workers wouldn't know too well that the connections form the vying wage cut desire of their bread sirs of the bridle at least to some extent, they already would stay with it so therefore because they harm the manufacturers, their opponents. The damage of a party is the use of the other in the war " (MEW, ibid page 439, German edition -free translation from the German text).
The split of the proletarians is useful for the bourgeoisie. To overcome the split by the bourgeoisie is of use for the proletariat. The history of the international labour movement is the history of the overcoming of its split by the bourgeoisie, like the history of the communist world movement is the history of the overcoming of its split by the revisionists.
The essential aspect of the strike Engels formulated as follows:
"These Strikes are only outpost skirmishes, occasionally also more important battles, though; they decide nothing but they are the safest prove that the decisive battle approaches between proletariat and bourgeoisie. They are war school of the workers in which they prepare for the great fight which is unavoidable; strikes are the pronunciamentos of single work branches about their connection to the large labour movement. " (MEW, volume 2, page 441, German edition - free translation of the German edition).
The unification of the workers developed from the single factory area on the street, of the town and finally to general strikes in the whole country. Frequently one single strike spreads as a steppe fire in no time at all.
Under the conditions of the globalization the strikes take on global character directly and immediately, so they correspond completely to the revolutionary internationalist character of the proletarian class. That` s just the reason why we have to adjust new international forms of class struggle in accordance with the developing internationalist character of the proletarians all over the world. If we make a good job of mastering just this accordance then the world proletariat channels internationalist energy on the highest level, so that all attempts of splitting by the world capitalists shall try their patience.
What is the steppe fire of a strike in a single country compared with the conflagration of the international strike which all countries of the world follow? Which solidary strength do the workers of a country experience if all countries follow as a whole? Which fire power does the world proletariat unfold if it has united all countries for the global strike? How valuable is a worldwide strike to put the balance of power between the workers of the world and the world capitalists on the test ? About what we must talk, what do we have to organize and to master? We must support the broadening of nationwide strikes towards the level of a worldwide strike - as the world proletariat` s highest and furthest form of strikes. The workers shall learn to lead and to master their own global strikes to serve their global interests. Strikes of the world proletariat are "global war schools" for the socialist world revolution ...to speak with Engels` term: Global strikes are the "pronunciamentos" of the labour movements of the single countries on their link to the international labour movement: "Worker! If your strong arm wants it then every world capitalist stands still, the global capitalist machinery stands still!" However, we should keep clearly in mind that Engels just talked about strikes as a SCHOOL of class war. He differed the term "school of war" from the WAR itself. Class war starts with strikes but it does not end in itself with strikes. Strikes for themselves decide nothing, unless they escalate towards the political strike, towards direct forms of rebellions and revolutions! However, this is only possible, if it is a strike within a revolutionary situation, if the revolution is quasi on the brink, if the strike is led by the communist parties, by the headquarters of the communist parties .. the Comintern (ML), i.e...
The proletariat of every single country fights, strikes (and unites)! in a different way. This does not necessarily mean: better or not. Merely the forms and means of the unification are merely to some degree better and to some degree not better than those of the proletarians of other countries. What do we conclude from it? We have to built up new global forms of unification - simply by support of the generalized present and historical experiences of all national and regional forms of the workers` unification.
Firstly, from this results that one doesn't only compile and combine all positive qualities and experiences of the proletarians of any country who are involved in the strike (or non involved) in this or that international strike and simultaneously that one does n` t only try to avoid all impeding, negative qualities and experiences but
secondly, that all higher unification forms of the international strike also effect positively as well as negatively the unification process within every single country. And vice versa - as a retroactive force - the further development of the unification forms within each single country - impelled by the influence of the ongoing development of the international forms of unification - contributes its mite to the worldwide unification of all countries - their final global fusion of the labour movement` s unification of all countries.
Mastering the highest international forms of workers` unification is the mastering of the fusion of the highest unification forms of all countries is mastering international forms of workers` unification in every single country.
Mastering of the strike as an international fight form is therefore redefined as: Mastering of the fusion of the strikes of the proletarians of all countries for the international strike of the world proletariat for the international political general strike as the strongest of all strike forms. Of course one needs a Red International Labour Union to organize this in practice, and it is well known: it has already been founded in the year 2003 (see: home page of the Red International Labour Union). All we have said about the international unification forms and international is not restricted in itself, but is to be generalized and consequently transferred to every single global form of the workers` struggle. What we want to say is: there are not alone organizational and economical global forms of class-struggle but - much more important - all the global political forms of class-struggle, especially the global forms of the political unification of the world proletariat. And this is why the new foundation of the Comintern was unavoidable in the end of the year 2000. The world proletariat has to combine all the global ideological, economical, organizational and political forms of its own unification by support of the concentration and centralization of all proletarians` national unification forms by transforming the old national unification forms into parts (sections) of new global unification forms.
We finally come to the decisive point of the combination of labour movement and communist movement. The united international labour movement combined with the united communist world movement is the highest form of the class struggle` s movement. The fusion of these two united movements in the world scale, this means particularly the combination of all their fight forms, the development of new fight forms on higher and higher levels, is reached in the unification` s fight for the overcoming of the own dividedness in the class struggle against the world bourgeoisie.
The scientific discovery of the international unification of the proletarians made Karl Marx. He considered the proletarians as a global class able to gain its own internationalist thinking and ideology. Led by the famous watchword "Proletarians of all countries – unite!“ in 1864 the First International was founded in London. It was the time of the first great European class collisions against the upcoming dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. It was that time, when the proletariat started to appear openly against the national bourgeoisie and with this the whole world foresaw the coming new era of the political class struggle against capitalism. And Marx invited the proletarians of all countries in his famous Inaugural address of the First International: "not only to feel like a comrade of the emancipation army, but to act as a part of it" (MEW, Volume 16, page 191, German edition, free editor's translation).
Marx and Engels explained the history of the emergence of the working classes in the famous Communist Manifesto. This actually wasn't today's question of the world proletariat as a global class above the working classes of single countries. It was rather about classes of the developing advanced capitalist nations. The proletariat in different eras is not totally the same. There are decisive differences. Some characters stay unchanged others pass away. National particularities prove to be a bar to further international proceedings. The development of the united world proletariat is a long unification process of the class development within the development of the world capitalist society. When the single working classes of the capitalist countries developed in times of the First International, they just began to counteract the hindrances of the national level-crossing barriers in the class struggle. We have to take into consideration that this was a counter-movement against those capitalists who had already played off the proletarians of one nation against the proletariat of another for quite some time. With the watchword: "Proletarians of all countries - unite !" Marx and Engels at that time did not merely think about a pure, numerical "mass contingent" of all proletarians of the capitalist countries: " The number - for itself - contains doubtlessly an element of success. But numbers do only count by their right combinations and if they are led by knowledge. The former experience has turned out how disregard of the tie of fraternity - with which the workers of different countries ought to be bonded together and encouraged, to keep together in solidarity in all their fights for emancipation - always was punished by the common frustration of their disjoint attempts. It was (...) the consciousness, which encouraged the workers of different countries to found the International Association " (MEW, Volume 16, page 12/13, German edition, free editor's translation).
Such as the capital used to get access to the labour forces of the countries in the neighbourhood intending to set the workers in its own country under pressure and to blackmail them, the workers - for their part - obtained contact to the workers of other countries to resist commonly the capitalists who made mischief within the labour movement. The workers searched for contact to build up their international defensive front. This one started with economic fights, with strikes. The political movement was resulting out of the occasional economic movements namely at that moment where the workers appeared as a class (such as for the 8-hour-day) to succeed with their interests. Later, the 1st May movement, the fight day of the international working class, arose from it, too. This day unites the international working class. Until now, the Mayday proved to be one of the best examples of the old tradition` s strength and spiritedness of the worker union. The bourgeoisie has never managed in the whole world to hinder the workers celebrating this day, demonstrating their unity - and all this despite of thousands of innumerable violent and "peaceful" attempts.
So, at first, the initial spontaneous mutual help resulted from the practical experiences with the harmfulness of all national fragmentations. The workers recognized that, in the end, social reforms are never caused only by the weakness of the mighty but always by the united strength of the proletarians of all countries. Through the First International the spontaneous solidarity of the workers of different countries became more and more the conscious class action led by the spirit of real proletarian internationality. The more the workers had heard about the workers` situation in the other country the more they learnt all about their own situation, the more they found out the international common appearances of the worker` s situation, the more they felt and were conscious about the fact that they all were part of the same exploited class. They developed a kind of neighbourly class consciousness, a developing step of the general class consciousness, the class consciousness of the proletarians of all countries in germ form. The proletarian class-consciousness with its national different forms arose from the new capitalist countries. The consciousness of the world proletariat has its historical roots from those countries but it is qualitatively a quite another consciousness because it grows under global conditions. Well, the class-consciousness about international solidarity was an internationalist class consciousness on its very first step. Certainly, in the course of the history the proletarian world movement has further developed, it experienced higher layers of its development. We shall return to this later on. For the time being we pare down the fact that there is a particular interrelation between the respective historical developing step of the internationalist class-consciousness of the proletariat and the watchword: "Proletarians of all countries!" With other words: there is a different meaning of this watchword in different times. What was the world historical meaning of "Proletarians of all countries - unite!" in times of Marx and Engels ?
Firstly, with the help of this watchword the working classes performed the transition from their isolated sectarianism of the self-sufficient workers` study-circles and workman's clubs towards proletarian mass movements and formations of workers' parties, particularly the formation of the First International.
Secondly, with the help of this watchword the workers tried to overcome the split and enmity between the workers of the different neighbouring nations by building unions and associations to wage the fight against the capitalist countries and finally to fight commonly for the conquest of the political power for the communism. Karl Marx formulated in his first outline to the "Civil war in France":
"(...) the international cooperation of the working classes, the first condition of their emancipation, " (...) " (MEW, Volume 17, page 558, German edition, free editor` s translation). The Parisian Commune was the highest example of the proletarian movement in the 19th century and formed a highlight in the activity of the First International: "... a new starting point of a world historical importance is" this was formulated in Marx` letter to Kugelmann on April 17th, 1871. However: "The downfall of the Parisian Commune" as Engels wrote in his article "Karl Marx", "forced the International towards an impossible [paralysing] position. The International was been pressing to the foreground of the European history at a moment where the possibility of all successful, practical actions was cut off for it everywhere. The events which raised the First International to the seventh great power of the world simultaneously did not allow to mobilize its armed forces and to take them in action. Upon pain of the infallible defeat and back insulation of the labour movement for decades " (Engels, "Karl Marx", from: Selected documents, Volume 1, page 8 f, German edition, free editor` s translation).
This was organizationally a retreat to the European counter-revolutionary reaction` s answer to the Parisian Commune, however the internationalist ideas, the political aims of the First International flourished the proletarians within their national borders, internationalist developments profited from this and spread all over the world.
"So the International was - instead of dying away - merely stepping forward from the first period towards a further one, where the original tendencies of the First International could be realized. In the course of the progressive development the First International still will have to go through many changing before the last chapter of its history can be written" (Marx: Mr. George Howell's history of the international worker association. In: The new "Time", 20th year volume [1], page 589, German edition, free editor` s translation).
One could say ", that their [ Marx and Engels - remark of the editorial staff] meaning as intellectual leaders of the labour movement got bigger and bigger because the movement itself grew incessantly, too " (Lenin, "Friedrich Engels", volume 2, page 12/13, German edition, free editor` s translation).
Concerning the situation of the international labour movement and particularly the question of the unification of the proletarians of all countries in that time of the 1st International, we can draw two different lessons:
It was a unification under the class struggle` s conditions then, when the proletariat had still weakly developed strengths in its initial history Therefore the proletariat could develop only restrictedly its strength for the unification. So the proletariat develops its united strengths only in the heaviest fight of the contradictions with all his defeats and retreats in a long historical process. Strictly speaking it was the first attempt, that the proletarians of the biggest capitalist countries of Europe and North America tried to associate (which was certainly the germ cell of the alliance of the proletarians of all countries). No more and not less. The proletarians of these countries didn't unite homogeneously and not in an uninterrupted ascending line and direction. Because of the defeat of the Parisian Commune the First International was forced to begin its retreat to be able to go on with the Second International.
We must learn to understand that the unification process is a dialectical process which is determined by a vast amount of most complicated historical correlations that the unification process of the proletarians of all countries can only take place as qualitative leaps. The unification` s process is not completed until the world proletariat is matured as a global socialist class. Of course the proletarians of the 19th century were still very far away from it. The united proletarians of all countries of that time and the world proletariat of today are the same but not quite the same. After all a whole historical epoch lies between both. The revisionists are apt to ignore this. So what has to be understood by this ambiguity? One can explain this only dialectically: They are the same only in respect of the same class-character and the same unification process. However, we have to differ general from particular unification processes, different forms of the same matter, or more precisely speaking it is a double-sided process: a process of the unification of the proletarians of every country in particular and the unification to the world proletariat in general. The global form becomes a primary and the national forms of the unification a secondary side of the proletarians` unification process. The Marxism- Leninism regards the unification of the proletariat as a whole, as an interdepend global as well as national process, as a process with two inseparable coherent sides: the unification of the proletariat in a country to defeat the capitalism and the bourgeoisie in the country of one's own and the unification as an international class to defeat the world capitalism and the world bourgeoisie in the world scale. The one isn't possible without the different one, one causes the different one. So there are two quite different sides of the proletarians unification although they are inseparably connected. And just because they are two different sides of the proletarians` unification, they can have an effect on each other and they do this also daily, hourly, etc. To claim in all seriousness that one side of the unification could be soaked up by the different one or had to be sacrificed to the other one, or to step down or to emerge arbitrarily, or would be a matter of the spontaneous interplay of both forces -- all this only can be called as leaving the bottom of proletarian internationalism. Obviously people who deny these important interrelationships doubt that the world proletariat is at all capable to realize its own unity. They draw conclusions about others based on oneself.
The case is different with the primary and secondary side of the unification` s process. These did interchange during the historical development of the proletariat, also interchanged the primary and secondary side of the capital` s unification. In the 19th century it was all about the bourgeois nation, the centralization and the concentration of the capital took place primarily at a national level. Later on, by the development of the monopolies, trusts, syndicates etc. namely by the development of the imperialism the centralization and concentration of the capital carried out in international forms on the main side. As the unification process of the proletarians was main sidedly a process at a national level within the 19th century, it became main sidedly an international character in the 20th century. By the globalization of the 21th century the unification process of the proletariat gets a global character. These changing have world political significance for the proletariat, particularly in regard of the strategy and tactics of the Great Proletarian, Socialist World Revolution.
However, because of this fact we cannot necessarily eviscerate the unification process of the proletarians in the single countries. It would be a seriously wrong conclusion to underestimate the necessary development of the unification in a single country under global conditions. In the contrary the unification processes on a national level shall strengthen under the pressure of the capitalist global world.
It wasn't by chance that the international unification process of the proletarians started of all in the capitalist countries, that the ideas of proletarian internationalism were born in the capitalist countries and nowhere or else in the world. The international class consciousness of the Proletariats only develops there where the capital had already created the material prerequisites for this. So we distinguish carefully the objective and the subjective unification process of the proletariat. The objective unification process takes place independently of the will of the proletarians - enforced by the capitalist world production. The world domination of the bourgeoisie hasn't only armed the world proletariat with a completely new, global weapon for the fight against the world bourgeoisie , has not only abolished the national inhibition levels, the separated proletarians` position and their isolated radius of class-action in their single countries, but has helped them to get a completely different position, provided them a global position as a recognized international party, the Communist International (Marxists-Leninist).
The subjective unification process is based on the workers` experiences, on the class consciousness of the proletariat, is based on the scientific knowledge of the capitalist society and the capitalist rules which influence and determine the development of the workers` consciousness, is based on the understanding that unity means to find a way out of wage slavery and to offer a way towards the conquest of the political power.
At the moment we don` t want to go further into the question about the interrelation between the objective and subjective unification process. We only want to adhere to the statement, that the consciousness always grows up a while after the actual material being of the proletarians, that at first the subjective unification process confined itself to the capitalist countries in the initial phase of the class struggle between proletariat and bourgeoisie, where also the objective unification process of the proletariat was going on.
So in the time of the I. International the proletarian internationalism served to the overcoming of the - till then - split efforts of the working classes in the different countries to get rid of the wage slavery. It was the aim then to unite and to generalize the struggle for the workers` emancipation. Due to their different class position in single countries the workers have the same aim in the whole world: to escape from exploitation, to overthrow of the capitalism and to establish a classless, communist society which would be free of the human beings` exploitation. The fight for this aim can be only victorious when it is led united if the workers of the different countries support each other solidly united, if they pit an international strategy and tactics of their own against the international strategy and tactics of the capital. This is the line of the international labour movement. And the watchword serves for the fulfilment of this line: "Proletarian of all countries - unite!"
While the class movements were so far movements of minorities in the interest of minorities, the proletarian movement was the first independent movement of the overwhelming majority in the interest of this majority. At that time, this proletarian movement was essentially a movement at a national level. Marx and Engels couldn't foresee in all details in the second half of the forties of the 19th century how the world movement of the workers and how the communist revolution would develop. They both predicted only in big lines, how the historical process of the self-knowledge of the proletariats, how the class struggle would proceed. By the October revolutionary, by the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin the ideas of the "manifesto" received their general grounds and materializing for the first time -- the proletarian masses gave proof of the world historical meaning of their class struggle in practice. The dictatorship of the proletariat in a "single" country was supported by the proletarians of all countries who demonstrated their solidarity with their first proletarian homeland, who defended their proletarian homeland last not least by leading the class struggle in their own country in the spirit of proletarian internationalism. Historically,proletarian internationalism took a firm shape in the time of Lenin and Lenin defined proletarian inter nationalism under the then existing circumstances correctly as follows:
"Actually, there is only one internationalism: the devoted work on the development of the revolutionary movement and the revolutionary fight in the country of one's own, the support (by propagandas by moral and material help) just such a fight, just such a line and only such a line in unanimously all countries . " (Lenin, volume 24, page 59/60, German version, free editor` s translation).
Communism was already a power in 1848 which crusaded against the whole European reaction (remember - Marx started the " communist manifesto" with the famous words: "A myth is going around Europe - communism!"). But it was only the most progressive proletarian forces, a minute amount following the communism in that time. The communist movement was a minority within the beginning labour movement. One hundred years later, the communist ideology had already become the banner of millions of workers in many countries of the world. The visions of Marx and Engels about the mission of the proletariat were put into effect by Lenin, Stalin and Hoxha by establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat in their countries. There is no doubt that the visions of world communism will also be put in practice. Admittedly the world reaction of today tries to darken the visions of the 5 classics, but the former times of socialist countries in a capitalist world shall come back in forms of socialist countries in a socialist world as the highest form of the proletarians unification. In the 19th century the peak of the proletarian movement of single capitalist countries shifted from France to the other Western European countries - primarily to England and Germany - and then - at the beginning of the 20th century to the east to Russia ... and finally in the course of the Second World War to Albania. There were always revolutionary situations in different countries to different points of time because of the different development of capitalism. However, Albania was already the example for the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat under the new historical period of the two worlds. World capitalism was still not ripe enough to give birth to the world revolution. After the dissolution of the two worlds the world capitalism maintained by its globalization and is therefore still strong enough to hinder socialism` s rebirth. But tomorrow world capitalism get` s weaker and weaker by its own immanent contradictions and paves the way to the proletariat` s world dictatorship inevitably, to the establishment of the united nations of socialism. The beginning proletarian movement developed in national frames and the proletariat could conquer the dictatorship of the proletariat and build up the socialism just as in the national scale. Because of this we Marxists -Leninist determine the first socialist period as a period of "socialism in a single country", as a period when socialism had to share its existence with world imperialism which still dominated the world` s hegemony. Lenin, Stalin and Hoxha taught us how to lead the internationalist class struggle under these special conditions of the two worlds - the period of the world imperialist encirclement of the socialist countries, a period of the "peaceful" co-existence of socialism and capitalism, a period which could only and unavoidably be finished by the death of one of both these systems (Stalin). And it came in such a way, as it had to come.
"Proletarians of all countries - unite!" This watchword has a different meaning before, within and after the period of the two worlds and has therefore carefully be handled in a different adequate way to the further unification process of the world proletariat. The revisionists deny this for good known reasons and allege to the former period of the two worlds. By the way, the revisionist invoking on the „theory“ of the " further continuity of the two worlds", is the logical continuation of the revisionist "theory of the three worlds" which was directed against the then existing socialist world solely represented by the socialist Albania. Upholding the two worlds theory in the period of global world imperialism is nothing else as the maintenance and reconquest of the power of revisionist countries. Under today` s global capitalist conditions maintaining the correct Marxist-Leninist theory of the once existing two worlds is pure revisionism and the neo-revisionists maintain silence about the representatives of the "still existing" two worlds and play their role as the capitalists` henchmen, as the revisionists` accomplices. The revisionists challenge the necessity of working out new forms of the actualization of the old watchword. They know for sure, that the old watchword would not work at all if it would not be changed, modified, enhanced or otherwise altered according to the present period of the global imperialist world which replaced the period of the two worlds at least after the downfall of socialist Albania.
As is well known, Lenin` s theory of the socialist revolution assumed that the socialist revolution won't win absolutely in those countries, where the capitalism is developed most highly but primarily in the countries where the front of the capitalism is weak where it is easier for the proletariat to break through this front and where the average standard has at least reached the development of the capitalism. The socialist revolution won in the weakest countries and failed in the advanced capitalist countries - this is an incontrovertible fact. For today we learn from this Leninist theory that the world proletariat` revolution shall require much less amount of world population than compared with the amount of the Russian population which was required by the Russian proletariat for the victory of the October revolution. If the proletariat of a single country proved to be strong enough at Lenin` s times to break through the world imperialist chain at the weakest spot, then the world proletariat is (at least objectively) much more stronger to crush completely the world imperialist chain . Dividing off the imperialist world, cutting off the imperialist chain at its weakest link - this was the way of the October revolution - this was the way socialism was made by Lenin and Stalin. Socialist history cannot be copied. The new socialism will be made by new revolutionary means – that` s Leninism ! Today, nothing else can be called Leninism than destroying the whole imperialist chain. Otherwise we have to wait for the second period of socialism till the cows come home. Lenin, Stalin and Hoxha were living and fighting in the first period of socialism. Today we are living in the coming second period of socialism - in the period of world socialism. Today we are faced with new international strategy and tactics of the world proletariat who is itself the revolutionary subject, the creator and executor of the global socialism. In times of Lenin, Stalin and Hoxha we struggled against the Trotzkyites who discredited the possibility of socialism in a single country in the first period of socialism. Today we Marxists-Leninist have to struggle against the Trotzkyites who discredit the possibility of the global socialism in the second period of socialism. They mask their betrayal behind the once correct theory of the possibility of the establishment of socialism in a single country. Thus our opponents turned the tables on Lenin and Stalin. True Marxists-Leninist, who want reconquer the socialism in a single country, who defend Lenin and Stalin, have to support the global fight of the world proletariat for world socialism. This looks illogically and absurd, but that is dialectically, is genuine Marxist-Leninist thinking. We are honestly convinced that Lenin and Stalin would share our world political opinion, because they would come to the same conclusions after having analysed the global situation of the proletariat in our days.
Only with the undergoing development of the ripened globalization of the world capitalism the proletarians of all countries can unite and grow as a globally monolithic class with its own new world revolutionary capacities. This development was not possible in times of Lenin and Stalin.
Only on the base of the monolithic formation as an independent global class the self consciousness of this class develops so to speak "all of a piece", the class consciousness of the world proletariat can arise, it can reach the self-knowledge, it can come to the deeper insight about the necessity of the creation of a world revolutionary proletarian fight organization, it gets ripe for the socialist world revolution as a socialist world proletariat. We can pull the rug out from under the world bourgeoisie ... not until the world proletariat becomes conscious about the own historical mission.
The being determines the consciousness. Ergo, being of the world proletariat determines the world proletarian consciousness. The international class consciousness grows out of the international class existence. The status of the consciousness is related accordingly to the status of the world proletariat` s being. Ergo, the degree of fusion of scientific socialism and international labour movement is based on this, depends on the interrelation of the proletarians` being and consciousness. The changing in the development of the global class-structure of the proletariat determine the changing in the development of the globalization of the proletarian internationalism. In the same degree as the proletariat is globalised by capitalism the process of globalised consciousness ( especially the process of the insight about the own global unification` s necessity ) the world proletariat shall step from a global class "in itself" to a global class "for itself".
The world capitalism pulls down the national barriers and thus world capitalism also pulls finally down all the barriers of the proletariat of the single countries which made it difficult to unite as a one and only international class. The world capitalism enslaves all the countries and he doesn't settle to pull only the national barriers down but he pulls down everything the countries have produced , all their culture, all their wealth, health etc.. and he plunges the countries into his rapacious world imperialist interventions, occupations and wars, subdues all countries under the control of the capital` s law = striving for maximum-profits. World capitalism erects the ever biggest barriers between world riches and world pauperism. Completely different from this is the up coming world proletariat: The countries are devastated by the world capital but they come onto the legs by the world proletariat again.
Not the nations but the capitalist character of the nations will be destroyed by the world proletariat. Abolishing the capitalist character of the nations is the first step of the nation` s world fusion. The socialist nation is simultaneously the last step of the nation` s development. Sometime in future world socialism will not use even socialist nations any more. The end of the class-character of nations is synonym for the end of the nations` separating existence at all, because nations are appearances with class-character. The classless world society does not need nations any more. Nations become a hindrance of the growing classless world society some time. The world capitalists replace national barriers between rich and poor by erection of global barriers between rich and poor. However, instead of this, the world socialism replaces national barriers to replace the global barriers of rich end poor, to abolish barriers between rich and poor at all. Global class-unification of the proletariat is necessary as a precondition for the global abolition of classes at all.
Nations can only survive without capitalism. Capitalism once were precondition for their prosperity. The time of prosperity of capitalism was combined with the time of the nation` s prosperity. Global capitalism is the death of the nations` prosperity is responsible for the nations` crisis and disease. Nations can well live without the bourgeoisie but not without the working class, and the proletariat is really the only class which can liberate the nations from capitalism fallowing the watchword: "World proletariat - unite all countries!" Liberation of nations from world capitalism is synonym for the replacement of the capitalist nations by the socialist nations, for the world revolutionary transformation of capitalist nations into socialist nations. The world proletariat, which unites all countries in the fight against the world capital to achieve political world power and which gets rid of all social and national chains, creates world socialism, which guarantees all further conditions of their existence on the base of socialism. With this the world proletariat leads mankind towards a secured future. Not until as an international class the world proletariat is able to free all countries from their capitalist enslavement. The watchword: "World proletariat - unite all countries!" is therefore of great, indestructible and world revolutionary potency. In the name of this watchword the world proletariat will shake off the power of the world capital over all countries of the world. Under this watchword the world proletariat will build up the Communist International and all the Communists in this world shall unite under this global banner.
You may ask: What does all this concern with the old watchword: "Proletarians of all countries - unite!"? It is actually all-dominant concern ! It is a central matter according to the dialectical and historical law of the labour (socialist) movement` s unification:
The development degree of the international proletarian movement is directly dependent on the development degree of the international unification of the proletarians because the strength of the international proletarian movement is due to its international unity. The development degree of the international unification of the proletarians is directly dependent on the development degree of the world proletarian class consciousness because the strength of the international unity is due to its world revolutionary class consciousness. The development degree of the world revolutionary class consciousness is directly dependent on the development degree of the unity of the Marxist Leninist world movement because the strength of the world revolutionary class consciousness is due to proletarian inter nationalism, whose source is the Marxist Leninist world movement . And again the proletarian internationalism is expressed by the watchword: "Proletarians of all countries - unite!" With all this we simply want to have explained the qualitative meaning of this watchword which is far away from the pure quantitative conglomerate of the countries` proletarians. Not the quantity makes the point - the conscious masses make it! The internationalist consciousness of the masses is the most important revolutionary strength for their unification. More precise: the proletarians of all countries united in the spirit of proletarian internationalism - the I. International is meant therewith ! So this means that the proletarians of the whole world don't become the class of the world proletariat only by the united proletarians of all countries but also by their growing internationalist consciousness. Both causes each other, both has an positive effect on each other. That` s just what Marx and Engels meant with the conscious world unification with the united world consciousness – that` s all!
That` s all very well said, but when you do not know and do not study exactly the operating principles and rules of the proletarians` unification processes you never ever find replies to all concerning questions: How to come together from all countries? How to organize globally? What has to be done to unite after all destructions of the First, Second and Third International ? After all sacrificially unification efforts, after so much defeats, disappointments and bad and most unfavourable experiences everything seems to go down the drain. Striving for the global goal of the proletarians` unification seems to be all but impossible, seems to become so lost in the darkness of the present world reaction. This is all the result of destructive bourgeois ideological influence! But if we show them the light at the end of the tunnel everything looks like better, is n` t it ? The proletarians all over the world shall succeed unavoidably in overcoming their unification difficulties, moreover they shall master it bravely. The only right formula for the solution of the present unification difficulties is the further development of Marxism-Leninism. Unity is strength. These are strong words but the actual strength of global unity is really much stronger than words and at present globalization gives them the opportunity to begin with their own experiences in organizing globally joint revolutionary class-actions. One must recognize the movement and development laws of the objective contradictions so that they can be jointly solved more easily. The contradictions which aggravate and hinder the unification process of the proletarians today must get a new form in which it gets any further and can further move by its own. The movability and flexibility of the contradiction require an annoyance to come closer to the solution and to get started the overcoming of the contradiction. And thus the formula : "Proletarians of all countries - unite!"gets off the ground and of its own volition under daily, hourly ongoing global unifications of world labour for world production by the complementary stimulating formula: "World proletariat - unite all countries!" In our opinion, this is the most successful, simplest and safest way to unite under global conditions, today. The pure result that the strength of the world proletariat is based on the unity of the countries, is easily to understand. However, to prepare and secure this result in theory and practice - that's a different kettle of fish.
When the proletarians tried hard to fight for their unification in their own country in the beginning of the labour movement, it is understandable that their unification in the world` s scale was inordinately more difficult (speaking more precisely: limited to the capitalist countries of Europa and North-America). All the more we have to appreciate the great work done by the First International as the most successful and highest political form of the internationalist unification of the proletariat that time. The International is as monolithic as the class of the world proletariat is. So the Third International was much more monolithic than the First and Second one because of the further development of the world proletariat. Not until the capitalist development had reached a certain stage, certain stage of the international capital, the suppressed class will get the opportunity to become conscious about itself as a united, international class which is able to lead the international labour movement. And, indeed, world capitalism` s development in times of the First International and in the time of the Comintern ML), as in our time of the globalization, is also an enormous upgrade of the development of the internationalist consciousness in comparison with now and then. Between the one watchword: "Proletarians of your own country - unite!" and the other "Proletarians of all countries - unite!" there is a dialectical, two-way interrelation. One is not developing without the other, corresponds with the same national and international development of the capital. Both watchwords express the nature of proletarian internationalism which permanently deepened in the course of the proletarian movement and which run through qualitative leaps as expressed by the new watch word. The proletarians of all countries can not unite independently of their nationally unification, as well as they cannot unite nationally without their unification in the factories, cities and national regions etc. This interaction is mutually dependent. It is a relationship of dependence, it is not the single proletarians who unite internationally, but they unite by means of their nationally unification. And so the world proletariat doesn't form its unification from proletarian individuals which are isolated and scattered all over the world, as happened in the beginning of capitalism, but as the nationally united class of the countries. The highest form of unification is always based on the previous form. Unification levels cannot skip previous levels. This would be contrary to the rules of the class-unification` s processes within the capitalist system.
There is no unification movement of classes outside the sphere of the contradiction between capital and labour. The unification of the proletariat is objectively determined by the development of capital and labour. The global unification of the proletarian class is particularly determined by the objective global development of the interrelation of capital and labour.
The unification process of the proletariat, the global centralization and concentration of the unification depends decisively on the global concentration and centralization of the capital because the basic contradiction of the capitalist society, in which the proletarians unite, is rather the basic contradiction between capital and labour. And so the unification process of the proletarians takes place unavoidably in every single factory as the decisive and basic germ cell of the unification. The germ cell of the unification of the workers all over the world is the new globalised factory - the typical facility of the global mode of production. The international factory consists of workers from factories in different countries based on the division of labour. And this is the way how the world proletariat unites politically and organizationally. Every global factory is the workers` rebel stronghold. The world party of the proletariat is its highest political quality. We have to build party-cells in the global factories to make them our stronghold. At first the workers unite in the global factories by overcoming their national barriers ! At second they take them over and at third they transform them into global socialist factories. The rest goes by itself.
"So as the basic reproduction permanently does reproduce the capital relation - capitalists on the one hand and wage labourers on the other hand - the reproduction reproduces on an advanced hierarchy or the accumulation of the capital relation on an advanced hierarchy, is polarizing more capitalists or bigger capitalists on the one side and more wage labourers on the other side" (MEW, volume 23, Karl Marx " the capital " [ 1 ], page 645, German edition, free editor` s translation).
Accordingly, the centralization of the countries` capital on the one hand and that of the labour on the other hand is typical for the capitalist world production which is just ensured by the reproductive tendencies of the maintenance of the system requirements. It is just this basic contradiction between capital and labour which does not only influence the proletariat and its international movement substantially, but which has already determined its development, wherefore we cannot simply overlook this important historical fact, particularly since it just isn't alone the basic contradiction in this or that capitalist country, but rather a basic contradiction in the world scale, which determines the basic contradiction of capital and labour in the single countries increasingly, namely to such degree as the global capital accumulates faster than capital on a national stage. So does the global unification of the proletariat compared with the unification in single countries. Accumulation of the world capital results in a faster accumulation of the world proletariat (q.v. "Labour and Capital" of Karl Marx). Accumulation and unification cause each other, however, a qualitative leap is needed to convert their national qualities to an international quality. And analysing this mutual movement of capital and labour we are getting closer to the understanding of the cycle of growth and decay of the unification processes of the world proletariat, we are getting closer to discover the international leap to the unification` s highest quality. Bring in line the global solution of the basic contradiction of capital and labour with the global unification of the proletarian class and world socialism is irreversible. The power on accumulation, centralization and concentration of private property over the global means of production which remains in the hands of a little amount of world capitalists on the one hand and the accumulation, centralization and concentration of the proletarians` unification interrelate directly, are two-ways processes. The unification` s tendency at these two poles of the capitalist world system leads to a point, where the world social productive forces cannot move within the old capitalist production relations any more, when the concentration and centralization of capital becomes a bond of the united productive forces.
By bursting all the bonds of the private property over all means of world production, impropriated by few hands of the global ruling class, - or with other words: - by the global socialization of the means of world production, the radical overthrow of the capitalist world order, its replacement by the socialist world order takes place. Whereby these international radical transformations are dialectically connected with the revolutionary transformations in the single countries, which follow their own specific rules of revolutionary development. All radical transformations interact and can come into effect when all forces of the proletariat are united globally.
What does this mean in simple words?
The more proletarians there are in the world, the bigger their potential strength as a world revolutionary class will be, the nearer socialism is coming. The more the world proletariat succeeds in uniting its detachments in all countries of the world the merrier and easier it can beat world capitalism and remove the old world imperialist production relations, the merrier and easier does it find the way towards world socialism.
Divided by the world hegemony of anarchic predatory competition among all the bourgeois countries, weighted down with the globally unfree labour - meeting the insatiable demands of the world capital, permanently repelled to the "precipice" of the impoverishment, the world proletariat can and shall necessarily become the invincible world power not until:
firstly it has carried on its ideological unification based on the principles of the Marxism-Leninism, of the proletarian internationalism,
secondly it carried on the material unity between the world organizations and their national detachments and
thirdly it welded together all these hundreds of national detachments to form a multi-million proletarian world army.
Upgrading the world proletariat` s world revolutionary self-knowledge and sharpening its self consciousness , this is the task of the Communist International (Marxists Leninist) today and this is the reason for announcing our new watchword: "World proletariat - unite all countries !" The world socialism will be set up to power not until it became the conscious aim of the political fight of the world proletariat, not until the world proletariat had united at first the proletarians of all countries and at second all working masses to fight for world socialism.
The capital comes and goes to make profit. And in the wake of profit appears the labour, the organized and united labour on an international market place. The labour market exchanges the workers all over the world. It amasses workers somewhere to get them the sack elsewhere. The concentration and centralization of capital and labour all over the world is an absolutely necessity for the globalised world capitalism and as well is the workers` unification an absolutely necessity for the globalization of socialism, because the capitalist class cannot restrictively oppress the working class in national borders, because the capitalist class oppresses the working class globally. The dependence of all countries gets bigger and bigger by the centralization and concentration of the world capital. The banks, these mighty treasures of world capital, have collected all capital of the whole world, have monopolized themselves and globalised. This is the reason why the fight of the world proletariat can not be successful until it united the workers of all countries as bound and determined international fight detachments. Wherever the capitalists turn up on this earth, wherever they appear with their lusts for profit, wherever they come across the best conditions of exploitation, always right there the working class concentrates global attachments, always right there the international labour movement brings leverage to bear on the class struggle. The world proletariat concentrates its global forces at that point where the global forces of the capitalists exploit the workers and the working masses.
Is there any contradiction between capital and labour which is sharper than that of the global industry?
If Friedrich Engels is right with his following conclusion: "The more the factory system has penetrated into a working branch, the more workers participate in the labour movement; the sharper the contrast between worker and capitalists is, the sharper and more developed is the proletarian consciousness (MEW, volume 2, page 455, German edition, free editor's translation), then -derived from his conclusion- we can state, that the global industrial worker develops a world proletarian consciousness, the consciousness of the world proletariat, sharper, more developed than every other proletarian consciousness. It is an unquestionable truth that the globalization of the capital also leads to a globalization of the needs and demands of the world proletariat that the globalised production exchange leads to the globalised communication and to the globalised thought exchange, leads to the global unification of the world proletariat - as important prerequisites for that the world proletariat strengthens its class consciousness and for giving it the possibility to fight globally against the rapacious world imperialist order which is nothing else but a class struggle on the same global eye-level .The status of an industry worker of a globalised industry in the first place enables the working classes to fight for its international emancipation.
The world revolutionary discipline doesn't fall from the sky, it arises from the material conditions of the globalised world production and only from them. And reciprocally proportional: Not until the globalization set the stage for the industrial workers` material conditions, the global industrial proletariat becomes the subject of the material conditions or its pacemaker which makes not only the greatest contribution to the creation of the wealth in the world and which does not only hold the most important position in the social organization of the world` s labour but also in comparison with all other ones, the global industrial worker spends the highest amount of surplus from his labour force, he is the most exploited and profitable modern type of wage slave under present globalised conditions of the world capitalist system.
The global industrial worker is the one who holds the key position in the world production today. Unfolding all the global productive forces on its highest stage that` s what the new type of global industrial worker is able to do. He will be the master and leader of world production in the coming time of world socialism. He is also able to unite, to mobilize and to concentrate the whole world proletariat and all the world revolutionary forces.
The global industrial proletariat carries along the more regressive social strata and prepares the world proletariat as a monolithic class towards the Great Proletarian World Revolution. So the global industrial worker is the representative of the all the exploited and suppressed world population in this system of the world capitalist society. The global industrial worker is the unifier of all world revolutionary forces. The world capitalist system has chosen the global industrial worker to be its global gravedigger.
Last not least, the global industrial worker in this or that country is the new representative and leader of the proletarians of every single country which are all submitted to and subordinated under the purpose of the world capital. And therefore he isn't only representative but also the predestined leader of the world proletarian class struggle, he is the most revolutionary element of today, the unification of exactly these most revolutionary world elements has to be grabbed as a matter of priority. The main chain link, the most important link in the chain of the proletarians` global unification - that is doubtless the global industrial worker. Tackling this chain link the right way - this is actually the key to complete the most powerful chain of the world proletariat` s unification. The beginning of the strengthening of the global industrial worker` s consciousness is the beginning of the proletarian world unification is the beginning of the proletarians` world power. The revolutionary awakening of the world proletariat begins with the awakening of the global industrial worker. World revolution is impossible without the understanding of the world revolutionary role of the global industrial worker.
So it is primarily the global industrial worker who is most amenable and open to our Marxist - Leninist world politics and whom we have to convince in first line. Recruiting the global avant-garde of the proletariat is recruiting the global industrial worker. You cannot unite all countries without his leadership and you cannot remove world capitalism without uniting all countries. Not until the global industrial worker comes politically to action the global watchword: "World proletariat - unite all countries!" can be realized at all. It is worthwhile to think about it. The Communist International (Marxists-Leninist) was quick on the uptake to highly value the social strength of the global industrial working class and its inalienability for the struggle of world socialism. Therefore we also shall bring about its general class-interests and its historical world mission to the consciousness. Therefore, we are interested in developing its world communist consciousness first and foremost. Considering his economic social status the global industrial worker is closest to the coming classless international society. And so his world revolutionary consciousness about the classless world can be developed at deepest and at fast. The world revolutionary force of today is the force of the global industrial worker ! He will develop the highest class consciousness of the proletariat and will carry on the socialist world consciousness by studying and practising the teachings of Marxism-Leninism. He is both the most important social sustainer and the leading element of world communism. On his strong arms and under his leadership the Communist International Party has to be built up and strengthened. And no power of the world can take away the worker` s highest proletarian class consciousness, the world revolutionary consciousness cannot be deprived from the world revolutionary proletarian class. Nobody can deprive them of their Communist International. The Communist International did never die and shall not die. Without knowledge and experiences about the communist movement in the single countries the world proletariat is defenceless however, if it is armed with worldwide knowledge, particularly with the knowledge of the Marxism-Leninism, then the proletariat becomes a world power! The key to this necessary knowledge about the worker` s liberation is the self-knowledge about himself, about his international situation which has fundamentally changed in relatively short time and will change in extremely rapid speed, however:
The globalised capital produces a globalised proletariat with new international traits - not any more comparable with the traits of the former international working classes who were associatively bound to the national culture of the single countries. And if you would only add or simply combine the labour movements of all countries, they are still movements of the countries` traits and can never ever be a higher qualified movement with its own global traits - arisen, forged and proved by the globalised class-struggle, by the struggle against world capitalism as a whole. The global movement is a movement by itself, a movement resulted from a qualitative leap of the former international labour movements. Primarily the actual situation of the globalised proletariat is - both in economic, political and ideological regard - no longer comparable with the old constellation of privileged proletarians of the oppressor nations and sub-privileged proletarians of the oppressed nations. Their are still inherent characteristics of the old constellation but in the process of time the global movement shall be liberated from them. The globalization of world capitalism itself is forced to batter down these old forms of contradiction between the rich and the poor nations. The global labour movement is not a result of the export of the labour movements of the countries, but a result of their obsolescence. They were strong as long as the national live in general was strong. However, national labour movements become weaker, when the nations themselves became weaker. And the weakness of the internationalist movement of the proletariat resulted last not least in the narrowness of the national borders within the working class was struggling against capitalism.
The world proletariat can struggle free from national encumbrances to the same degree as it succeed to support the proletariat in the single countries to get rid of national bars to further internationalist proceedings.
It is a fact that the workers of the Western industrial countries needed a relatively long period for the development of their class consciousness, the Russian and Albanian proletariat developed the socialist consciousness considerably faster and within a shorter period of time, simply for the reason that they could base their consciousness on the that of the workers of the Western industrial countries, primarily for the reason that they could base on Leninism, the further development of Marxism. It is a fundamental component of the unification process: The higher the step is which the proletariat had made for its unification, the faster and broadened the unification can proceed on this step. The higher the level of development of the class consciousness, the faster it can be developed, the more it is rampant. The globalization serves as a medium for the world proletarian consciousness, which is a further development of the socialist consciousness of the socialist countries, the Soviet Union and Albania. The world proletariat covers the time of unfolding its world revolutionary class consciousness in a fractional amount of that time which the proletarians need to develop their socialist consciousness in a "single" country. By the globalization (of communication etc.) the proletarian international party will be built up faster, more thoroughly and mass effectively than every previous communist party - even than the Comintern in its best times. All this will accelerate the victory of the socialist world revolution in every country. Only the world proletariat itself will learn to understand by its own experiences what` s it all about this special meaning of the "socialist world revolution in every country". Anyhow, the world bourgeoisie will certainly understand "this nonsense", however at a point of time when it will be rather too late.
Today the world capital flings the proletarians over the whole globe, makes them interchangeable as interchangeable as old traditional industrial areas in this or that country. They appear and hide - sometimes in shortest time. Already during their set up phase they become out of date or have to be closed because of the necessity of their relocation. Every place on the globe is a place of the workers` competition of the labour market. Currently, there is absolute cut-throat competition on the global labour market which pulls down the average of global wage standards. A billion-army of unemployed is the consequence of this ruinous competition. And this billion-army of unemployed will change from a mere tool in world capitalist hands to a conscious detachment of the world revolution - a movement which nobody can stop.
So the single worker is not only confronted with the complete world order of the capitalism, not only faced with the competition on the world labour market but also with a billion-heavy load of unemployed on his shoulders. The global unification of the unemployed is directly part of the general global unification of the world proletariat. The global industrial reserve force of the world capitalists shall change into an active world revolutionary force against the world capitalist system. Just because of this the fight of today's worker inaugurates the epoch of the world socialism, he announces the global liberation of the world proletariat from wage slavery and unemployment. So the international unification of the workers has become an indispensable necessity under globalised working conditions. These global working conditions break all working conditions in the native countries. The proletarians of this or that country are thrown into the world proletariat which lost all its existence basis at home in the native country. It is nearly an every-day-experience for millions of workers who left their countries, separated from their families to feed them from abroad, from thousands of kilometres distance. The globalised capital blows up unavoidably every previous tie of the workers with the old society, every tie with national roots, every tie with any place in the world, to any exploiter in the world. However,to the same degree as the global capital exchanges the workers globally, the workers exchange themselves globally, they develop a new global level of communication among each other, they exchange their national unification with their global unification:
"The progress of the industry whose weak-willed and unresisting sustainer is the bourgeoisie, resets the isolation of the workers by the competition, their revolutionary unification by the association"
(Marx, Engels, "manifesto of the communist party", London 1848, MEW, volume 4, page 474, 472, German edition, free editor` s translation).
The world proletariat recognizes by means of its own experiences that the situation and the interests of the workers of the whole world tend to conform to a global level which is steadily going down (the absolutely and proportionally global pauperization). The workers of the whole world learn from their similar international experiences, generalize and exchange their experiences, they draw their conclusions, go through decisive consciousness trials about their own international situation.
How did the class consciousness of the workers changed in more than hundred years? At first the class consciousness was a consciousness directed against the exploitation of the capitalists of the large factories, was the consciousness for the emancipation of the workers as an independent and self-contained class, as a united counter-force against the capitalists - this was the period of the beginning of the labour movement. Later on, when the working class got stronger, the workers strived for their political class- power in the world, in all single countries. They developed a consciousness to prepare and lead the socialist revolution, a consciousness to build up their own society in their own country. This consciousness was exemplary and worth repeating in all the other countries. However the problem is, that the socialist workers` consciousness - as highly developed as it was - was not enough developed to get rid of world capitalism in a whole. You cannot get rid of world capitalist encirclement by the socialist consciousness which was built out of a single socialist country. The world capitalists globalised their world hegemony after the destruction of socialism in a "single" country.
Without the impulses of the world revolutionary consciousness the consciousness of the socialist "single" country is left helplessly and punished to be degenerated. This is a fact which Lenin had already foreseen. If the consciousness of the workers is not carried on a higher level, capitalism will be restored in a "single" socialist country. An internationalist consciousness which is permanently restricted within national barriers cannot unfold its full power. To overcome this problem - this is the salient point. It doesn't suffice that the proletarians of this or that country "hurry up for help" in solidarity, to unite with the proletarians of the "single" socialist country as long as world capitalism has the power of encirclement. With such solidarity alone the proletarians of all countries cannot defend a " single" socialist country effectively. Against an enemy who got globally the drop on every single country you can only fight as a globally united and organized class-force - strong enough to unite the countries against world capitalism. For this the workers need a higher level of the internationalist consciousness - what they need is a new global world revolutionary consciousness. What we wanted to state with this is the fact, that the internationalist consciousness of the working class is developing the same way the international class develops itself by leading its international class-struggle.
With the simplifying of the famous formula: "Proletarian of all countries - unite!" (important remark: if we speak about the danger of simplifying a matter this will never be a synonym for its resignation or neglect. We stand to it, but this does not hinder us to modify this formula under the present global conditions. This to do is Marxist-Leninist tradition, is conform with the revolutionary spirit of Marxism-Leninism), it unfortunately isn't done yet for a long time to force the world capitalism into the knees. The proletarians need absolutely a second additional, complementary, qualitatively higher formula of their global unification:
The world proletariat has become a class opposite the world capital but not yet the proletarian world class against bourgeois world class for itself. It is not yet a conscious world political fight. The class of the world proletariat is developing on the base of the international class struggle passing through its development process which is to be supported by us Communists. The world proletariat must unite centralistically the proletarians of all countries and to be more precise as its own departments. The world proletariat must combine, section, redistribute, redeploy and merge the proletarians of each single country for building up a gigantic irresistible world mass force. The proletarians cannot organize this by their own, they have to toe their global line and they need to form their globally centralized leadership. Of course, these political detachments cannot be build autonomously but organized by the world proletariat at a whole. The present weakness of the movability and flexibility of the proletarians of all countries lies in the lack of their global centralization. Only the world proletariat as a monolithic class can secure the mobile (maneuverable) centralization, with which it can accumulate the single forces to one clenched power of all the countries. Otherwise it would not be possible to direct them towards the same common target - attacking the world capitalism at one (weakest) point - at different point - at all points simultaneously- just as it is necessary in this or that different situation. It makes sense to revert to a metaphor, the Russian "Matryoshka". You can nest a "Matryoshka" into each other. The world proletariat can develop no revolutionary strength if it results in the biggest doll which covers all the smaller ones. The proletarians of each country cannot nest themselves one after another. Besides they cannot unfold their own power if they are covered by the bigger one` s and the bigger one` s cannot mobilize the smaller one` s etc. This model does n` t work to face the world capitalists effectively. The world proletariat cannot form up as a class on a direct way of the countries` association., speak: the global accordance, the jelling as an international grouping of the proletarians of single countries do not match this way. The proletarians of single countries cannot find out by themselves who or what will match at best to optimize the global class-struggle. They cannot adjust their individual profiles and patterns among each other without a general line. A world` s specific profile cannot be arranged by single countries without any general outline. Not the proletarians of all single countries form up the world proletariat visa versa - the world proletariat forms up the proletarians of all countries as detachments - the same way the national capital has taken international form. Not the communist parties of the countries go ahead to form up the Communist International, but the International goes ahead with the formation of the communist parties. The International builds up its own sections and detachments according to the necessity of the global strategy and tactics.
The world proletariat cannot wait passively and inactively until the one country is ready to join another, until all the countries will be developed by themselves to be ready for joining the global class-struggle. As the world capital has formed the nations to serve its global aims, so the world proletariat has to form its proletarians of the nations to serve its global aims. The model of the revisionists was mechanistically: When the revisionists were in power the Soviet Union should function as a template for the formation of the world socialism in the way of the model of the "Matryoshka". The world revolution cannot work like this, the Soviet Union as the centre of global socialism cannot work like this and the "social camp" of single socialist countries cannot work like this, too. The global development of the world capital is decisive for the global revolution and the global society of the proletariat. This is not primarily a matter of cooperation between this or that country, but a global matter as a whole where the countries are working different from the former timers of socialism "in a single" country. There are not all the new socialist countries who group themselves around the old socialist country or nested as "Matryoshkas". World socialism develops globally out of the global capitalist world society in which the single countries do not any more play the primary role as it was fact in the first period of socialism, the period of the co-existence of the two worlds. In the second period of socialism there is only one world - the world of socialism with global potencies of development. Unification powers which had been found progressively in the first period of socialism are necessary narrow, bounded and retarded in the second period of socialism. That is the revolutionary understanding of the Marxist-Leninist methods.
But how do the unification forces actually could take effect under present global circumstances?
Let` s formulate this question with the borrowed words of Friedrich Engels:
The unification powers of the world proletariat completely work just like the natural powers: blindly, violently, destructively as long as the world proletariat doesn't recognize them and as long as the world proletariat doesn't count on them. However, if the world proletariat has recognized its unification powers once, if it has understood its activity, its use and effects, then it only depends on the world proletariat itself to subordinate them under its own will and intention and to fulfil its historical mission by means of them. As long as the proletarians of all countries refuse obstinately to understand their internationalist nature and their international class character; with other words: so long as they stick furthermore to old forms of their unification with nationally boundedness and narrowness - and against this understanding the world bourgeoisie is reluctant together with their revisionist defenders opposing the world revolutionary unification powers of the world proletariat with their counter-revolutionary powers of resistance -, so long and so far the world capitalist forces of the wage slavery shall continue, in spite of the world proletariat, against the world proletariat, and so long and so far the counter-revolution does oppress the world proletariat.
However, for the moment when the internationalist nature is understood, then the demonic rulers of the unification forces turn into the full flow of willing servants in the hands of the world proletariat. It is just like the difference between the destructive strength of the hunt for maximum profits and the creative strength of the safeguarding of maximum satisfaction of permanently growing material and cultural needs and demands of the society of all countries. It is just like the difference of the imperialist war devastation and destruction of nature and the global use of all human unification strengths in the service of man and nature (see: Friedrich Engels "Anti Dühring"). The world capitalist has to unite the labour of all countries for transformation into world labour to accumulate the world capital globally. However, if the world worker snatches the possession of the globally united world labour from the world capitalists, if the world worker takes possession of his unification instead, then the ware character of the globalised world labour is removed and then the united world labour doesn't dominate the world worker any more but the world worker dominates vice versa the united world labour.
The unification strengths of the world proletariat have a far deeper meaning, including their substance, than the united strength of the proletarians of all countries ( if they rest in the state of the narrowness of a single country). About this qualitatively deeper global meaning we have to be clear in our mind, otherwise the watchword: "World proletariat - unite all countries!" can neither be understood nor practised correctly. Of course the utilization of this higher dimensioned term of global unification acquires a higher dimension of Marxism-Leninism` s imaginativeness - the very dimension of globalised Marxism-Leninism. Globalised Marxism-Leninism is the ideology of the globalised proletariat, the very ideology of socialism` s second period, the further developed Marxism-Leninism, the Marxism-Leninism of our today` s world. To figure out the nature of globalised Marxism-Leninism – that` s the task we world revolutionaries have to master now. And with this we try to figure out the global nature of the proletarians unification expressed by our watchword: "World proletariat - unite all countries!"
By Marxism-Leninism - proved by their own experiences - the workers will become conscious about the easier and better methods of mastering their unification forces as a global task. They can optimize the management of their global task by their new formation as international detachments. In the past, the workers remained only as the working classes of a country and could only achieve the traditional level of internationalist unification just as the working class of "their" nation, as an immanent part of the class society of "their" nation, which can only be supported in solidarity from outside, not inside from the monolithic world class, but just from the proletarians of other single countries – i.e. against the world capitalist encirclement of a single country in general, no matter whether it concerns a socialist or capitalist country. However, because of the fact that there is no socialist country any more, we have to tackle the unification problems of all single countries who are all together encircled and steeped in world capital. However, the self-awareness of the working classes in all countries being part of the world proletariat, being international detachments of the global proletariat cannot be realized until they have become substantially the really existing parts of the world proletariat, namely as their ethnic growing as international labour detachments, which the world capital created to gain highest profits. In general the process of the class development of the proletariat is not different, but the ongoing global processes are full well different from the nationally developed classes of the proletariat in the former centuries. The world proletariat cannot fight with any forms of detachments which do not result from the detachments of labour produced by the world capitalism itself. The conscious process of the detachment` s unification of the workers cannot be formed up departed from the ethic process of the labour detachments of the global world capital. The proletarians substratum of class-unification grows from the substratum of the permanently developing contradiction between world capital and world labour.
Global internationalism of the proletariat is based on the fact that the working classes form their uniform international class and not just the proletarian internationalism of accumulated national classes. Marxism-Leninism teaches that the proletariat is an internationalist class, but Marxism-Leninism teaches moreover that proletarian internationalism changes its forms not different from the stages of the development of this international class. The global unification of the internationalist class is a dialectically developing process. A global class forms its typical global internationalism which is not to be compared with the proletarian internationalism in former periods of its development.
Having in mind the dialectical law of the unity and struggle of the contradiction we have to modify what we've already explained. Having stated that the proletarians` unification is inveterate and embedded in the ethic and anarchic unification of capitalist global labour then we have also to have in mind that the world revolutionary forms of removing global exploitation cannot be the same unification` s forms of expanding the global exploitation. The chains of private relations of the world labour` s possession have to be crashed. World labour has to be globally socialized. Socialization of the world capitalist labour – that` s what globalised unification of the proletariat is aimed for. "World proletariat - socialize capitalist labour, socialize the productive forces of all countries!"
The redeployment of the proletarians of all countries - created by the world capitalists for the globalization of their exploitation to strive for highest profits- can't be that systematically organized unification of the global proletariat which is needed for the removal of their global exploitation, for their liberation from the world capitalist chains. Spontaneity is self-acting nature of capitalism. Unification doesn't lead to the liberation of the proletariat automatically. Spontaneity leads - in the contrary - to the globalised wage slavery. Spontaneous unification leads back to reformist and revisionist unification in the short run. However, if it is going a long way round and after having passed sacrificially aberrations then such a strength can be finally achieved which will be strong enough to remove world capitalism without Marxist-Leninist global unification. Globalised modes of production in the hands of world capitalists forge the proletariat still more tightly to the chains of world capital. So: The world proletariat needs its own class- unification, a unification which serves its own class interests, which serves the destruction of the world capital and therewith the destruction of the world` s wage slavery. To change from a submissive mass of the global capital into a world revolutionary strength against the global capital the world proletariat must oppose its unification for the accumulation of the world capital, must use its own unification as a weapon against the world capital must take consciously possession of its own unification for the accumulation of its world revolutionary power. The world proletariat needs a higher form of the unification, which cannot be created by world capitalism, but only by the world proletariat itself; for short:The capitalist unification of the world labour must be turned into a socialist unification of the proletarian world class, the self-confident class of the world proletariat. This doesn't happen on a direct way since the proletarians are separated from each other by countries and - as is well known - the proletarians of all countries are separated helplessly disarmed. However, they remain helplessly unarmed also on a low step of their unification because they only overcome their national separation - opposite to the global power of the world capitalism - on a higher step of their unification by an equalized global power, by the fusion of the proletarians of all countries to a monolithic global class. The end of the separation of the proletarians of all countries starts with the separation from old ideas of all previous forms of their unification. With the negation of the negation the proletarians reach to new ideas by means of their new unification forms, thereupon the negation of the negation leads the proletarians to the new unification forms themselves. The negation of the negation is said to be able to raise the level from the old and weakened forms of unification to a new, higher, global level - ready to make the unification` s strength strong enough to crack the tough nut of world capitalism. Only by the negation of the negation of the unification of the proletarians of the countries the only revolutionary class of today's world, the strength of the world proletariat, can be developed. Only as a world proletariat the proletarians are revolutionary today. To be able to develop their revolutionary strength completely the proletarians require their unification forces of the world proletariat which pulls together all countries of the world. So the proletarians of all countries are only in this respect revolutionary when they contribute all their unification forces to strengthen the socialist world proletariat.
All the strengths of the proletarians of all countries which are consumed in the country of their own unification must be shared: the one part is consumed for uniting as the world proletariat, another part remains for the unification in the country of their own. The revolutionary strengths which the proletariat of a country spent ("invested"/"advanced") for the unification of the world proletariat, shall come back hundred- and thousandfold, later on. The revolutionary strengths which every single proletarian investigates in the global strength of the world proletariat, serves his own strengthening, finally. In this way he becomes a soldier of the proletarian international army, he "alone" (with all together) can take the whole counter-revolutionary world bourgeoisie on. Therefore one part of the forces of the proletarians of one country will be given for fusing the world proletariat. At first view these fusing forces are seemingly "lost" for one` s own country but - in the contrary - the proletariat of every single country gets back a higher quality of class-power afterwards, a power which would not exist without having advanced the own forces to all the others beforehand. "One for all, all for one!" - that` s the idea of the combination of both the watchwords:
"Proletarians of all countries - unite!" and "World proletariat - unite all countries!" The difference between socialism in the first and second period can be explained as follows:
Socialist power in a single country with world power of capitalism in the first period and socialist power in a single country with world power of the proletariat in the second period. For the first time in the history of the socialism the proletarians must not exhaust their forces to defend their socialist country against the counter-revolutionary forces of the capitalist-revisionist encirclement. The socialist world proletariat can use and share its forces for the strengthening of every single socialist country. This is guaranteed by the political power of the world proletariat. Thus, today every single country advances its forces for the improvement of the global forces of the world proletariat, for the common internationalist matter, and tomorrow for the interests of one` s own country, and again for the day after tomorrow serving the common internationalist matter to reach a higher standard in one` s own country in turn etc. The art of global unification consists in achieving long-term balance through repeated give and take of all revolutionary forces which are at the proletarians disposal in a whole.
If we redefine and project this permanent unification process onto the vocabulary of the Marxist political economy, we also can talk about the "productive forces" and "production` s ownership structures" - "producing" the global unification as a "product", in the broadest sense. The world proletariat so to speak "produces" its own unification by adjusting the necessary "productive" forces in accordance with the "production` s ownership structures" of all countries. Realizing this necessity and the fight for the accordance of the unification forces with the unification` s "ownership structures" the world proletariat is approaching its full liberty of world revolutionary action. Of all production means the greatest world productive resource is the world revolutionary class itself. The set-up of the international organization of the world proletariat presupposes its ready existence as the most revolutionary productive resource. You cannot build up the international world party of a class which is not globally in force. Brake shoes are not only the national barriers but also all the other aggravating conditions coming across the proletarians of all countries under which they have to "produce" their unification. The "production` s ownership structures" for the "production" of the proletarians` unification, or the modality of producing their unification, the unification as the circumstances demand to become a socialist world class, have to be revolutionized for bringing them in accordance with the permanently increasing productive forces of the global unification. Revolutionization of the global unification` s production ownerships just means the overcoming of the old and antediluvian production` ownership structures of the proletarians` unification of the single countries. The proletarians of all countries turn the main brake shoe of their unification to a main motivating force with the formula: "World proletariat - unite all countries!"
"Proletarians of all countries - unite!" and "World proletariat - unite all countries!" are the two matching formulae which can have an effect on each other from two poles. In this way the new spirit of this unification process of the proletariat can reach a new quality of the proletarian internationalism. This is the dialectical basic idea for the unfolding of the new type of proletarian internationalism for the world revolutionary unification of the proletarians of all countries under today's conditions of the globalised world capitalism. As the unification of the countries by the world proletariat is the first condition, the unification of the proletarians of all countries is the second condition for the world revolutionary liberation of the proletarians. So the fusion of proletarian internationalism doesn't proceed in the old form of the unification of the single countries but in the typical form of their unification by the world proletariat. The world proletariat as a whole gets maneuverable on the global battle-field of class-struggle not until it has got maneuverable its detachments, the working classes of the countries. Repeatedly, it is the world capitalism which turns the working classes of all countries into the world proletariat by the progression of the world production. However, this world proletariat doesn't develop its class consciousness from the combined sections of class consciousness of the working classes of all countries. The class consciousness of the world proletariat isn't just the sum of the class consciousness of the working classes of each single country, but the potency of their common consciousness, the consciousness of a new type of a monolithic global class. Marx defined this "potential for strength" as follows in his "Capital":
"Aside from the new potential of strength, which arise from the fusion of many strengths [remark of the editor: especially the potential of the strength of the proletarians of the single countries] into an all-in strength [remark of the editor: especially into the all-in strength of the world proletarian class], the very social contacts [remark of the editor: and now you replace this term "very social contacts" by the term "very world revolutionary class-consciousness"!!!] produce by most of productive works a contest and an own "Erregung der Lebensgeister" (animal spirits),[remark of the editor: let` s replace the term "animal spirits" by the term "world socialist spirits"!] which improves the individual potential of the singles" [ remark of the editor: ergo the revolutionary potential of the proletarians of a single country]; (MEW, volume 23, page 345, German edition, free editor` s translation and remarks).
So the gravedigger of the world capital isn't just the loose grouping of all proletarians of the single, independent countries, who merely help and support each other. He is not the gravedigger of a partnership of convenience, of an association, of an union, of certain national forces who stick together internationally like a corral (more useful for a defensive alliance) to avert further damage of the world capitalist blows. Moreover the new type of global gravedigger is the monolithic global class of all proletarians who faces world capitalism eye-levelled on the decisive global battlefield.
There will not be the many little gravediggers of the countries on their own but there is only the one global gravedigger who can bury world capitalism:
"Consulting Marx, as he determined a certain, even a variably-scaling minimal size of the exchange-value-sum which was necessary to make its transition possible in capital [change of quantity into quality - remark of the editor], in just the way that a certain minimal size of Napoleon's rider detachments was as well necessary to permit the strength of discipline by its closed order and well-planned usability to become manifested and developed into the predominance of an even bigger amount of irregular cavalry which is better mounted, more skilful riding and fencing and at least brave as well" (MEW, volume 20, Engels, Anti-Dühring, page 120, German edition, free editor` s translation).
Trying to translate the meaning of what Marx had explained above (or with other words): let` s take the global unification of the world proletariat as such a minimal size of the exchange-value-sum to make the overpowering of world capitalism possible. It is the same variable minimal size of global unification which is superior to even bigger masses of the united single countries. Let` s take the advantageous minimal size of the world proletarians` detachments of the single countries in comparison with the advantageous rider detachments of Napoleon. We have to try to understand this evident advantage of the new type of global unification in comparison with the elder type of the association of all countries` workers.
Concerning quantity` s turn in quality, this applies to the capital as well as to the workers. The full use of their potential for strengths applies to the world capital as well as for the world proletariat by means of the global turn of quantity in quality!
The proletarians of all countries absolutely may be able to bury the world capitalism by means of their loose union (alliance) but this way they cannot remove the inevitableness of the world capitalism` s global restoration ( by the way, that` s why the revisionists rediscover their antiquarianism when they are pledging for the times of the first period of socialism - never ever as the genuine dialectical negation of negation but - in the contrary - for masking their new revisionist bulwark against global socialism and global workers` power of Marxism-Leninism which would mean the death of revisionism!).
What does the proletarian international unification depend on ?
It does not depend on just beating world capitalism but on removing its inevitability, it` s immanent tendency of restoration. The proletarian internationalism of the first period of socialism was not able to fulfil this task, because this kind of proletarian internationalism was the ideology applying to the period of the two worlds. The proletarians cannot bury something they haven't killed before! Killing world capitalism is impossible without killing all restorable (renewable) Hydra` s heads, particularly killing its revisionist head. And this is a global matter, a global task, the unifications` s mission of the world proletariat. Proletarian internationalism of the countries` proletarians can only revive as the ideology of the world proletariat as detachments of all countries. The workers - as long they are still only workers of their countries - they can undoubtedly unite but not merging to form a global entity by their own. This condition of the aggregation is available not until the global formation process of the world proletariat is completed (in chemistry: the effect as a mixture purchases a new quality by the fusion and new qualities can be made use of only with this new quality)! However, the workers of all countries, if they only settle to unite in their old ways, so won't be able to achieve global unification at all. So doing what? The workers of today need a new kind of unification` s form which corresponds with the unification` s form of the world bourgeoisie because: class against class ! Under present conditions this means nothing else than:
global class against global class !
The classes have not only to fight on a global platform. They re-enter the international platform as global classes and not as classes from this or that country, or this or that alliance of countries, whereby it goes without saying that both the proletarian and the bourgeois class can globally act by means of their national detachments. If the world proletariat doesn't transform the proletarians of all countries into its own international departments, then the world proletariat is very powerless against the law of the capitalist encirclement, which has necessarily to be cracked in the long run of the socialism` s development. Without further development of proletarian internationalism in general, and without further development of creating new global forms of unification in particular, the world proletariat is unable to solve the problem of the world capitalist encirclement. And the world capitalist-revisionist encirclement was just the stumbling block when the workers were on their way from their first stage of socialism in a "single" country to the next stage of world socialism. What is needed to develop the centralized strength of the world proletariat against the centralized strength of the class opponent? Another decisive point is missing. The world proletariat must mobilize the proletarians in every country to be able to enforce the general interests of all the proletarians. However, this doesn't automatically happen, it is n` t a self running matter. This is an arduous fight of the unification` s self-reorganization and this means the proletarians all over the world must become the organized world proletariat, a socialist organized world proletariat. The raw material - recruited from all countries has to be smoothed to get a high-quality steel based global class, in the end. The proletarians cannot buy their sharp weapon at the store next door, they have to sharpen them by themselves in the heat of the fire of the global class struggle against world capitalism.
Only in the direct course of the sharpening of the class struggle between the organized world proletariat and the organized world bourgeoisie, only by going through single stages of development of the international class struggle in all countries of the world the socialist world revolution shall mobilize its full global power. The socialist world revolution is n` t at all reduced as an "simple" act of the power` s take-over. This is only the crowning moment of a long, complicated class struggle for the world power. The socialist world revolution is both highest stage of the proletarians consciousness and qualitative leap of removing the world power of capitalism by the world power of the proletariat, is the highest stage of the global class struggle of the world proletariat. The world proletariat just doesn't need any former socialist consciousness, not the socialist consciousness of the proletarians of any country, not even the consciousness of the socialist working classes of a "single" country, but a quite certain socialist consciousness, the world socialist consciousness !!!! This is the sticking point and this is saying something ! What does world socialist consciousness mean and what makes it different from any other socialist consciousness ? What is the nature of this term? World socialist consciousness is not just the formal globalization of the traditional socialist consciousness, but the highest form of socialist consciousness with its own qualitative characteristics. Who can develop one` s own world socialist consciousness? Is it the most progressive proletariat of this or that country, even of a socialist country who acquires world socialist consciousness? Of course not.
Nobody can develop one` s own world socialist consciousness but the world proletariat itself. The world socialist consciousness belongs solely to the world proletariat.
The world socialist consciousness is the only consciousness which is superior to the ruling consciousness of the world bourgeoisie, is the guarantee for the victorious class struggle of the world proletariat, is the only consciousness which is revolutionary, with which the world proletariat frees not only itself from global class-oppression, not only all the other oppressed and exploited classes, but from all class rule all over the world.
The world socialist consciousness paves the way for the higher developed consciousness, that of a global classless society, the communist consciousness of mankind. The proletarians of the whole world get ripe for the world revolution not until the world proletariat has developed the world socialist consciousness, not until the world proletariat has completely developed the world socialist consciousness in all countries without exception, not until the world socialist consciousness has gone over the world proletarian detachments of all countries.
At first the workers of all countries form their internationally organized organisms. Did they centralize their detachment` s forces, then they can fully exhaust the international power of the countries.
What does this mean dialectically?
The working classes of all countries are transformed into a global class. This class forms its own global organisms all over the world. Then this whole of organisms will be enabled to retro-act on the countries` detachments. This way the detachments can unfold the full force of the proletarians` world army. The global centralization of all proletarian forces only develops by means of all its unanimously welded partial forces over all single countries. So all the previous forms of unification of the proletarians of all countries are - so to speak - merely forms of the preliminary stage, a prerequisite for the qualitative leap to the unification on a higher (global) step. They cannot be regarded as just the finalisation of the international unification` s process.
Only in the global context of this progressive interpretation and if the world proletariat internalizes this as a premise, if the world revolutionaries understand the global meaning of the famous watchword: "Proletarians of all countries - unite!" - then (and only then !) the proletarians live up to expectations at this watchword, only then the watchword can provide its world revolutionary purpose for the proletarians.
And when we Marxists-Leninist defend this old watchword against its violation and misinterpretation by the revisionists then we defend first and foremost its higher global meaning. The revisionists are revisionists because they revise this higher global meaning on the formal base of Marxism-Leninism just to please the interests of the world bourgeoisie. In truth the revisionists do not defend the watchword in the spirit of Marx and Engels. In truth they "defend" the old watchword against Marx and Engels, against us Marxists-Leninist who allegedly "violate" the traditional meaning of this watchword. In truth the revisionists defend world capitalism from its downfall. Who are the Marxists-Leninist ? Those who obey to the letter of the watchword or those who make it work, who defend the revolutionary spirit of the watchword by bringing it into accordance with the proletarian masses under present conditions of the global class struggle? Not the working classes of the single countries unite on one's own initiative, but in the contrary - the world proletariat unites the working classes in every single country. This is firstly because of the objective basis of the negation of the national capital by the world capital. This is secondly because of the objective basis of the class struggle between the two world classes and - to be more precise - with the help of its world socialist class consciousness. The world capitalism negates itself by negating the capital in the capitalist countries.
So it is the world capitalism itself which yields the preconditions to change the proletarians of all countries into departments of the world proletariat - objectively and unintentionally- just as an ancillary effect. All this may sound paradoxical, contradictory and strange but the proletarians make it out. When times and conditions have changed basically, then we have to abandon those obsolete theories and thoughts of uniting the proletarians of all countries which were correct and useful in former times and under former conditions, but which do not suit the world proletariat, now. If one wants to recognize the unification of the proletarians of all countries in a new way, one has to study at first their actual way of life, their mode of production, their mode of communication which are informed by their global environment, one must recognize the trends where from and whereto these changes develop, will develop, must unavoidably develop. We must learn to understand the dialectic of the global development of the world proletariat which is not the same as that of the national development in the countries. We have to become familiar with the new global visions and opening new perspectives of the world proletariat. As a contribution to the understanding the dialectic of the development of the world proletariat we created the new watchword: "World proletariat - unite all countries!" This watchword reflects the future development of the world proletariat clearly and precisely. If we have perfectly understood the full value of this watchword, then we will manage to clear up and to remove misinterpretations, then we will succeed to harmonize both the watchwords dialectically: "Proletarians of all countries - unite!" and: "World proletariat - unite all countries!"
Through the last centuries capitalism follows its own nature with all its well known ugly characteristics. The main immanent urge, the basic law of capitalism, is maximisation of profits. Capitalism takes use of globalised unification to satisfy just the greed for profit. In the contrary, the workers need their global unification for their liberation from world capitalism. Their global unification for the purpose to get free is the first global unification for the purpose of the free life of mankind. People are free not until they are globally free. Unify for the purpose of capitalist exploitation - unify for the purpose of its final disposal, this is the different usage to the intended purpose of the diametrically opposed pair of unification. The process of class-unification is adversarial. This contrast of class-interests determines the law of the unity and struggle of the unification` s contradiction. In general, nothing changed the capitalist nature during the last 200 years, but the forms in which the contradiction of unification developed changed according to the changing of the capitalist society. We are living in times of global dimensions, in times of the global socialist revolution. The capitalist countries formed the global capitalist world. The downfall of world capitalism leads to the downfall of the capitalist countries. The "single" socialist countries had been removed by the capitalist restoration, which hindered the creation of world socialism. The development of the future socialist countries depends on the downfall of world capitalism. In so far, the first socialist countries can be described as forerunners and pioneers of the united socialist world which forms its own socialist countries on the global battlefield of class-struggle. The doom of the capitalist countries follows the doom of the global capitalist world and vice versa the fortune of the socialist countries follows the fortune of world socialism. The ruling classes rule the class - society. The ruling global classes rule the global class - society. The world bourgeoisie will be removed by the world proletariat. The world proletariat shall rule the future global class-society. The new socialist countries therefore cannot be anything else than the product of the world proletarian dictatorship. The watchword: "World proletariat - unite all countries!" is derived from these new world revolutionary theses.
The workers of the whole world gain common experience in the fight against the world monopolies, multinational groups etc., get a new feeling of an international solidarity and begin to globally act in solidarity. They learn to organize globally, independently from their native nationality. The international monopolies, the global capitalists, the world imperialism they all force pressure on the states of the whole world following the laws of profit. Primarily the global workers are hit worst and that forms their belief in their global interests: socialization of the world capital ! The power of world capitalism bases on the private world property of a handful world capitalists. By means of globalization in itself the worker is incapable of globalising his tools. The world proletariat is just a class without property as the proletarians of the capitalist countries two hundred years ago. The worker of the capitalist society is never in possession of his production tools, neither in the single factory, nor in a capitalist country, nor in the capitalist world. Nothing has changed at his indigence to this day. To the capitalist of a single factory, to the capitalists of a single country or to the world capitalists, to all of them the worker has nothing to sell but his manpower. They appropriate the surplus labour to make profit of it - global surplus of global manpower - global profit ! All this was explained scientifically by Marx and Engels. And what was written by them about the worker and the capitalist can be accurately compared with present global dimensions. The global capitalists benefit from the global wealth which is produced by the global worker and the world society has had their wealth revoked.
How can the world capitalist character of the production be removed?
"The bourgeoisie cannot exist without uninterruptedly revolutionizing the production instruments, also the production ownership structures and also all the social relations. (...) The constant radical change of the production, the uninterrupted shake-up of all social conditions, the everlasting uncertainty and movement - all this manifests the bourgeoisie epoch in demarcation of prior periods " (Marx and Engels, "manifesto of the communist party", MEW, volume 4, page 465, German edition, free editor` s translation.)
"(The bourgeoisie) revolutionizes the differentiation of labour within the society and flings continually amounts of capital and masses of workers from one section of the production process into another one. The nature of the big industry therefore causes changes of labour, flow of function, all-round flexibility of the worker. (...) The development of the contradictions of a historical production form is, however, the only historical way towards its dissolving and rearrangement. (...) The capitalist production develops therefore only the technology and combination of the social process of production by undermining the gushers of all wealth at the same time: the earth and the worker " (MEW, volume 23, "the capital [1]", page 511, 512, 529/530; German edition, free editor` s translation).
"To cancel this newly faulty circulation, this always self-producing contradiction of modern industry is only possible by the removal of its capitalist character on the other hand. Only a society which lets meshing harmoniously its productive forces by a con substantial over-all plan, can take the industry` s liberty to locate in such range of dispersion all over the country [additionally remark of the editor: "all over the world!"] which is most adequate for its own development and the maintenance resp. development of the rest of elements of the production " (MEW, volume 20, Anti-Dühring, page 276; German edition, free editor` s translation).
In deduction we can solve many problems by means of the proletarian unification process- such as: Abolition of the contradiction of town and country by unification, by the socialist fusion of town and country! Abolition of the contradiction among the countries by their unification, by socialist fusion of the countries! Abolition of the world capitalist division of labour by unification, by socialist fusion of globally divided labour! Abolition of the competition of the workers on the capitalist world labour market by unification, by a socialist fusion of the world proletariat which removes all labour markets from the globe! Abolition of the wage slavery of every single worker by his global unification, by his fusion with the world proletariat, by abolition of the global wage slavery; abolition of the capitalist oppression of every single worker by the united world proletariat, which unifies the global instruments to subdue the world capitalists, etc...
"If the society makes itself a master over all means of production to take advantage from them socially and systematically, then it destroys the previous enslaving of the people under their own means of production. Of course, the society cannot free itself until every single one is emancipated. So the old mode of production must be changed radically from the very bottom and namely the old differentiation of labour must be vanished. It has to be replaced by such an organisation of production in which no individual can pass one` s interest in the productive labour - this natural condition of the human existence - on to another on the one hand; in which on the other hand the productive labour develops as the means of the liberation of the people instead of the means of enslavering by offering everyone the opportunity to develop and approve all one` s abilities on all sides, physically as intellectually, and in which they can change from the status of a burden to a status of pleasure " (MEW, volume 20, Engels, "Anti Dühring", page 273/274; German edition, free editor` s translation).
Only, if the world proletariat has taken possession of all means of production in the world scale, the commodities economy (capitalist wares society) can be removed and therewith also the global subordination of the world producers under the capitalist wares.
"The anarchy within the social production is replaced by a systematic, conscious organization. The struggle for individual existence comes to an end.
Therewith - in a certain sense - the people begin definitely to part from the animal world stepping out of the conditions of animal beings into the genuine life of human beings.
The social environment of the living conditions surrounding and subordinating the people hitherto, now bow to the rule and control of the people themselves who become consciously the real masters of the nature for the first time, because and becoming masters of their own socialization.
So long ago the laws of nature subdued the social laws of the people` s doing as a strange and dominant strength. After that the people handle and therefore master them with full know-how. So long ago nature and history forced upon the own socialization of the people. And now it turns into their own freedom of action. The objective, strange powers which had control of the history till now step under control of the people themselves. Only from then on the people will determine their history with full consciousness.
Only from then on the social causes - moved by them - shall have mainly and increasingly the effects they purposely intended.
It is the leap of mankind from the realm of necessity to the realm of freedom. It is the historical mission of the modern proletariat to perform this world freeing deed.
To discover their historical conditions and with that their own nature, and to bring to those who are appointed to action, to the still oppressed class, the consciousness about the conditions and nature of their own actions... all this is the task of the theoretical expression of the proletarian movement, the task of scientific socialism" ( MEW, volume 20, page 264/265, Engels, "Anti Dühring", written approximately 130 years ago and still red-hot!).
So there is the only one remedy to put an end to the exploitation of the world labour: abolishing the private property of the owners of the means of production in the whole world, putting all factories, plans,mines, manors and all great estates etc. in the hands of the entire global society proceeding to the common, socialist world production led by the world proletariat. The working people benefit from the products produced by the global community even in the last corner of the globe.
And the surplus produced beyond the means of meeting the needs of their global livelihood, shall help them to satisfy all their own wants and demands, so that they can emancipate and fully take advantage of all their abilities and achievements of the socialized world science, world culture etc. The world proletariat needs political power,needs the socialist world revolution - what we have written about hundred times and what we will still write about for another hundred times. The world proletariat under the leadership of the Communist International (Marxists- Leninist) unites the working classes of all countries to a unique proletarian global army - under the banner: "World proletariat - unite all countries!"
We have explained how and why the international class struggle of the proletarians of all countries shall become a global class struggle of the world proletariat against the world bourgeoisie as a whole. Now it is the question how this shall reflect the struggle of the peoples of the world, how this shall influence the struggle of the world` s working masses. On the basis of the facts we can recognise: Never, before, the labour in the world scale has grown as fast as today under the conditions of the globalization. However, that labour of all other social strata and classes - particularly those peasant labourers who also are forced to sell their labour on the global market of agriculture - grows still more as the labour of the growing world proletariat. And the global proletarian reserve army grows still faster than the global labour army itself.
"The great beauty of the capitalist production entails not only the permanent reproduction of a wage labourer as a wage labourer but also a constant and relative overspill population of wage labourers in proportion to the accumulation of the capital."(MEW, volume 23, "The Capital [1]", page 796, German edition, free editor` s translation).
Globalization of capital means globalization of financial starvation and desperation and drives the people of the country to the towns. Everywhere in the world we see how they are looking for refuge in the suburbs of the towns with over a million inhabitants that the world capitalism stamps more new slums from the ground than it can increase its maximum profits. The global poverty grows still faster than the world population. The collapse of impoverished towns rolls back again to the country-side. This is just as automatic as the reciprocal relation between the world and its countries, between industry and agriculture on a world scale and locally, etc. The poverty grows faster than the riches. So the globalization does n' t have increased its substantial influence only on the proletarians of all countries, on the industry etc., but also on anything else, e.g. on the global industry of agriculture which is uprooting and throwing a millionfold peasant labourers on the global labour market. The competition of the workers of all countries increases progressively in global time and global space.
The world proletariat keeps on growing in spite of leaving behind great misery and great sufferings and after it has left many victims on the battlefield of the globalised class struggle. World capital needs the world proletariat both as its pay dirt and its gravedigger. The world proletariat won' t renounce the revolution only because of unavoidable victims. What is an end with starve and suffer in comparison with starve and suffer without ending ? The world proletariat fights for easing the global pain caused by capitalist chains, but this is not a fight in itself. The world proletariat has not alone to struggle for removing the painful chains, but moreover and in first line the world proletariat has to subordinate this struggle under the struggle against the inevitableness of global capitalist chains. This means rooting out world imperialism, this means to get rid of the own chains of the world proletariat, the chains of bourgeois ideology` s influence, the cultural chains, the chains which divide the proletarians of the countries. The world proletariat cannot get rid of the chains at its body until it got rid of the chains in its brain: World proletariat has to become conscious about the truth: Only world socialism can root out the inevitableness of capitalism. It is the inevitableness of the world proletariat` s ideological and then practical unification of all countries which abolishes the inevitableness of capitalism. The objective conditions of the capitalist globalization will resurrect the international army of the proletariat.
Are we against the globalization?
"Yes and no?"
Yes;
capitalist globalization enchains the world proletariat. We are breaking all kinds of capitalist chains, particularly the global, the most painful one` s. So one part of the answer is YES, we are regarding globalised capitalism as the worst enemy.
No;
we are for the globalization because the inconsistencies, the antagonistical contradictions between world bourgeoisie and world proletariat burst open through globalization. Without bursting open the class-struggle the proletariat cannot shake off slavery. We always foster the development and outbreak of the class-struggle, especially on its global battle-field just to speed up the world revolutionary development and the approaching day of liberation. We are for the globalization (unification) of the countries – however, not under the world capitalists but under the leadership of the world proletariat (“World proletariat – unite all countries!”). So the other part of the answer is NO, we are anti-capitalist globalisers as globalisers of proletarian internationalism.
To give as well a positive as a negative answer does not mean to give an indifferent , not determined answer. Globalisation` s dialectic is the dialectic of the unity and struggle of global contradictions. We as Marxists-Leninist have to take advantage of the influence of all those global processes which speed up the time and paves the way for the global victory of the proletariat. Globalisation is necessary for the people `s liberation and emancipation if it is corrrectly mastered. We don `t pray submissively any fateful subjugation under the capitalist development of globalisation but we want to master globalisation forces in the interest of the class-struggle of the world proletariat. Nore would we be misunderstood by globalisation in the sense of global egalitarianism – it is this the criticism of egalitarianism by the petty bourgeoisie led by primitive backwardness which don ´t meet trouble halfway. The globalisation of communist consciousness deserves closer attention as a precondition for the global unification of the proletarians.
Concerning the globalisation we communists always and on every occasion resisted and opposed all attempts to stop or to arrest the economic development. The historical development of capitalism began with the development of the bourgeoisie. The bourgeoisie began to accumulate capital on a national stage. Meanwhile bourgeoisie and capital developed globally. The law of capitalism is striving for globalising profit even if it costs the own downfall. Even to make profit from the universe is no impediment for capitalism – from globalisation to universalisation, from global exploitation of the workers to universal exploitation of the workers... that `s were it goes. The Comintern (ML) wont impede the global economic development and even not its universalisation. This principle is part and parcel of our socialist world programme (1926).The globalization finally creates the ripe and objective conditions for changing capitalism into socialism. Socialism is only socialization of the private capitalist ownership structures of the global production means so that world socialism grows from the womb of global capitalism with all its unavoidable birthmarks. This is what Marx and Engels taught us. If capitalism was once progressive opposite the bondage of feudalism, then capitalist world production appears to be an objective basis for the socialist world production, for the world socialism. We are not revisionists who speak for the self-sufficiency or self-fulfilment of socialism in a "single" country, for the impasse of socialism forced by the world capitalist encirclement. We are not some kind of national "socialists" but as Marxists-Leninist we are internationalists, globalists, global centralists, who struggle for the global victory of the world proletariat, for the victory of global communism. We Marxists- Leninist are global communists. Dogmatised condemnation of everything global - that's much too sweeping a criticism and smells like petty bourgeois philistines. They do not or don `t want to understand the objective walk of the economic development of the globalization and they ignore its significance to the labour movement and to the world socialist movement. This petty bourgeois ideology of the anti-globalisers, advertising themselves as "anti-capitalist", is nothing but reactionary. This may sound paradoxical, absurd or even slanderous for some of our "lefties" opponents but the dialectic of the global class struggle of the proletariat is like that and it is pretty well understandable for the world proletariat but next to nothing for the petty bourgeois. We have no fears of contact concerning tactical switches with petty bourgeois, global movements, but concerning principles there will be no attempted rapprochements. To be in two minds about globalization even within the communist and labour movement has very often class character. The classes have to fight it out - that's all !
Well, indeed, capitalist globalization is extremely contradictory at all, contradictory like the classes who have to cope with capitalist globalization:
States which try to insulate themselves against the globalised economic development are tilting at windmills. In the contrary, the more they pedal, the easier and more thorough the whole global world is entering into one's own four walls. The global intrusion of capitalist countries is an immanent appearance of world capitalism. Only socialist countries of the first socialist period proved to be resistant to the world capitalist encirclement for a certain time before the restoration of capitalism began to re transform them into capitalist countries. Together with the world capitalism the world proletariat as well began to cross the borderlines of the nations. There, where are put up fences against millions of people, there they will be climbed over by 10 million and pulled down by 100 million people. There, where it is all about the countries to direct their progressive national movements at the globalism of the world capital, there the countries are thrown into the cosmopolitan surrender, thrown into the arms of foreign rule; and where it is all about to direct their liberal-minded, democratic progressive movements, their national freedoms against any narrow-minded nationalism, there the countries themselves become despotic, reactionary and fascist. Against this the proletariat neither takes the decisive struggles inside the country lying down nor the decisive struggles against the world capital but makes its own, its internationalist demands on the agenda of all countries and combines its political liberation with the social liberation from world capitalism. The proletariat shall combine the liberation of the nation from the world capital with the matter of world socialism, with the liberation of the suppressed classes, with the internationally united, socialist revolution in every country. The proletariat of every country will transform the liberation of one` s own country into the liberation of the whole world as well as the world proletariat shall transform its liberation from the yoke of world capitalism into the liberation from the yoke of the capitalism in every country.
This is the revolutionary liberation of the proletariat both of its capitalist foreign rule and of the capitalist power in one` s own country:
"Proletarian of all countries - unite!" - "World proletariat - unite all countries!" That's how it goes - the dialectic of the globalised fight of the proletarians against the globalised world capitalism. That` s how it goes - the dialectic of the fight for the world socialism, for the dictatorship of the world proletariat, which removes the globalised world capitalism by uniting and liberating all countries. From certain time on the nations shall not any more campaign against each other but united against world capitalism - and to be more precise - by uniting against the restoration of the world capitalism under the dictatorship the world proletariat. The united nations - led by the world proletariat - will celebrate their common victory about the elimination of the unavoidableness of the world capitalism.
With the negation of the globalism of all medieval, reactionary backwardnesses, with the negation of the old nationalist despotism the whole "democratic world civilization" negates itself. What, if the "democratic world civilization" can only defend itself by mercenaries of the "uncivilized world" if it is only on the drip of the "uncivilized world"? Whichever "uncivilized country" is bombarded by "civilized weapons" into the "democratic world civilization" - therewith the "civilized troupes" leave a void, a "civilized emptiness" on the whole rest of the theatre of war in the "uncivilized world".
Who will fill this enlarging "uncivilized vacuum" caused by the "democratic world civilization"? Who are the "uncivilized" gravediggers of the "democratic world civilization"? The "democratic world civilization" still feels fairly safe at the moment concerning the coming outbreak of the proletarian world revolution having in mind their alleged victory on the restoration of the former socialist countries. However, the question is: Who safeguards the imperialist world empire of the "democratic civilization" against the restoration of the deep-set causes of the October revolution?
The negation of the bourgeois "world civilization" is the proletarian world civilization.
Not the one bourgeoisie is opposing the other one in the war, not the one proletariat is opposing the one bourgeoisie on nationally bounded battle fields but from now on the bourgeoisie is opposing the whole world proletariat in the global civil war.
This is why the world proletariat as a global class will not and cannot look for revolutions on the national scale, but will find the revolution on a global scale of capitalism. This is why the world proletariat will transform even the last revolution in a national scale into a one and only world revolutionary movement. By this the revolution is upgraded which would be impossible without the material preconditions created by the globalised world capitalism itself.
The proletariat of this or that country does not march any more at the top of the world revolutionary class struggle, quasi in place of the world proletariat but the whole world proletariat is itself in the lead with its own detachments in every country of the world. In principle, the world proletariat doesn't care about the cloak of the global exploiting system as it appears differently in this or that single country. The world proletariat will put none of these cloaks on because their narrowness will tear all of them up with its strengthening body. The globalised world capitalism only then supplies the world proletariat with fitting clothes when it is far too late for capitalism, namely after the dead duck is already defeated.
There is only the world proletariat who possesses the boldness to wear one's own surcoat and to unite all oppressed world forces under it.
There is only the world proletariat who does not need to consider anybody or anything on earth. All that putting obstacles in the way and all that powers of the whole world will be attacked simultaneously and without any hesitation. Nothing and nobody can keep back the unified actions of the world proletariat in the world scale because it has nothing at all to loose than the whole world misery and to win a whole new world.
So we are in the world revolutionary sense for globalisation, namely if - and only if - globalisation is advancing and fostering the socialist world revolution. We stress this just to exclude the tiniest and very last misunderstanding about our attitude for the globalisation, a priori. Let the world bourgeoisie be fooled into believing that globalisation works for and not against its class-interests. However, the world bourgeoisie unavoidably and against its own will opens the way for us communists by the globalisation` s development because the world bourgeoisie creates all those material means by which the world proletariat is permitted to hit back pitilessly and to put the world socialism on a secure economic basis. The world bourgeoisie isn't alone with the globalisation. The world bourgeoisie needs the globalisation to do not go down but by globalisation the world bourgeoisie goes down contemporaneously.
Globalisation is the last stage of world capitalism and the first stage of world socialism.
The next society cannot develop if the prior society is not ripe to fall down. This is the dialectic of the world domination` s downfall of the bourgeoisie which is effective to the benefit of communism without and against its own will. The world bourgeoisie forms new proletarians for the capitalist global, deploys the world proletariat and offers therewith the material prerequisites to unite the proletarians in the countries to ready departments of the world production. The formula: "World proletariat - unite all countries!" is fully in vogue with the global development (... towards socialism! What else ?!) Today the world bourgeoisie puts the world proletariat just behind itself and its hangman will stand in front of the door tomorrow. And not only in front of the door of the world bourgeoisie but also in front of the door of the global petty bourgeoisie which makes such a big screaming for its "anti-globalism" because globalism is the death of the petty bourgeoisie, no matter it is the global world of the bourgeoisie or of the proletariat !
As we have already seen in the first period of socialism the reactionary petty bourgeoisie appeared to be much more afraid about the power of the proletarian` s socialism than about the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie which once - well-known - developed from the petty bourgeoisie. The petty bourgeoisie fears the dictatorship of the world proletariat because the globalised capitalist world of today is a miniature-toy in comparison with the global socialist world ! The movement of the petty bourgeois anti-globalisers is perhaps our ally in the fight against imperialism, war and fascism today but tomorrow it may become one of the most dangerous opponents of the socialist globalisation of the world proletarian power. If the petty bourgeoisie competes with the capitalist globalisation to set bounds to the deterioration of its own class positions, then it finally must enter into the fight with the world proletariat which sweeps away the petty bourgeoisie as a dying class as well as it will globally disestablish all classes without exception. It is decisive for the world proletariat that the capitalism which once arose from the petty bourgeoisie cannot be restored either any more without the petty bourgeoisie. So, last not least, the world proletariat withdraws the world basis from the world bourgeoisie by the fact that it destroys all classes supporting her and reproducing her (inclusively the worker aristocracy as her social sustainer within the labour movement). With the negation of the petty bourgeoisie the world bourgeoisie negates itself. However, the world proletariat isn't only executor of the petty bourgeoisie which is sentenced to death by the world bourgeoisie but also the leading strength of the new socialist, non-antagonistic international class society. What does that mean ? That means, bit by bit the petty bourgeoisie makes itself superfluous at the construction of the world socialism, merges into the socialist society under the dictatorship of the world proletariat , does no longer work compulsively in the sweat of its brown for its own class` self-preservation against two more powerful classes simultaneously as in times of capitalism when the petty bourgeoisie had to prevail against bourgeoisie and proletariat but from now on the petty bourgeoisie only works for the proletariat. The petty bourgeoisie is older than the bourgeoisie and - got long in the tooth - must not safe one's hide arduously within the next, the socialist generation of the class-society for the very reason that socialism does not need it in the long run. World socialism assimilates and absorbs the class-differences globally (continuation of the process of unity and struggle) in a long period of transition into the classless society.
The world petty bourgeoisie is only in so far “revolutionary” as it supports the world proletariat's aim to abolish the petty bourgeoisie for the purpose of the classless society. If the unity of the world proletariat is the strongest weapon in the fight for the socialist world revolution, then results from this unquestionable truth just as unquestionably, that it would be disastrous for the world proletariat to go into the unity with such reactionary petty bourgeois elements, who stream in the revolutionary ranks in a considerable number to disrupt, to split and to topple the fight for the socialist world revolution; short: The world proletariat won` t allow to be subordinated under the influence, under the rule of the petty bourgeoisie and with that under the rule of the world bourgeoisie. As the tail end of the petty bourgeois "anti-globalisation-campaign" the world proletariat would be at the mercy of the world bourgeoisie. The world proletariat leads its own anti-globalisation struggle against world capitalism as part of the struggle for global socialism. If this aim will be support by progressive elements of the petty bourgeoisie then they are welcome otherwise these elements will be eliminated.
So today's capitalist world order is a global exploitation and oppression system, which is not only using much more brutal and more corrupt practices and finespun methods, then the different exploitation and oppression systems of the countries altogether, but also throws the rest of the world into the proletariat and with that into the misery mercilessly. The globalised exploitation- and oppression system of world capitalism is the most brutal and most radical one in the history of mankind. It is not alone a sort of exploitation- and oppression system which destroys all its previous sorts of exploitation- and oppression systems but it is not able to maintain its own power even in the last corner of the globe. with other words it is self-destructively. It is the world capitalism which pulls down not only the national barriers but also all the other barriers as the previous barriers between poor and rich countries, the barriers between workers and the worker aristocracy which the world capitalism cannot fatten financially any more to protect oneself from the world proletariat. World capitalism withdraws itself from its own social sustainer etc.. World capitalism subdues everything and everybody under the law of profit, last not least itself. The law of the world capitalism forces the world capitalism to submit to his own destruction. Whether world bourgeoisie or world proletariat, there's nothing else for it but fight or death, win the mare or lose the halter, bloody world civil war or None. "Socialism or death?!" This question is inescapable for both the world proletariat and the world bourgeoisie. Once this question applied to the encircled "single" socialist country. Once the proletariat had to put the question on solving the up building of socialism in a single country and now “socialism or death?” has become a global question which has to be solved by the global class. The world capitalism has passed to intensify the poverty in all countries of the world cosmopolitically, globally) and to be more precise, to an even higher and faster extent than it withdraws the wealth of all countries cosmopolitically (globally).
And in the same manner of this materialized cosmopolitanism also the spiritual one goes on vulgarizing - much to the chagrin of the elder materialized and spiritual nationalism, much to the regret of certain petty bourgeois elements which will be strangled by world capitalism and who - therefore - drown out the other's clamour, while the millions of proletarian masses bear their global tribulations bravely, suffering days of silent anguish and black despair.
These petty bourgeois elements are dangerous because they drown out the voice of the proletarian masses in general and the voices of the world labour movement and the communist movement in particular, because the proletariat cannot hinder a millionfold infiltration of proletarianising petty bourgeois elements or other classes who drop down into the proletariat in the course of the capitalist globalisation `s development. A global class like the world proletariat needs enormous strength and a lot of time to assimilate all these strange class elements in a global scale. We `ll never forget how difficult this was for the proletariat of a single country. However the world proletariat will master all this much more thoroughly and above all the world proletariat irretrievable gets rid of the permanent and attritional tug of war with the petty bourgeois elements, with intellectualism and labour aristocracy in the course of the world revolution. All these clashes with antagonist classes which took once so much patience and efforts can be overcome and all these - once so necessary and unavoidable deteriorations of strengths - can be fully used to the advantage of the up building of world socialism. Additionally world capitalism by itself contributes to the global grinding pressure of the middle classes by the polarization of the world bourgeoisie and the world proletariat. Sure enough the petty bourgeoisies shout for the "peaceful coexistence" of both the global antagonist classes and cry for a "stalemate", why the middle classes ebb between world bourgeoisie and world proletariat, just to get out of a tight spot. It would be the kindest for the world lower middle class if the world bourgeoisie and the world proletariat mutually destroy themselves and the lower middle class is left as a "winner." It longs to return to its great time when there were neither the bourgeoisie nor the proletariat who make their life a misery.
All this teaches us vividly how the unification process of the world proletariat has to take place or more precisely how it should not at all take place. Lenin teaches: Before unification comes demarcation. For the world proletariat does this mean to draw consequently a demarcation line to the petty bourgeois elements and to unite the most progressive elements of the proletariat itself, especially the elements of the global industrial workers. "Proletarians of all countries - unite!" does not mean to unite together with strange class elements. This is the first step of the unification. Is this completed then the world proletariat can follow the second step of unification. At first the proletarians call for their own emancipation and after that they call for the liberation of the whole world, after that they call the other class elements to join and follow the proletarian `s leadership "World proletariat - unite all countries!" Before the world proletariat calls for the liberation of the whole world, respectively the liberation of all the other oppressed and exploited classes, it has to build up its proletarian detachments in every single country. To avoid mistakes the proletariat shall follow this general line principled as well as flexible
The global decline of the petty bourgeoisie as a class runs ahead of the decline of the hundreds of years old world `s petty bourgeois ideology and therewith condemned to death as a most aggravating and repressive influence within the proletariat.
Let `s add some basic details to the dialectic of the international class struggle:
What is international class-struggle ?
The fight of the workers of all countries becomes the international class struggle not until all progressive representatives of the working classes of the countries are conscious as global subjects of the monolith class of the world proletariat, which means that they do not struggle against single capitalist countries by their own, but as one and only force against the whole class of the world bourgeoisie inclusively against all those forces supporting this class and international capitalist corporate bodies. The increase and extension of the international class struggle is based on the degree of the basic contradictions `s development between world capital and world labour. Unity and struggle of this contradiction have a different effect due to the non-uniformity of the economic and political development of every single country. Completely new forms of the class struggle in every single country are developed by the new formation of the all dominant international class struggle. These changes take place under the old cover of the well known formula: "class struggle in the country of one's own". However form and content became different in comparison with the old, traditional formula. It is the global content of the class struggle expressed in different national forms. Related to the global content of the class struggle this old formula encounters more and more national borders and gets powerless in the face of the superior forces of the world capital, which dominates and subordinates all countries in general and the class struggle within the countries in particular. So the former formula of the class struggle in the country of one's own must absolutely throw off the old cover because this hinders, restricts and impedes the higher, the global development of the class struggle. The globalisation of capital involves unavoidably the globalisation of class-struggle and therefore a new modification of the content of the old formula: class-struggle in one `s own country. In no way class struggle is concerned with a partial process of downturn and stumble or with its pure relocation or exportation abroad.
The class struggle cannot be exported abroad. The following views of things are extremely harmful and to be more precise in two different ways: "Class struggle in one `s own country is dead!" and should be replaced by the new formula: "Long live the international class struggle!" The "either-or-law" as well as the "neither-nor-law" would be not only completely wrong but would lead to suicide because this would violate the indispensable necessity of the class struggle in one `s own country for unfolding the global class struggle. This would be a formula which serves better to the world bourgeoisie, namely to curtail the international class struggle of its detachments in the hinterland, of its reserves in every single country. Rejection of class-struggle in one's own country bursts global class struggle ´s bubble.
And now we are coming to the other extremely wrong formula:
"Every single working class builds up its own bulwark to shield from world capitalism!" and: "Calling for internationalist solidarity and support for one `s own bulwark against world capitalism!" To keep one's nose out of the global class-struggle and to shrink to the class struggle in one `s own country is equivalent to the formula: "Charity begins at home!"
This is nothing more than a declaration of capitulation to the world bourgeoisie and as well suicidal - moreover grist to the mill of the fascist propaganda of their "Anti-Imperialism", rebirth of the old nationalism on a "higher" (fatal) stage. This qualitative transformation of the class character in the country of one's own takes place not irrespectively from a movement being self-contained and self-sufficient, not as a whole in itself compared with its former national class-movement but the class character grows now as a part from the globally growing world, as a detachment of the global class struggle, as the spreading of the global class struggle into every single country. Exactly thereby the class struggle in one `s own country receives a new impetus, strength and breeding ground, not only by the overall global class struggle but also by the class struggle in all the other countries in the one or other way because all of them are transformed similarly in parts of a whole, in detachments of the world army of the proletariat.
And just because of the fact that they can all interact as parts of a whole they are able to take action and effect on the global whole - in their specific, in their partial way.
Thereby they retroact as well to their own country and to all the other single countries. By this development the class-struggle in one `s own country gets more and more a global character and is nearing itself to a (partial) qualitative leap. However, in itself, this qualitative leap cannot finish or solve the class contradictions in one `s own country until the global class contradictions did not come to an end or were solved. The development of the class struggle in one `s own country depends more and more on its involvement in the global contradictions of class-struggle. So to speak, the class struggle in the country of one's own boosts by the increasing basic contradiction between world capital and world labour, revives on a higher stage and is reactivated by global impulses which drive on all the single countries as proletarian detachments. How does this happen?
There is one reason why the unity of the proletarians in a single country is so hard to achieve and why the proletarians of a single country are disjointed. This reason is the enormous (economic, political, ideological, cultural) pressure of the bourgeoisie, a pressure which comes from inside and outside the country and is forced by the boundless capital (and not less by its reformist and revisionist lackeys!). The capital enforces this pressure which makes difficult the unification.
In view of this bourgeois pressure the frustration of the proletarians is not surprising when they think about their unity. This pressure can be decompressed if it is shared by the proletarians of other countries, by the world proletariat - with other words: by globalism resistance of each country. A sorrow shared is a sorrow halved.
By degree the proletarians will experience and learn that they all belong to a global class, that they are all part of the world proletariat that it is their unity-strength which comes from the world proletariat and goes to the world proletariat that every single country is not forsaken as parts of the proletarian world.
With the backing of the unity from outside the unification is easier for the proletariat of a single country, it is encouraged for the unity. Together everything works easier. Nobody is forsaken. One for all and all for one.
How shall the world proletariat throw its own departments onto the global battle-field if there is nothing but decidedness and disunity? This would be a really wretched, embarrassing and shameful unity but not a proletarian one, let alone a world proletarian unity! The bourgeois infection of ill-discipline and disunity is not very different. This would be really a wretched, embarrassing and shameful discipline but not a proletarian one, let alone a world proletarian discipline! If the proletariat of a country, however, sees from a global angle that the world proletariat marches unanimously and in a disciplined manner, it will keep in the same step with the world proletariat, it will keep in the same disciplined step even in the country of one's own, it will feel accountable for the global matter as well as for the matter in one `s own country, it will be able to recognize the necessity of the overcoming of its own disunity and ill-discipline much better in the global mirror of all the others. This step in this or that country is still faster than that one of the world proletariat but the world proletariat makes progress to step faster than the proletariat in one `s own country. Sooner or later the world proletariat becomes a pacemaker of the proletarian unity and discipline in every country of the world. With every single step by which the proletarians march on towards the liberation from their own disunity and ill-discipline the world proletariat will be able to speed up the unification process of the proletarians in all countries. And again this global power of the proletarians` unity becomes the motivating force for the unity within every single country. This is the dialectics of the unification `s proportion between the proletariat of a single country and the world proletariat. Unity is the greatest treasure of all proletarians in the world. This treasure of unity still lies snug on the bottom of the world imperialist sea. Global unity weighs so heavily that it cannot be recovered by the proletariat of a single country and not even by a socialist country. The treasure of global unity can only be jointly recovered. And once recovered unity is so preciously that it can be guarded and sheltered only with the eyeballs of all proletarian detachments of the world proletariat.
To understand the watchword: "World proletariat - unite all countries!" that means to understand the dialectics of the international class struggle which will influence the class struggle in the countries substantially and which will subordinate all of them evermore in future. "World proletarians - unite all countries!" - this is the dialectical negation of the negation of "Proletarians of all countries - unite!" and fundamentally the Marxist-Leninist law of the unification` s motion - discovered by the Comintern (ML). To put a finer point on it: The negation of "Proletarians of all countries - unite!" has to take place in such a way that it is open and sensible to the implementation of the watchword: "World proletariat - unite all countries!" Both of the watchwords have to be harmonized and dovetailed. The watchword: “Proletarians of all countries - unite!" has its own characteristic way to be negated so that the development of the other watchword: "World proletariat - unite all countries!" can be derived from it.
But what` s about the negation of the watchword: "World proletariat - unite all countries"? By the negation of the watchword: "World proletariat - unite all countries!" the classless society will be created but this takes time. The world proletariat doesn't dissolve into thin air. In the contrary, the world proletariat shall have raised the complete world population on a higher standard and we don't talk about a revolutionary class within a class-society any more but of a communist society where everyone, even the last individual, has got so revolutionary that everybody is exempted from the necessity of any political revolution. In the communist society there is not a world proletariat as the only revolutionary class . What is a revolution good for in a classless society? Political revolutions are always class-related. It is then no longer only the Communists within the old class society who deny the necessity of the existence of the classes but all people of the classless, communist society.
First there is the self- emancipation of mankind and then the emancipation of mankind from nature. In the first time of history this entire communist global society is no longer revolutionary towards oneself but towards nature. It is for the first time when the social development of the world stops being a political world revolution by the elimination of the class differences. The last negation of the negation of all revolutions ever is the negation of the negation of the socialist world revolution. For the first time the Communist doesn't fight for the self-emancipation of mankind any more but for its emancipation from nature with the help of the derived unification-formula:
"People of the whole world - unite with all the natural forces of this earth!"
This watchword is at all the negation of the negation of all watchwords of the whole history of the class struggle, namely the unification with nature, the fusion of man with nature, the rebirth of the child of nature, on the highest stage of its development. It is the unification of all forward motions - and development laws between nature, society and thinking, it is the unity of man with nature on a higher and higher stage. Man develops his freedom in harmony with the laws of nature recognized, discovered and mastered by himself. More and more the people recognize the sustainability of intervention in nature and learn to dominate (to master) nature, however not hitherto as exploiter, destroyer and parasite at the nature.
"The more this happens, however, the more the people do not only feel but also know about their close communion with nature ; and therefore the more impossible will be that absurd and unnatural vision of a contradictoriness between mind and matter, man and nature, body and soul - and the more impossible will be all these relics of the downfall of the antiquity in Europe which received their highest education by the Christianization" (Engels, „ Anteil der Arbeit an der Menschwerdung des Affens“, MEW, volume 20, page 453; German edition, free editor `s translation).
The dialectical materialism determines unity and struggle of the contradictions between Man and Nature. As man liberates himself, he liberates from nature and liberates nature from itself. What does this mean ? The human being in particular and the being of nature in general is not any longer determined by their struggle to survive but vice versa all being is mastered by the humans. In this respect the human beings intervene the nature `s struggle to survive and help to liberate nature from its struggle to survive. It is true that nature needs opportunities for its urgent regeneration from all the capitalism `s crimes towards the nature but it is also true that there are self-destructive forces within nature which harm or aggravate its own development, so that we have to protect nature from itself. We have to remove both the obstacles caused by the human beings and those of nature by itself to support its development on a higher stage. Mastering the forces of nature does not mean to let nature take its course spontaneously. The human beings have to support nature by abolishing the inevitableness of its struggle to survive the inevitableness to obey its own feral and untamed rules of self-acting.
Humans and nature form a global unity opposite to the universe, struggle for mastering universal forces, intervene the self-acting course of ther universe. Following the unity and struggle of the contradictions between our world and our universe we step to the last formula: “Human beings – unite with the universal forces of the cosmos!” This is the ultimate and highest derivation of the negation `s negation of man `s unification which opens new aspects and perspectives of mankind `s development – living in unity, in prosperity and harmony with the universe – the struggle for the emancipation of universal human beings to make universe humanely. Burgeonisation and prosperity of life in the universe that `s the purpose of the universal human transformation – this is universal communism. However instead of this universal communist transformation of life capitalism changes the universe into a cesspool. Where profit prospers there remains only darkness and desertedness. Profit wreaks hevoc with all life, with the whole globe, with the whole universe, with everything it is involved.
The universe belongs to all the beings. It future times it may be the universal place and space where beings share their life and where they live commonly together. Socialisation of our planet , socialisation of the universe, communisation of the universe, universal communism coming a close second after globalised communism – all this is interesting. People shall spent their time for these far reaching communist ideas of unifying the universe, for developing their universal character. Indeed, there are interelations between the globalisation and the universilation of the laws of unification and it is for sure, that taking good care about our planet means to take good care about the whole universe. However soothsaying and fortune-telling is really not our cup of tea ... first of all we have to cope with the daily needs of the people, we have to care about the fastest and easiest way for the necessary abolishment of the inevitableness of capitalism ... here on earth...