Author `s free, revised and improved translation of the German original text:











Appeal


of the

Communist International

(Marxists- Leninist)


decided on the 31st December, 2006

(at our 6th anniversary)


Wolfgang Eggers


Words which change the world:


"World proletariat - unite all countries! "


Communism strikes back !


From now on this pronunciamento (pronouncement) will spread around the world and make history ! It will galvanize the international workers` socialist revolution.

"World proletariat - unite all countries !"

This rallying cry heralds a new era of the proletariat` s political world power, the era of the world dictatorship of the proletariat. It is a sign that the world proletariat is on its victorious way to free all the people of the world from capitalist exploitation and oppression.

"World's proletariat - unite all countries!"

these are the future key words to crush down the whole world capitalist system. The world proletariat is the unifier of all countries in their struggle against the world capitalist system. The world proletariat can only realize its world revolutionary mission as the unifier of all countries. That` s the new Marxist-Leninist message delivered by the Comintern (ML) ! The development of the socialist revolution in the countries is directly and entirely at the mercy of the revolutionary development of the world proletariat.

At present the majority of our opponents prefer to remain mute about our newest world revolutionary standpoints because they fear to lose face in an open confrontation with us. The truth is that they conflict with our newest Marxist-Leninist teachings about the world revolution. They criticize the new teachings of the world revolution by all those Marxist-Leninist teachings which were correctly created before the times of globalization - namely in times of the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin and the Socialist Albania of Enver Hoxha. Mixing up or equating the historical periods - this is the typical problem of the neo- revisionists. They try to criticize Marxism-Leninism (of the newest period) as to be sectarian by "Marxism-Leninism" (Marxism-Leninism of the former historical periods). However this „method“ is totally anti-Marxist-Leninist as well as it is totally impossible to criticize the truth by the "truth". From the side of "left" opportunism, from the side of dogmatism, every necessary development of Marxism-Leninism is criticized, because it collides with old principles which were valid in their times. Dogmatism however changes those principles, which are only valid for their valid times, into those principles with universally valid character. Dogmatism hinders therefore Marxism-Leninism to be transferred as a higher developed world revolutionary theory into the necessarily higher developed world revolutionary movement. Dogmatism makes the world revolutionary movement standing still. Standing still is the same as a step backwards. Dogmatism is ossification, is inflexible, is rigidity, is the death of the world revolution., is counter-revolutionary.

The right opportunism tries to assimilate openly Marxism-Leninism by bourgeois ideology, tries to degenerate the revolutionary spirit of the world revolutionary ideas of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Enver Hoxha, tries to dilute Marxism-Leninism, tries to cut off its imprescriptible principles, tries to sell Marxism-Leninism to the bourgeoisie. The right opportunism only accepts such "theories" of the world revolution, and goes only conform with such models of "world socialism" and such manipulated quotations of the 5 classics which makes capitalism restorable, which do not harm the further existence or regeneration of world capitalism. What they want is to get the world power of revisionism, the power of bourgeois world socialism. So, the neo-revisionists reduce their "criticism" on modern revisionism on the "mistakes" which led allegedly to the defeat of state-power in a single country, in the socialist camp and which caused apparently the failure of the revisionists` power on an international scale. Neo-Revisionists fight for the re-conquest of revisionism at power. Of course, the neo-revisionists do not openly say so but they intend to do this in reality. You must prove revisionists by their deeds and not by their words ! The revisionists misuse Marxism-Leninism for their explanation attempts of their defeat of state-power. However, Marxism-Leninism teaches that these are certainly not any "mistakes" of the revisionists to restore socialism. In reality these were the methods of disarming the dictatorship of the proletariat, these were unavoidable instruments to re-establish the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, the consequent way of the transformation from socialism to capitalism under the banner of Marxism-Leninism. The restoration of capitalism on an international stage, that` s what the world bourgeoisie is forced to establish by a new type of revisionists - the world revisionists - agents of the world bourgeoisie within the ranks of the Marxist-Leninist movement of the world proletariat. If we Marxists-Leninist spread the slogan: "World` s proletariat - unite the countries!", then the revisionists try to unite the countries against the world proletariat just with this our slogan! Of course, the revisionists hide behind the banner of the Marxist-Leninist world movement as their fig-leaf.

What is new in the struggle against neo-revisionism?

With this article we force the revisionists to mask themselves behind our new slogan: "World` s proletariat - unite all countries!"

This is much more difficult for them than to hide behind our long theoretical writings. The more concretely we work with world revolutionary slogans, the more concretely the revisionists have to react and to come out, the more concretely they can be unmasked. Our slogans help us Marxists-Leninist to put our theory into practice. This is an instrument to It is our duty to remove the revisionists from the all-round position of the Marxist-Leninist, from its universal arguments, a weapon which the revisionists prefer now to direct against us Marxists- Leninist. The Comintern (ML) is no debating society for indeterminate debates. Our slogans are calls of international revolutionary activities for the world proletariat.


The world proletariat does not need endless debates on dead theorization. It needs a stirring idea to put an end to the misery. It needs a convincing vision of a better world. The world proletariat needs a world revolutionary watchword to keep going the international class struggle, to lead it on the way to liberation. The world proletariat needs a clear and catchy slogan which heralds and expresses the beginning of its own world revolutionary liberation movement. The international worker needs his own international fighting banner, under which he can march together with all workers of the whole world against the shared misery ! Well, the real revolutionary upswing is not still coming immediately but when it comes (and this is an imperative necessity), we have already worked out the draft of the revolutionary world theory to describe the shortest and easiest way towards liberation. This will keep it away from spontaneous petty bourgeois ways. In short: It is on the time to present the world proletariat openly and honestly our world political line of vision, our world revolutionary idea in a concisely form.


Our efforts, all our aims and tasks, our line and our program - all this is concentrated in our new call: "World proletariat - unite all countries!" We know that this world banner only can be raised by the workers themselves. They are the standard-bearers.


We know that our slogan alone is not enough; it has to become part of the movement, it has to take effect in the class struggle, we have to bring it into the movement.


There are people who use to stifle and to end unpleasant theoretical discussions with the handing out of a new watchword. We, however, throw down the gauntlet with that. Our slogan is of tough stock. We have the pleasure to prove this in this document.


Although we don't have any world revolutionary situation, we have already found out the watchword which is strong enough to deprive the world imperialist power. Our watchword is unbeatable because it is irrefutable. And it is irrefutable because it reflects the course of the mankind history correctly. What did Marx and Engels say? They said: "Before the proletariat gains his victories on barricades and into battle lines it announces the arrival of his power by a number of intellectual victories " to " (MEW, volume 7, page 416, German edition).

However, we ` ve got to leave our own antiquated opinions about the proletarian ideology which were correct in appropriate times of socialism in a "single" country. Now we live in times of globalised capitalism without any socialist country. We live in times of the globalised proletarian revolution against globalised capitalism. We are living in times when the contradiction of productive forces and the relations of production globalised. The degree of the sharpening of the globalization of this contradiction is according to the degree of sharpening of the globalization of the contradiction between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, is an indicator of the development of the Great Proletarian World Revolution. As a science socialism has to be handled scientifically, has to be studied, has to be proved under the changing conditions of changing times. As the only revolutionary science the socialism has to be revolutionized. A revolutionary science which is not permanently updated will degenerate to revisionism, to dogmatism.. whatever, but not to a revolutionary guide to global class struggle-action. The old principles were worked out under conditions of the simultaneously existing two social camps - capitalism and socialism. Now, we live in the period of the one and only existing world capitalist system. This means to replace the old Marxist-Leninist principles, which were then useful and necessary, but which have lost their meaning at present. So, our Marxist-Leninist principles have to be further developed, developed as a science of the socialist global revolution. By no means the world proletariat can herald its power by a number of intellectual victories with rusty intellectual weapons. However, it is even much more impossible to offer the proletariat rusty weapons, this is very simply despicable, this is a crime at the worker because they condemn him to the defeat before he has taken the fight at all!



What is an international labour movement without orientation, without intellectual victories? A blind wander on barricades and battle lines! Who wants to wander about aimlessly in the class struggle ?Unlikely ! Scarcely anybody ! And us Communists? Who is the Communist letting the workers wander about? Scarcely any Communist! The worker claims to know, how to dig himself out of the capitalist hole.

We Communists have to give him answers on all his questions - not any answer but the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth - no matter how sticky the workers` position might be - unvarnished and without beating about the bush. We have not to tell so, what they want to hear. We have to defend the truth - even if the workers don` t follow us in this or that moment. We have patiently to convince them the same way we have patiently to learn from the workers and correct our wrong views. Communists, workers, we all have to prove our visions in the practice of class - struggle. The worker wants to know what he must do to change his miserable situation. Self-knowledge, self-consciousness, that` s it, what the proletarians all over the world have to acquire. The strength of the world revolutionary consciousness constitutes the strength of the international labour movement.

Therefore there is no other task more important than to get knowledge about the process of the movement of the own proletarian class, its nature, its aims, its conditions, its practical forms and above all its mass character:


With every new day of the capitalism` s globalization the amount of the world proletarians increases. The new type of a world wage labourer detaches himself from any former type of wage labourer. It` s the new international worker with a new internationalist consciousness who will lead the world revolution.


Which are the future foundation pillars of the coming international labour movement?


1st centralized world theoretical fight [The Comintern (ML) is now at this stage];

2nd centralized world political fight;

3rd centralized practical economic fight (united resistance to the world capitalists.)


If we Marxists-Leninist bring in line all these 3 sides of the fight, if we organize the world class struggle in this way, then we have not only a strong but also an invincible international revolutionary labour army.

We have to find out whether the theoretical foundation pillars still withstands the new international requirements and extraordinary burdens, whether rips or material defects have arisen some place. We must carry out an analysis. We need a revision period to verify the Marxist Leninist theory under globalised conditions. We have to replace or to remove carefully antiquated principles. Other principles have to be retained unchanged.


We need professional people for this work. At present this people are few and far between. However, there are far too much revisionist charlatans. We don` t need such people who call themselves "Marxists-Leninist" , who fill old wine in new skins. We need not antiquated principles over-brushed with red colour. We don` t have to plaster our theoretical weaknesses, we have to unearth the truth about our theoretical disorientation and we have to overcome practically the consequences because of such failures. Let` s have a look upon the theoretical foundation pillars of the international labour movement, particularly the question of the unification. Let` s begin with a general overhaul of Marxism-Leninism in the period of the socialist revolution` s globalization.



Before we shall come to the conclusions of the general overhaul, before we introduce and present our new watchword to the world proletariat, it is unavoidably, to verify the historical development of the international labour movement under our old, still valid watchword: "Proletarians of all countries unite!" We must learn to understand that this watchword shall get a new meaning under global conditions. We have to trace back this watchword of Marx and Engels through all former times of the labour movement under the particular aspect of its internationalist character and its developing and changing different national forms. If one simply slaps a new watchword off the top of one's head - without, firstly, checking it for the most urgent present questions of the international labour movement and without, secondly, deriving it from the generalization of the development way covered historically, then neither the direction nor the aim of today's international labour movement can be determined scientifically, objectively determined. Otherwise this leads to pure speculations, to all kinds of subjectivism about the watchword of Marx and Engels. Speculative watchwords, on the contrary, do not serve but do mislead the international labour movement - and this means in consequence: to fall into the revisionists` clutches And to fall into the revisionists` clutches means the ongoing subordination under the class interests of the world bourgeoisie ... and exactly this shall be avoided and overcome with our new watchword in completion of the old internationalist watchword of Marx and Engels.

To so lead the world proletariat to the world revolutionary light from the world reactionary darkness, utmost care is advisable because with the devising of the most central watchword of the world proletariat we carry a great responsibility. But we would be bad world revolutionaries if we would shirk this responsibility. If we want to serve the world proletariat, then it is our duty to go ahead because no-one can relieve us of this duty in the whole world. The world proletariat will forgive us world revolutionaries if we make mistakes but will mercilessly send us to the hell if we refuse Bolshevist criticism and self-criticism. To this criticism we fully stand. Such so called "world revolutionaries" who claim to leadership without contributing anything grave to the unfolding of the international labour movement and to the solution of its most urgent problems are completely a useless burden for the world proletariat. To lead the world proletariat means to convince it of the correctness of our revolutionary world politics which help the international worker bringing in the socialist world revolution, which eases him - by his own experiences - to recognize the correctness of our revolutionary world politics, which make it possible to get a higher consciousness standard, to safeguarding his readiness for the fight for the socialist world revolution.



The communist idea is important in itself. It has to come under the influence of the struggling world workers, has to picked up and converted by all workers that the communist idea remains alive in them. It is important that the communist idea develops, that it remains as an developing idea - able to be grasped by the masses and transformed in mass-actions. It will blame no-one for us hopefully that we don't want to conceal our modest joy at it that it is an idea of Marx and Engels and that we German comrades could complete their old watchword by our new watchword "World workers - unite all countries!" This is a secondary flexible link of the infinite communist idea` s chain. Worker! Carry the banner of the communism tightly in your hands and assert your power! We wish that this call is brought to all workers in all countries that it is translated in all languages to lead the world proletariat to the victory.



All you revisionists - all you lackeys of the world capital - pay attention and listen:

The communism was confessedly beaten in a single socialist country, but growing as a world communism it hits back! ! !




Marx` and Engels` Manifesto of the Communist Party - 1848


When it was written - the manifesto of the communist party in February 1848 of Marx and Engels, finished with the call: "Proletarians of all countries - unite!", the working classes of single capitalist countries just once started to discover their united strength. In those times there was not yet the socialist proletariat at power. The workers were not yet ready for the socialist revolution and even not yet ripe for the proletarian world revolution. At that time the proletarians weren't still conscious about their world historical mission at all, and they really couldn't be conscious at all about this because the Marxism was still a very young science, started in few Western European states as France, England, Germany etc. So socialism as a science was developed in times when the labour movement developed, but not out of the spontaneous labour movement itself, because the labour movement doesn't reach spontaneously to the scientific nature of Marxism. This was in is still only possible outside the labour movement - only on scientific basis. World socialism is the world ideology of the world proletarian class struggle, is " subordinated under the general conditions of the creation, development and strengthening of the, which means: it footholds on the whole equipment of human knowledge, implies a high level of science, needs scientific work etc." (Lenin, Volume 6, page 155, „Brief an den ´Nordbund`“, German edition).. The science of socialism reflects the capitalist class society, has discovered the labour movement in this society and worked out its revolutionary way of the liberation scientifically. The Communists collected knowledge about the capitalist system, they analysed and generalized the conclusions of the workers` experiences of the real class struggles , discovered the revolutionary role and mission of the proletariat, have drawn up the teachings of the proletarian revolution, the teaching of the dictatorship the proletariat, recognized the internationalist nature of the proletariat, the necessity of the proletarians` association of all countries, the teachings of proletarian internationalism, the teachings of world socialism, world communism. However, all these are not any utopian "ideas" of any Communists, not self-made constructions by any "clever heads" but result of their arduous, scientific work about the actually ongoing development of the society in which they lived and which were part of their life. Presumed that we speak of a world socialist and world proletarian class consciousness in the course of this text, we must always distinguish both. An identification or equation of both terms is in this respect wrong because the socialism just cannot develop spontaneously by the labour movement. It is the proletarian ideology which must be worked out scientifically while the class consciousness of the workers world is developing spontaneously in the class struggle against the world capitalists, against the world bourgeoisie. Decisive is finally that the world proletarian consciousness cannot be raised on the qualitative level of the world socialist consciousness spontaneously. For this decisive step the world proletariat needs the help of the Communists, needs the science of Marxism-Leninism developed on its highest stage, permanently further developed by the Marxists-Leninist. We keep in mind what Stalin said. Necessarily the workers reach at socialism even without Marxism-Leninism. There is no doubt about it. But it is also true that the worker reaches at socialism in a shorter time, on an easier way by applying to Marxism-Leninism. Without Marxism-Leninism the way towards socialism is much more stony and paved with much more sacrifice (Stalin, "Letters from Kutais"). This is also true in regard of the stony path of the workers` unification. The worker overcomes his regional, national and finally worldwide isolation even without Marxism-Leninism. But led by proletarian internationalism the world proletariat arrives at the goal - unification of all countries - much more easier and earlier than without the usage of proletarian internationalism. Proletarian internationalism is the science of the workers` class-unification, an instruction to become a conscious monolith class of the world, is an instructions for its own unification in actions. Proletarian Internationalism is not at all a matter of spontaneous development as a result by sheer chance, is not based on subjectivistic wishful utilitarian thinking. Proletarian Internationalism is scientifically determined. International solidarity on the highest stage implies the highest stage of internationalist consciousness - proletarian internationalism.


It is the Communist International Party which systematically plans and organizes this. The world proletariat cannot fight for the world communism spontaneously but only consciously: -

The necessary further development of the world proletarian movement towards the world communist movement under leadership of the Communist International Party - this is the main task of us world revolutionaries and only from this Marxist-Leninist point of view our parole: "world proletariat - unite all countries!" makes sense. This is the correct path towards the Great Proletarian World Revolution. All least deviations from this Marxist-Leninist point of view invite revisionist abuse. The whole revisionist trick is to change our formula into a dangerous weapon in the hands of the class enemy against the revolutionary interests of the world proletariat. Because of this our formula is only to such degree efficient as we master the circumventions of its revisionist abuse.

The identification of world proletarian and world communist movement is only in this respect permitted, as one with that thinks: the fusion of international labour movement and scientific socialism, the leadership of the world proletarian class struggle on the basis of the proletarian ideology on the basis of the Marxism-Leninism, therefore the fusion of world revolutionary theory and world revolutionary practice. So the world proletariat can unite all countries only under that prerequisite if it unites the Marxism- Leninism with itself, if it acquires the Marxism-Leninism. Uniting all countries for the world revolution - this can only be achieved by the world proletariat, if it is guided by Marxism-Leninism. For this the communist Marxist-Leninist world movement is fighting today. We Hoxhaist identify the communist Marxist-Leninist world movement as the Hoxhaist world movement. There is no communist Marxist-Leninist world movement beside the Hoxhaist movement. The Hoxhaist world movement is the only true communist Marxist-Leninist world movement. Without Hoxhaism "Marxism-Leninism" can be all but not Marxist-Leninist. In principle there is no difference between Hoxhaism and Marxism-Leninism. Hoxhaism is Marxism-Leninism which is based on the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Enver Hoxha. With this we want to express our differentiation to our opponents who define Marxism-Leninism without the teachings of Enver Hoxha. So called "Marxism-Leninism" which excludes the teachings of Enver Hoxha is revisionism. The ideology of today's world revolutionary proletarian movement is based on the teachings of all 5 classics of the Marxism-Leninism. If you divide them or if you exclude one of them, it` s revisionism.





"Uniting all countries"...

... starts with ...

... "uniting the proletarians as an internationalist class"


or


"How everything started in the history of the proletarian world unification ..."



.... On the very first stage of the worker movement` s development,on its initial stage, many workers were longing for taking revenge at their factory-owners. Imbued with hatred they crushed machines (period of machine wrecking), blew up whole factories into the air and even shot dead the tormenting capitalists because of their distressed families, because they sank into the slough of Despond urged by the inhuman treatment and exploitation of the capitalist. First machines - then the single capitalist. However in the course of time an enmity developed from the single capitalist towards the whole class of the capitalists. Simultaneously with their hate against the class enemy the workers developed their own friendship and solidarity in their factory, at their working place, in their location, their city, their living place. This was one and the same process of the labour movement` s genesis, the very beginning of the process from the being of the proletarian class " in itself" towards a conscious class "for itself". This class-consciousness was far away from a consciousness of the country` s proletarian class, and much far away from the consciousness of the world proletariat. In the beginning of the labour movement the momentum, the motivating force of the unification -process of the working class arose out of the hatred about and finally against the exploitation of the capitalists.

It is said that the workers do unite instinctively, spontaneously, that they

incline towards unification by "themselves". There are people who are of vast reading. They hold their` s nose about the term "class instinct", however this is one of those things, important appearances of the workers` movements. To study the meaning of class instinct is part of studying the teachings of the working class` unification. Last not least, in very awkward situations, in certain moments, it was just the workers` instinct which saved the labour movement from the corruptive influence of certain "birds of a feather", perfidious elements, who demagogic suck up to the workers. And then there are some intellectual wise guys, some cunning fellows or smart-alecks who would "advise" the workers to unite with such elements who butter the workers up just to bring about their downfall. Further progress of the unification rather comes true by relying on one` s own class-instinct than following the "wise" advices of class-foreign elements. Class instinct helps (to make a remark: not as an exclusive criterion but sometimes as a thoroughly valuable criterion which should not be underestimated!)

to distinguish real allies from wrong "allies."

On the one hand spontaneous workers` unification and socialist workers` unification are a tremendous difference, however on the other hand they are part or stages of the same development, the unification-process of the only revolutionary class on earth - the world proletariat. Socialist unification is nothing without spontaneous unification and vice versa. The combination, the link (and "to certain degree even the fusion" as Lenin taught us) of the spontaneous workers movement and the scientific socialism, the Marxist-Leninist ideology - this is the ideal form of the socialist revolutionary world movement. We Marxists-Leninist are fighting against worshipping the spontaneity of the workers` unification as well as against worshipping a sectarian "socialist" unification which ignores the necessity of combining spontaneous labour movement with socialist science. The socialist movement is the unification of spontaneous mass movement and scientific socialism.



It doesn't have to be denied that the workers have "further bequeathed" their experiences about and through their unification from generation to generation. And with this they also "further bequeathed" their consciousness of their unification. It doesn't have to be denied furthermore that the bourgeoisie works feverishly to bury alive the class instinct of the workers and to force them under bourgeois cultural slavery and class-foreign ideology. By all ideological means the bourgeoisie tries to prohibit and to paralyse the unification process of the working class. The bourgeoisie tries to impede that the worker becomes conscious about his class-position, about the necessity of his unification, about the unification for the purpose of class-struggle, for the purpose to establish the dictatorship of the proletariat. The bourgeoisie wages an ideological class warfare against the great tradition of the workers` unification.


The worker strikes - as the main form of the labour movement - followed the machine wrecking. "You can break a finger, but not a fist!", " All wheels stand still if your strong arm wants it " ("Alle Räder stehen still, wenn dein starker Arm es will!" - German) -- These are two of the famous fight calls of the labour movement... which haven't lost their actuality. They bring to the expression the strength of the consciousness about the power of unification, and ... needless to say ... the capitalist was also conscious about this fact. Instead of only taking revenge at the capitalists the workers united for improved working conditions, for higher pay, for abbreviated working days etc. They forced the capitalists to collective concessions for the improvement in their situation or for the defence of the permanent deteriorations.

"The first attempts of the workers to associate always take the form of coalitions“ (Marx-Engels works, volume 4, page 180 - German edition).

These coalitions, associations, first forms of the labour union, were not only the first attempts to counter the ruinous competition of the workers on the labour market but the first attempts to abolish the competition at all.


The history of the labour movement shows that the way to the elimination of the unavoidableness of the competition of the workers is surfaced in the world scale with innumerable defeats on the labour market since the approximately middle of the 19th century. The larger the world capital is, the larger is the competition of the workers on the world labour market, the bigger is the fragmentation of the proletarians, the bigger the misery of their families, the deeper is the rage of the proletarian as the only means of their unification, the more important is the necessity of the international unification of the workers against her global competition among each other. The internationalizing resistance of the workers arises from their internationalized conditions of life, the sale of the labour ware on the world market. By the concentration of the capital and the competition on the world labour market - which is the most ruinous of all labour markets with the highest international unemployment-rate ever - the misery and the need of the complete world proletariat is increasing rapidly. If a global factory shuts down, the workers are thrown on the world` s streets - no matter in which countries this may happen. The international working class as a whole is hit by unemployment. No labour market makes it to a worker more difficult than the world labour market to fight for a still tolerable life standard. Under these aggravated conditions the unity of the world proletariat is a very long arduous and self-sacrificing development process o0f global dimension and nevertheless:

"People who endure so much to bend one single bourgeois also will be able to break the power of the whole bourgeoisie"(Fr. Engels, MEW, volume 2, page 442, German edition). And people who have endured so much to bend a whole capitalist country also will be able to break the power of the whole world bourgeoisie. People who "lapsed" into oblivion about the loss of the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin and about the loss of the socialist Albania of Enver Hoxha will never be able to fight for socialism` s return. And people who don't (want to!) remind any more (and primarily the workers) to the great history of the socialism in "a single" country never become world revolutionaries. In these countries the competition at the labour market and the labour market itself was already abolished, because the capitalist wage slavery was removed by the dictatorship of the proletariat. The proletarians of all countries will be strengthened by their unification to such extend that they can attain political power over these world capitalist exploitation instruments to remove this centuries old evil of the sale of workers` labour, the wage slavery, for ever. In the "German Ideology" (volume 3, MEW, page 61), Marx and Engels speak as follows about the competition which aggravates the unification process:

"Competition isolates the individuals, not only the bourgeois, but still more the proletarians against each other, nevertheless that competition musters the proletarians. It therefore lasts for a long time, till these individuals can unite [ particularly in the world scale - remark of the editor - ], irrespectively that the ignition of such unification process - if it is not locally restricted - needs the necessary means such as big industrial cities and the easy and quick access of communications by which big industries have to be established. Therefore every organized power is hard to be defeated by individuals who live under isolated conditions - conditions which are daily reproduced. This is immanently a contradictory process between isolation on the one side and unification on the other side - which can only be solved by difficult and long-termed battles" (free translation from German language - by the author). It can be taken by granted that this phenomenon of those times - in which capitalist nations started to develop - applies exceedingly to our time of globalization. Certainly, it is all about that global - that highest - level of contradiction between isolation and unification of the workers, the one and only level on which the internationalist unification of the workers is ripe for crashing the world capitalist system unavoidably. From the regional, to the national and finally to the global class struggle against isolation - that is the determined historical process of the workers` class-unification. The capitalist labour market forces the competition among the workers as well as the competition forces them to unite against ruinous competition and to struggle for its abolition. The end of the capitalist labour market is the end of the capitalist society. Abolishing the world` s capitalist labour market means abolishing the world` s capitalist society. And the only power to do this - is the world proletariat and only the world proletariat.

Fr. Engels wrote about the unification of the labour movement in his article: "The situation of the working class in England" (MEW, volume 2, page 436):


"They presupposed the discernment, that the power of the bourgeoisie is only based on the competition of the workers among themselves, i.e. on the fragmentation of the proletarians from the dichotomy of the individual workers among each other. And just because they aim at the competition - though only one-sided and in a restricted manner - thus at the vital lifeline of the present social order, just therefore they are so dangerous for the whole existence of the social order.

The worker can touch and attack the bourgeoisie - and implemented the whole bourgeois society - at no sorer spot than at it. If the competition of the workers is interrupted and disturbed, if all workers are determined to not let exploit themselves by the bourgeoisie any more, then the empire of the property is completely shattered.

The wage is merely a matter of demand and supply and therefore dependent on the accidental situation of the labour market only because of the fact that

the workers put up with it, because they let themselves be treated as a thing which one buys and sells.

If the workers appear as human beings considering the proper worth of work in this sense, if they put their feet down as people who do have a strong will and not just manpower, if the workers decide not to sell themselves then the whole today` s national economy, the capitalist laws of pay are over (all the more this is true concerning the whole world economy and the laws of world wages - remark of the editorial staff).

The law of wages would assert themselves again in the long run, though, if the workers would stop half-way at the abolition of the competition under themselves; but they cannot do this without giving up their previous movement, without reproducing this competition of the workers among themselves again, i.e.. they can't do it at all. The necessity forces them to abolish not only a part of the competition but the competition at all, and this they will do for certain."

"And alone the workers wouldn't know too well that the connections form the vying wage cut desire of their bread sirs of the bridle at least to some extent, they already would stay with it so therefore because they harm the manufacturers, their opponents. The damage of a party is the use of the other in the war " (MEW, ibid page 439, German edition -free translation from the German text).

The split of the proletarians is useful for the bourgeoisie. To overcome the split by the bourgeoisie is of use for the proletariat. The history of the international labour movement is the history of the overcoming of its split by the bourgeoisie, like the history of the communist world movement is the history of the overcoming of its split by the revisionists.

The essential aspect of the strike Engels formulated as follows:

"These Strikes are only outpost skirmishes, occasionally also more important battles, though; they decide nothing but they are the safest prove that the decisive battle approaches between proletariat and bourgeoisie. They are war school of the workers in which they prepare for the great fight which is unavoidable; strikes are the pronunciamentos of single work branches about their connection to the large labour movement. " (MEW, volume 2, page 441, German edition - free translation of the German edition).

The unification of the workers developed from the single factory area on the street, of the town and finally to general strikes in the whole country. Frequently one single strike spreads as a steppe fire in no time at all.

Under the conditions of the globalization the strikes take on global character directly and immediately, so they correspond completely to the revolutionary internationalist character of the proletarian class. That` s just the reason why we have to adjust new international forms of class struggle in accordance with the developing internationalist character of the proletarians all over the world. If we make a good job of mastering just this accordance then the world proletariat channels internationalist energy on the highest level, so that all attempts of splitting by the world capitalists shall try their patience.

What is the steppe fire of a strike in a single country compared with the conflagration of the international strike which all countries of the world follow? Which solidary strength do the workers of a country experience if all countries follow as a whole? Which fire power does the world proletariat unfold if it has united all countries for the global strike? How valuable is a worldwide strike to put the balance of power between the workers of the world and the world capitalists on the test ? About what we must talk, what do we have to organize and to master? We must support the broadening of nationwide strikes towards the level of a worldwide strike - as the world proletariat` s highest and furthest form of strikes. The workers shall learn to lead and to master their own global strikes to serve their global interests. Strikes of the world proletariat are "global war schools" for the socialist world revolution ...to speak with Engels` term: Global strikes are the "pronunciamentos" of the labour movements of the single countries on their link to the international labour movement: "Worker! If your strong arm wants it then every world capitalist stands still, the global capitalist machinery stands still!" However, we should keep clearly in mind that Engels just talked about strikes as a SCHOOL of class war. He differed the term "school of war" from the WAR itself. Class war starts with strikes but it does not end in itself with strikes. Strikes for themselves decide nothing, unless they escalate towards the political strike, towards direct forms of rebellions and revolutions! However, this is only possible, if it is a strike within a revolutionary situation, if the revolution is quasi on the brink, if the strike is led by the communist parties, by the headquarters of the communist parties .. the Comintern (ML), i.e...


The proletariat of every single country fights, strikes (and unites)! in a different way. This does not necessarily mean: better or not. Merely the forms and means of the unification are merely to some degree better and to some degree not better than those of the proletarians of other countries. What do we conclude from it? We have to built up new global forms of unification - simply by support of the generalized present and historical experiences of all national and regional forms of the workers` unification.

Firstly, from this results that one doesn't only compile and combine all positive qualities and experiences of the proletarians of any country who are involved in the strike (or non involved) in this or that international strike and simultaneously that one does n` t only try to avoid all impeding, negative qualities and experiences but

secondly, that all higher unification forms of the international strike also effect positively as well as negatively the unification process within every single country. And vice versa - as a retroactive force - the further development of the unification forms within each single country - impelled by the influence of the ongoing development of the international forms of unification - contributes its mite to the worldwide unification of all countries - their final global fusion of the labour movement` s unification of all countries.

Mastering the highest international forms of workers` unification is the mastering of the fusion of the highest unification forms of all countries is mastering international forms of workers` unification in every single country.


Mastering of the strike as an international fight form is therefore redefined as: Mastering of the fusion of the strikes of the proletarians of all countries for the international strike of the world proletariat for the international political general strike as the strongest of all strike forms. Of course one needs a Red International Labour Union to organize this in practice, and it is well known: it has already been founded in the year 2003 (see: home page of the Red International Labour Union). All we have said about the international unification forms and international is not restricted in itself, but is to be generalized and consequently transferred to every single global form of the workers` struggle. What we want to say is: there are not alone organizational and economical global forms of class-struggle but - much more important - all the global political forms of class-struggle, especially the global forms of the political unification of the world proletariat. And this is why the new foundation of the Comintern was unavoidable in the end of the year 2000. The world proletariat has to combine all the global ideological, economical, organizational and political forms of its own unification by support of the concentration and centralization of all proletarians` national unification forms by transforming the old national unification forms into parts (sections) of new global unification forms.


We finally come to the decisive point of the combination of labour movement and communist movement. The united international labour movement combined with the united communist world movement is the highest form of the class struggle` s movement. The fusion of these two united movements in the world scale, this means particularly the combination of all their fight forms, the development of new fight forms on higher and higher levels, is reached in the unification` s fight for the overcoming of the own dividedness in the class struggle against the world bourgeoisie.

The scientific discovery of the international unification of the proletarians made Karl Marx. He considered the proletarians as a global class able to gain its own internationalist thinking and ideology. Led by the famous watchword "Proletarians of all countries – unite!“ in 1864 the First International was founded in London. It was the time of the first great European class collisions against the upcoming dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. It was that time, when the proletariat started to appear openly against the national bourgeoisie and with this the whole world foresaw the coming new era of the political class struggle against capitalism. And Marx invited the proletarians of all countries in his famous Inaugural address of the First International: "not only to feel like a comrade of the emancipation army, but to act as a part of it" (MEW, Volume 16, page 191, German edition, free editor's translation).

Marx and Engels explained the history of the emergence of the working classes in the famous Communist Manifesto. This actually wasn't today's question of the world proletariat as a global class above the working classes of single countries. It was rather about classes of the developing advanced capitalist nations. The proletariat in different eras is not totally the same. There are decisive differences. Some characters stay unchanged others pass away. National particularities prove to be a bar to further international proceedings. The development of the united world proletariat is a long unification process of the class development within the development of the world capitalist society. When the single working classes of the capitalist countries developed in times of the First International, they just began to counteract the hindrances of the national level-crossing barriers in the class struggle. We have to take into consideration that this was a counter-movement against those capitalists who had already played off the proletarians of one nation against the proletariat of another for quite some time. With the watchword: "Proletarians of all countries - unite !" Marx and Engels at that time did not merely think about a pure, numerical "mass contingent" of all proletarians of the capitalist countries: " The number - for itself - contains doubtlessly an element of success. But numbers do only count by their right combinations and if they are led by knowledge. The former experience has turned out how disregard of the tie of fraternity - with which the workers of different countries ought to be bonded together and encouraged, to keep together in solidarity in all their fights for emancipation - always was punished by the common frustration of their disjoint attempts. It was (...) the consciousness, which encouraged the workers of different countries to found the International Association " (MEW, Volume 16, page 12/13, German edition, free editor's translation).


Such as the capital used to get access to the labour forces of the countries in the neighbourhood intending to set the workers in its own country under pressure and to blackmail them, the workers - for their part - obtained contact to the workers of other countries to resist commonly the capitalists who made mischief within the labour movement. The workers searched for contact to build up their international defensive front. This one started with economic fights, with strikes. The political movement was resulting out of the occasional economic movements namely at that moment where the workers appeared as a class (such as for the 8-hour-day) to succeed with their interests. Later, the 1st May movement, the fight day of the international working class, arose from it, too. This day unites the international working class. Until now, the Mayday proved to be one of the best examples of the old tradition` s strength and spiritedness of the worker union. The bourgeoisie has never managed in the whole world to hinder the workers celebrating this day, demonstrating their unity - and all this despite of thousands of innumerable violent and "peaceful" attempts.

So, at first, the initial spontaneous mutual help resulted from the practical experiences with the harmfulness of all national fragmentations. The workers recognized that, in the end, social reforms are never caused only by the weakness of the mighty but always by the united strength of the proletarians of all countries. Through the First International the spontaneous solidarity of the workers of different countries became more and more the conscious class action led by the spirit of real proletarian internationality. The more the workers had heard about the workers` situation in the other country the more they learnt all about their own situation, the more they found out the international common appearances of the worker` s situation, the more they felt and were conscious about the fact that they all were part of the same exploited class. They developed a kind of neighbourly class consciousness, a developing step of the general class consciousness, the class consciousness of the proletarians of all countries in germ form. The proletarian class-consciousness with its national different forms arose from the new capitalist countries. The consciousness of the world proletariat has its historical roots from those countries but it is qualitatively a quite another consciousness because it grows under global conditions. Well, the class-consciousness about international solidarity was an internationalist class consciousness on its very first step. Certainly, in the course of the history the proletarian world movement has further developed, it experienced higher layers of its development. We shall return to this later on. For the time being we pare down the fact that there is a particular interrelation between the respective historical developing step of the internationalist class-consciousness of the proletariat and the watchword: "Proletarians of all countries!" With other words: there is a different meaning of this watchword in different times. What was the world historical meaning of "Proletarians of all countries - unite!" in times of Marx and Engels ?


Firstly, with the help of this watchword the working classes performed the transition from their isolated sectarianism of the self-sufficient workers` study-circles and workman's clubs towards proletarian mass movements and formations of workers' parties, particularly the formation of the First International.

Secondly, with the help of this watchword the workers tried to overcome the split and enmity between the workers of the different neighbouring nations by building unions and associations to wage the fight against the capitalist countries and finally to fight commonly for the conquest of the political power for the communism. Karl Marx formulated in his first outline to the "Civil war in France":

"(...) the international cooperation of the working classes, the first condition of their emancipation, " (...) " (MEW, Volume 17, page 558, German edition, free editor` s translation). The Parisian Commune was the highest example of the proletarian movement in the 19th century and formed a highlight in the activity of the First International: "... a new starting point of a world historical importance is" this was formulated in Marx` letter to Kugelmann on April 17th, 1871. However: "The downfall of the Parisian Commune" as Engels wrote in his article "Karl Marx", "forced the International towards an impossible [paralysing] position. The International was been pressing to the foreground of the European history at a moment where the possibility of all successful, practical actions was cut off for it everywhere. The events which raised the First International to the seventh great power of the world simultaneously did not allow to mobilize its armed forces and to take them in action. Upon pain of the infallible defeat and back insulation of the labour movement for decades " (Engels, "Karl Marx", from: Selected documents, Volume 1, page 8 f, German edition, free editor` s translation).

This was organizationally a retreat to the European counter-revolutionary reaction` s answer to the Parisian Commune, however the internationalist ideas, the political aims of the First International flourished the proletarians within their national borders, internationalist developments profited from this and spread all over the world.


"So the International was - instead of dying away - merely stepping forward from the first period towards a further one, where the original tendencies of the First International could be realized. In the course of the progressive development the First International still will have to go through many changing before the last chapter of its history can be written" (Marx: Mr. George Howell's history of the international worker association. In: The new "Time", 20th year volume [1], page 589, German edition, free editor` s translation).

One could say ", that their [ Marx and Engels - remark of the editorial staff] meaning as intellectual leaders of the labour movement got bigger and bigger because the movement itself grew incessantly, too " (Lenin, "Friedrich Engels", volume 2, page 12/13, German edition, free editor` s translation).

Concerning the situation of the international labour movement and particularly the question of the unification of the proletarians of all countries in that time of the 1st International, we can draw two different lessons:

It was a unification under the class struggle` s conditions then, when the proletariat had still weakly developed strengths in its initial history Therefore the proletariat could develop only restrictedly its strength for the unification. So the proletariat develops its united strengths only in the heaviest fight of the contradictions with all his defeats and retreats in a long historical process. Strictly speaking it was the first attempt, that the proletarians of the biggest capitalist countries of Europe and North America tried to associate (which was certainly the germ cell of the alliance of the proletarians of all countries). No more and not less. The proletarians of these countries didn't unite homogeneously and not in an uninterrupted ascending line and direction. Because of the defeat of the Parisian Commune the First International was forced to begin its retreat to be able to go on with the Second International.

We must learn to understand that the unification process is a dialectical process which is determined by a vast amount of most complicated historical correlations that the unification process of the proletarians of all countries can only take place as qualitative leaps. The unification` s process is not completed until the world proletariat is matured as a global socialist class. Of course the proletarians of the 19th century were still very far away from it. The united proletarians of all countries of that time and the world proletariat of today are the same but not quite the same. After all a whole historical epoch lies between both. The revisionists are apt to ignore this. So what has to be understood by this ambiguity? One can explain this only dialectically: They are the same only in respect of the same class-character and the same unification process. However, we have to differ general from particular unification processes, different forms of the same matter, or more precisely speaking it is a double-sided process: a process of the unification of the proletarians of every country in particular and the unification to the world proletariat in general. The global form becomes a primary and the national forms of the unification a secondary side of the proletarians` unification process. The Marxism- Leninism regards the unification of the proletariat as a whole, as an interdepend global as well as national process, as a process with two inseparable coherent sides: the unification of the proletariat in a country to defeat the capitalism and the bourgeoisie in the country of one's own and the unification as an international class to defeat the world capitalism and the world bourgeoisie in the world scale. The one isn't possible without the different one, one causes the different one. So there are two quite different sides of the proletarians unification although they are inseparably connected. And just because they are two different sides of the proletarians` unification, they can have an effect on each other and they do this also daily, hourly, etc. To claim in all seriousness that one side of the unification could be soaked up by the different one or had to be sacrificed to the other one, or to step down or to emerge arbitrarily, or would be a matter of the spontaneous interplay of both forces -- all this only can be called as leaving the bottom of proletarian internationalism. Obviously people who deny these important interrelationships doubt that the world proletariat is at all capable to realize its own unity. They draw conclusions about others based on oneself.

The case is different with the primary and secondary side of the unification` s process. These did interchange during the historical development of the proletariat, also interchanged the primary and secondary side of the capital` s unification. In the 19th century it was all about the bourgeois nation, the centralization and the concentration of the capital took place primarily at a national level. Later on, by the development of the monopolies, trusts, syndicates etc. namely by the development of the imperialism the centralization and concentration of the capital carried out in international forms on the main side. As the unification process of the proletarians was main sidedly a process at a national level within the 19th century, it became main sidedly an international character in the 20th century. By the globalization of the 21th century the unification process of the proletariat gets a global character. These changing have world political significance for the proletariat, particularly in regard of the strategy and tactics of the Great Proletarian, Socialist World Revolution.

However, because of this fact we cannot necessarily eviscerate the unification process of the proletarians in the single countries. It would be a seriously wrong conclusion to underestimate the necessary development of the unification in a single country under global conditions. In the contrary the unification processes on a national level shall strengthen under the pressure of the capitalist global world.

It wasn't by chance that the international unification process of the proletarians started of all in the capitalist countries, that the ideas of proletarian internationalism were born in the capitalist countries and nowhere or else in the world. The international class consciousness of the Proletariats only develops there where the capital had already created the material prerequisites for this. So we distinguish carefully the objective and the subjective unification process of the proletariat. The objective unification process takes place independently of the will of the proletarians - enforced by the capitalist world production. The world domination of the bourgeoisie hasn't only armed the world proletariat with a completely new, global weapon for the fight against the world bourgeoisie , has not only abolished the national inhibition levels, the separated proletarians` position and their isolated radius of class-action in their single countries, but has helped them to get a completely different position, provided them a global position as a recognized international party, the Communist International (Marxists-Leninist).

The subjective unification process is based on the workers` experiences, on the class consciousness of the proletariat, is based on the scientific knowledge of the capitalist society and the capitalist rules which influence and determine the development of the workers` consciousness, is based on the understanding that unity means to find a way out of wage slavery and to offer a way towards the conquest of the political power.

At the moment we don` t want to go further into the question about the interrelation between the objective and subjective unification process. We only want to adhere to the statement, that the consciousness always grows up a while after the actual material being of the proletarians, that at first the subjective unification process confined itself to the capitalist countries in the initial phase of the class struggle between proletariat and bourgeoisie, where also the objective unification process of the proletariat was going on.

So in the time of the I. International the proletarian internationalism served to the overcoming of the - till then - split efforts of the working classes in the different countries to get rid of the wage slavery. It was the aim then to unite and to generalize the struggle for the workers` emancipation. Due to their different class position in single countries the workers have the same aim in the whole world: to escape from exploitation, to overthrow of the capitalism and to establish a classless, communist society which would be free of the human beings` exploitation. The fight for this aim can be only victorious when it is led united if the workers of the different countries support each other solidly united, if they pit an international strategy and tactics of their own against the international strategy and tactics of the capital. This is the line of the international labour movement. And the watchword serves for the fulfilment of this line: "Proletarian of all countries - unite!"

While the class movements were so far movements of minorities in the interest of minorities, the proletarian movement was the first independent movement of the overwhelming majority in the interest of this majority. At that time, this proletarian movement was essentially a movement at a national level. Marx and Engels couldn't foresee in all details in the second half of the forties of the 19th century how the world movement of the workers and how the communist revolution would develop. They both predicted only in big lines, how the historical process of the self-knowledge of the proletariats, how the class struggle would proceed. By the October revolutionary, by the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin the ideas of the "manifesto" received their general grounds and materializing for the first time -- the proletarian masses gave proof of the world historical meaning of their class struggle in practice. The dictatorship of the proletariat in a "single" country was supported by the proletarians of all countries who demonstrated their solidarity with their first proletarian homeland, who defended their proletarian homeland last not least by leading the class struggle in their own country in the spirit of proletarian internationalism. Historically,proletarian internationalism took a firm shape in the time of Lenin and Lenin defined proletarian inter nationalism under the then existing circumstances correctly as follows:

"Actually, there is only one internationalism: the devoted work on the development of the revolutionary movement and the revolutionary fight in the country of one's own, the support (by propagandas by moral and material help) just such a fight, just such a line and only such a line in unanimously all countries . " (Lenin, volume 24, page 59/60, German version, free editor` s translation).

Communism was already a power in 1848 which crusaded against the whole European reaction (remember - Marx started the " communist manifesto" with the famous words: "A myth is going around Europe - communism!"). But it was only the most progressive proletarian forces, a minute amount following the communism in that time. The communist movement was a minority within the beginning labour movement. One hundred years later, the communist ideology had already become the banner of millions of workers in many countries of the world. The visions of Marx and Engels about the mission of the proletariat were put into effect by Lenin, Stalin and Hoxha by establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat in their countries. There is no doubt that the visions of world communism will also be put in practice. Admittedly the world reaction of today tries to darken the visions of the 5 classics, but the former times of socialist countries in a capitalist world shall come back in forms of socialist countries in a socialist world as the highest form of the proletarians unification. In the 19th century the peak of the proletarian movement of single capitalist countries shifted from France to the other Western European countries - primarily to England and Germany - and then - at the beginning of the 20th century to the east to Russia ... and finally in the course of the Second World War to Albania. There were always revolutionary situations in different countries to different points of time because of the different development of capitalism. However, Albania was already the example for the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat under the new historical period of the two worlds. World capitalism was still not ripe enough to give birth to the world revolution. After the dissolution of the two worlds the world capitalism maintained by its globalization and is therefore still strong enough to hinder socialism` s rebirth. But tomorrow world capitalism get` s weaker and weaker by its own immanent contradictions and paves the way to the proletariat` s world dictatorship inevitably, to the establishment of the united nations of socialism. The beginning proletarian movement developed in national frames and the proletariat could conquer the dictatorship of the proletariat and build up the socialism just as in the national scale. Because of this we Marxists -Leninist determine the first socialist period as a period of "socialism in a single country", as a period when socialism had to share its existence with world imperialism which still dominated the world` s hegemony. Lenin, Stalin and Hoxha taught us how to lead the internationalist class struggle under these special conditions of the two worlds - the period of the world imperialist encirclement of the socialist countries, a period of the "peaceful" co-existence of socialism and capitalism, a period which could only and unavoidably be finished by the death of one of both these systems (Stalin). And it came in such a way, as it had to come.

"Proletarians of all countries - unite!" This watchword has a different meaning before, within and after the period of the two worlds and has therefore carefully be handled in a different adequate way to the further unification process of the world proletariat. The revisionists deny this for good known reasons and allege to the former period of the two worlds. By the way, the revisionist invoking on the „theory“ of the " further continuity of the two worlds", is the logical continuation of the revisionist "theory of the three worlds" which was directed against the then existing socialist world solely represented by the socialist Albania. Upholding the two worlds theory in the period of global world imperialism is nothing else as the maintenance and reconquest of the power of revisionist countries. Under today` s global capitalist conditions maintaining the correct Marxist-Leninist theory of the once existing two worlds is pure revisionism and the neo-revisionists maintain silence about the representatives of the "still existing" two worlds and play their role as the capitalists` henchmen, as the revisionists` accomplices. The revisionists challenge the necessity of working out new forms of the actualization of the old watchword. They know for sure, that the old watchword would not work at all if it would not be changed, modified, enhanced or otherwise altered according to the present period of the global imperialist world which replaced the period of the two worlds at least after the downfall of socialist Albania.


As is well known, Lenin` s theory of the socialist revolution assumed that the socialist revolution won't win absolutely in those countries, where the capitalism is developed most highly but primarily in the countries where the front of the capitalism is weak where it is easier for the proletariat to break through this front and where the average standard has at least reached the development of the capitalism. The socialist revolution won in the weakest countries and failed in the advanced capitalist countries - this is an incontrovertible fact. For today we learn from this Leninist theory that the world proletariat` revolution shall require much less amount of world population than compared with the amount of the Russian population which was required by the Russian proletariat for the victory of the October revolution. If the proletariat of a single country proved to be strong enough at Lenin` s times to break through the world imperialist chain at the weakest spot, then the world proletariat is (at least objectively) much more stronger to crush completely the world imperialist chain . Dividing off the imperialist world, cutting off the imperialist chain at its weakest link - this was the way of the October revolution - this was the way socialism was made by Lenin and Stalin. Socialist history cannot be copied. The new socialism will be made by new revolutionary means – that` s Leninism ! Today, nothing else can be called Leninism than destroying the whole imperialist chain. Otherwise we have to wait for the second period of socialism till the cows come home. Lenin, Stalin and Hoxha were living and fighting in the first period of socialism. Today we are living in the coming second period of socialism - in the period of world socialism. Today we are faced with new international strategy and tactics of the world proletariat who is itself the revolutionary subject, the creator and executor of the global socialism. In times of Lenin, Stalin and Hoxha we struggled against the Trotzkyites who discredited the possibility of socialism in a single country in the first period of socialism. Today we Marxists-Leninist have to struggle against the Trotzkyites who discredit the possibility of the global socialism in the second period of socialism. They mask their betrayal behind the once correct theory of the possibility of the establishment of socialism in a single country. Thus our opponents turned the tables on Lenin and Stalin. True Marxists-Leninist, who want reconquer the socialism in a single country, who defend Lenin and Stalin, have to support the global fight of the world proletariat for world socialism. This looks illogically and absurd, but that is dialectically, is genuine Marxist-Leninist thinking. We are honestly convinced that Lenin and Stalin would share our world political opinion, because they would come to the same conclusions after having analysed the global situation of the proletariat in our days.


Only with the undergoing development of the ripened globalization of the world capitalism the proletarians of all countries can unite and grow as a globally monolithic class with its own new world revolutionary capacities. This development was not possible in times of Lenin and Stalin.

Only on the base of the monolithic formation as an independent global class the self consciousness of this class develops so to speak "all of a piece", the class consciousness of the world proletariat can arise, it can reach the self-knowledge, it can come to the deeper insight about the necessity of the creation of a world revolutionary proletarian fight organization, it gets ripe for the socialist world revolution as a socialist world proletariat. We can pull the rug out from under the world bourgeoisie ... not until the world proletariat becomes conscious about the own historical mission.

The being determines the consciousness. Ergo, being of the world proletariat determines the world proletarian consciousness. The international class consciousness grows out of the international class existence. The status of the consciousness is related accordingly to the status of the world proletariat` s being. Ergo, the degree of fusion of scientific socialism and international labour movement is based on this, depends on the interrelation of the proletarians` being and consciousness. The changing in the development of the global class-structure of the proletariat determine the changing in the development of the globalization of the proletarian internationalism. In the same degree as the proletariat is globalised by capitalism the process of globalised consciousness ( especially the process of the insight about the own global unification` s necessity ) the world proletariat shall step from a global class "in itself" to a global class "for itself".


The world capitalism pulls down the national barriers and thus world capitalism also pulls finally down all the barriers of the proletariat of the single countries which made it difficult to unite as a one and only international class. The world capitalism enslaves all the countries and he doesn't settle to pull only the national barriers down but he pulls down everything the countries have produced , all their culture, all their wealth, health etc.. and he plunges the countries into his rapacious world imperialist interventions, occupations and wars, subdues all countries under the control of the capital` s law = striving for maximum-profits. World capitalism erects the ever biggest barriers between world riches and world pauperism. Completely different from this is the up coming world proletariat: The countries are devastated by the world capital but they come onto the legs by the world proletariat again.


Not the nations but the capitalist character of the nations will be destroyed by the world proletariat. Abolishing the capitalist character of the nations is the first step of the nation` s world fusion. The socialist nation is simultaneously the last step of the nation` s development. Sometime in future world socialism will not use even socialist nations any more. The end of the class-character of nations is synonym for the end of the nations` separating existence at all, because nations are appearances with class-character. The classless world society does not need nations any more. Nations become a hindrance of the growing classless world society some time. The world capitalists replace national barriers between rich and poor by erection of global barriers between rich and poor. However, instead of this, the world socialism replaces national barriers to replace the global barriers of rich end poor, to abolish barriers between rich and poor at all. Global class-unification of the proletariat is necessary as a precondition for the global abolition of classes at all.

Nations can only survive without capitalism. Capitalism once were precondition for their prosperity. The time of prosperity of capitalism was combined with the time of the nation` s prosperity. Global capitalism is the death of the nations` prosperity is responsible for the nations` crisis and disease. Nations can well live without the bourgeoisie but not without the working class, and the proletariat is really the only class which can liberate the nations from capitalism fallowing the watchword: "World proletariat - unite all countries!" Liberation of nations from world capitalism is synonym for the replacement of the capitalist nations by the socialist nations, for the world revolutionary transformation of capitalist nations into socialist nations. The world proletariat, which unites all countries in the fight against the world capital to achieve political world power and which gets rid of all social and national chains, creates world socialism, which guarantees all further conditions of their existence on the base of socialism. With this the world proletariat leads mankind towards a secured future. Not until as an international class the world proletariat is able to free all countries from their capitalist enslavement. The watchword: "World proletariat - unite all countries!" is therefore of great, indestructible and world revolutionary potency. In the name of this watchword the world proletariat will shake off the power of the world capital over all countries of the world. Under this watchword the world proletariat will build up the Communist International and all the Communists in this world shall unite under this global banner.


You may ask: What does all this concern with the old watchword: "Proletarians of all countries - unite!"? It is actually all-dominant concern ! It is a central matter according to the dialectical and historical law of the labour (socialist) movement` s unification:

The development degree of the international proletarian movement is directly dependent on the development degree of the international unification of the proletarians because the strength of the international proletarian movement is due to its international unity. The development degree of the international unification of the proletarians is directly dependent on the development degree of the world proletarian class consciousness because the strength of the international unity is due to its world revolutionary class consciousness. The development degree of the world revolutionary class consciousness is directly dependent on the development degree of the unity of the Marxist Leninist world movement because the strength of the world revolutionary class consciousness is due to proletarian inter nationalism, whose source is the Marxist Leninist world movement . And again the proletarian internationalism is expressed by the watchword: "Proletarians of all countries - unite!" With all this we simply want to have explained the qualitative meaning of this watchword which is far away from the pure quantitative conglomerate of the countries` proletarians. Not the quantity makes the point - the conscious masses make it! The internationalist consciousness of the masses is the most important revolutionary strength for their unification. More precise: the proletarians of all countries united in the spirit of proletarian internationalism - the I. International is meant therewith ! So this means that the proletarians of the whole world don't become the class of the world proletariat only by the united proletarians of all countries but also by their growing internationalist consciousness. Both causes each other, both has an positive effect on each other. That` s just what Marx and Engels meant with the conscious world unification with the united world consciousness – that` s all!


That` s all very well said, but when you do not know and do not study exactly the operating principles and rules of the proletarians` unification processes you never ever find replies to all concerning questions: How to come together from all countries? How to organize globally? What has to be done to unite after all destructions of the First, Second and Third International ? After all sacrificially unification efforts, after so much defeats, disappointments and bad and most unfavourable experiences everything seems to go down the drain. Striving for the global goal of the proletarians` unification seems to be all but impossible, seems to become so lost in the darkness of the present world reaction. This is all the result of destructive bourgeois ideological influence! But if we show them the light at the end of the tunnel everything looks like better, is n` t it ? The proletarians all over the world shall succeed unavoidably in overcoming their unification difficulties, moreover they shall master it bravely. The only right formula for the solution of the present unification difficulties is the further development of Marxism-Leninism. Unity is strength. These are strong words but the actual strength of global unity is really much stronger than words and at present globalization gives them the opportunity to begin with their own experiences in organizing globally joint revolutionary class-actions. One must recognize the movement and development laws of the objective contradictions so that they can be jointly solved more easily. The contradictions which aggravate and hinder the unification process of the proletarians today must get a new form in which it gets any further and can further move by its own. The movability and flexibility of the contradiction require an annoyance to come closer to the solution and to get started the overcoming of the contradiction. And thus the formula : "Proletarians of all countries - unite!"gets off the ground and of its own volition under daily, hourly ongoing global unifications of world labour for world production by the complementary stimulating formula: "World proletariat - unite all countries!" In our opinion, this is the most successful, simplest and safest way to unite under global conditions, today. The pure result that the strength of the world proletariat is based on the unity of the countries, is easily to understand. However, to prepare and secure this result in theory and practice - that's a different kettle of fish.



When the proletarians tried hard to fight for their unification in their own country in the beginning of the labour movement, it is understandable that their unification in the world` s scale was inordinately more difficult (speaking more precisely: limited to the capitalist countries of Europa and North-America). All the more we have to appreciate the great work done by the First International as the most successful and highest political form of the internationalist unification of the proletariat that time. The International is as monolithic as the class of the world proletariat is. So the Third International was much more monolithic than the First and Second one because of the further development of the world proletariat. Not until the capitalist development had reached a certain stage, certain stage of the international capital, the suppressed class will get the opportunity to become conscious about itself as a united, international class which is able to lead the international labour movement. And, indeed, world capitalism` s development in times of the First International and in the time of the Comintern ML), as in our time of the globalization, is also an enormous upgrade of the development of the internationalist consciousness in comparison with now and then. Between the one watchword: "Proletarians of your own country - unite!" and the other "Proletarians of all countries - unite!" there is a dialectical, two-way interrelation. One is not developing without the other, corresponds with the same national and international development of the capital. Both watchwords express the nature of proletarian internationalism which permanently deepened in the course of the proletarian movement and which run through qualitative leaps as expressed by the new watch word. The proletarians of all countries can not unite independently of their nationally unification, as well as they cannot unite nationally without their unification in the factories, cities and national regions etc. This interaction is mutually dependent. It is a relationship of dependence, it is not the single proletarians who unite internationally, but they unite by means of their nationally unification. And so the world proletariat doesn't form its unification from proletarian individuals which are isolated and scattered all over the world, as happened in the beginning of capitalism, but as the nationally united class of the countries. The highest form of unification is always based on the previous form. Unification levels cannot skip previous levels. This would be contrary to the rules of the class-unification` s processes within the capitalist system.

There is no unification movement of classes outside the sphere of the contradiction between capital and labour. The unification of the proletariat is objectively determined by the development of capital and labour. The global unification of the proletarian class is particularly determined by the objective global development of the interrelation of capital and labour.

The unification process of the proletariat, the global centralization and concentration of the unification depends decisively on the global concentration and centralization of the capital because the basic contradiction of the capitalist society, in which the proletarians unite, is rather the basic contradiction between capital and labour. And so the unification process of the proletarians takes place unavoidably in every single factory as the decisive and basic germ cell of the unification. The germ cell of the unification of the workers all over the world is the new globalised factory - the typical facility of the global mode of production. The international factory consists of workers from factories in different countries based on the division of labour. And this is the way how the world proletariat unites politically and organizationally. Every global factory is the workers` rebel stronghold. The world party of the proletariat is its highest political quality. We have to build party-cells in the global factories to make them our stronghold. At first the workers unite in the global factories by overcoming their national barriers ! At second they take them over and at third they transform them into global socialist factories. The rest goes by itself.

"So as the basic reproduction permanently does reproduce the capital relation - capitalists on the one hand and wage labourers on the other hand - the reproduction reproduces on an advanced hierarchy or the accumulation of the capital relation on an advanced hierarchy, is polarizing more capitalists or bigger capitalists on the one side and more wage labourers on the other side" (MEW, volume 23, Karl Marx " the capital " [ 1 ], page 645, German edition, free editor` s translation).

Accordingly, the centralization of the countries` capital on the one hand and that of the labour on the other hand is typical for the capitalist world production which is just ensured by the reproductive tendencies of the maintenance of the system requirements. It is just this basic contradiction between capital and labour which does not only influence the proletariat and its international movement substantially, but which has already determined its development, wherefore we cannot simply overlook this important historical fact, particularly since it just isn't alone the basic contradiction in this or that capitalist country, but rather a basic contradiction in the world scale, which determines the basic contradiction of capital and labour in the single countries increasingly, namely to such degree as the global capital accumulates faster than capital on a national stage. So does the global unification of the proletariat compared with the unification in single countries. Accumulation of the world capital results in a faster accumulation of the world proletariat (q.v. "Labour and Capital" of Karl Marx). Accumulation and unification cause each other, however, a qualitative leap is needed to convert their national qualities to an international quality. And analysing this mutual movement of capital and labour we are getting closer to the understanding of the cycle of growth and decay of the unification processes of the world proletariat, we are getting closer to discover the international leap to the unification` s highest quality. Bring in line the global solution of the basic contradiction of capital and labour with the global unification of the proletarian class and world socialism is irreversible. The power on accumulation, centralization and concentration of private property over the global means of production which remains in the hands of a little amount of world capitalists on the one hand and the accumulation, centralization and concentration of the proletarians` unification interrelate directly, are two-ways processes. The unification` s tendency at these two poles of the capitalist world system leads to a point, where the world social productive forces cannot move within the old capitalist production relations any more, when the concentration and centralization of capital becomes a bond of the united productive forces.

By bursting all the bonds of the private property over all means of world production, impropriated by few hands of the global ruling class, - or with other words: - by the global socialization of the means of world production, the radical overthrow of the capitalist world order, its replacement by the socialist world order takes place. Whereby these international radical transformations are dialectically connected with the revolutionary transformations in the single countries, which follow their own specific rules of revolutionary development. All radical transformations interact and can come into effect when all forces of the proletariat are united globally.

What does this mean in simple words?

The more proletarians there are in the world, the bigger their potential strength as a world revolutionary class will be, the nearer socialism is coming. The more the world proletariat succeeds in uniting its detachments in all countries of the world the merrier and easier it can beat world capitalism and remove the old world imperialist production relations, the merrier and easier does it find the way towards world socialism.

Divided by the world hegemony of anarchic predatory competition among all the bourgeois countries, weighted down with the globally unfree labour - meeting the insatiable demands of the world capital, permanently repelled to the "precipice" of the impoverishment, the world proletariat can and shall necessarily become the invincible world power not until:

firstly it has carried on its ideological unification based on the principles of the Marxism-Leninism, of the proletarian internationalism,

secondly it carried on the material unity between the world organizations and their national detachments and

thirdly it welded together all these hundreds of national detachments to form a multi-million proletarian world army.

Upgrading the world proletariat` s world revolutionary self-knowledge and sharpening its self consciousness , this is the task of the Communist International (Marxists Leninist) today and this is the reason for announcing our new watchword: "World proletariat - unite all countries !" The world socialism will be set up to power not until it became the conscious aim of the political fight of the world proletariat, not until the world proletariat had united at first the proletarians of all countries and at second all working masses to fight for world socialism.

The capital comes and goes to make profit. And in the wake of profit appears the labour, the organized and united labour on an international market place. The labour market exchanges the workers all over the world. It amasses workers somewhere to get them the sack elsewhere. The concentration and centralization of capital and labour all over the world is an absolutely necessity for the globalised world capitalism and as well is the workers` unification an absolutely necessity for the globalization of socialism, because the capitalist class cannot restrictively oppress the working class in national borders, because the capitalist class oppresses the working class globally. The dependence of all countries gets bigger and bigger by the centralization and concentration of the world capital. The banks, these mighty treasures of world capital, have collected all capital of the whole world, have monopolized themselves and globalised. This is the reason why the fight of the world proletariat can not be successful until it united the workers of all countries as bound and determined international fight detachments. Wherever the capitalists turn up on this earth, wherever they appear with their lusts for profit, wherever they come across the best conditions of exploitation, always right there the working class concentrates global attachments, always right there the international labour movement brings leverage to bear on the class struggle. The world proletariat concentrates its global forces at that point where the global forces of the capitalists exploit the workers and the working masses.

Is there any contradiction between capital and labour which is sharper than that of the global industry?

If Friedrich Engels is right with his following conclusion: "The more the factory system has penetrated into a working branch, the more workers participate in the labour movement; the sharper the contrast between worker and capitalists is, the sharper and more developed is the proletarian consciousness (MEW, volume 2, page 455, German edition, free editor's translation), then -derived from his conclusion- we can state, that the global industrial worker develops a world proletarian consciousness, the consciousness of the world proletariat, sharper, more developed than every other proletarian consciousness. It is an unquestionable truth that the globalization of the capital also leads to a globalization of the needs and demands of the world proletariat that the globalised production exchange leads to the globalised communication and to the globalised thought exchange, leads to the global unification of the world proletariat - as important prerequisites for that the world proletariat strengthens its class consciousness and for giving it the possibility to fight globally against the rapacious world imperialist order which is nothing else but a class struggle on the same global eye-level .The status of an industry worker of a globalised industry in the first place enables the working classes to fight for its international emancipation.

The world revolutionary discipline doesn't fall from the sky, it arises from the material conditions of the globalised world production and only from them. And reciprocally proportional: Not until the globalization set the stage for the industrial workers` material conditions, the global industrial proletariat becomes the subject of the material conditions or its pacemaker which makes not only the greatest contribution to the creation of the wealth in the world and which does not only hold the most important position in the social organization of the world` s labour but also in comparison with all other ones, the global industrial worker spends the highest amount of surplus from his labour force, he is the most exploited and profitable modern type of wage slave under present globalised conditions of the world capitalist system.

The global industrial worker is the one who holds the key position in the world production today. Unfolding all the global productive forces on its highest stage that` s what the new type of global industrial worker is able to do. He will be the master and leader of world production in the coming time of world socialism. He is also able to unite, to mobilize and to concentrate the whole world proletariat and all the world revolutionary forces.

The global industrial proletariat carries along the more regressive social strata and prepares the world proletariat as a monolithic class towards the Great Proletarian World Revolution. So the global industrial worker is the representative of the all the exploited and suppressed world population in this system of the world capitalist society. The global industrial worker is the unifier of all world revolutionary forces. The world capitalist system has chosen the global industrial worker to be its global gravedigger.

Last not least, the global industrial worker in this or that country is the new representative and leader of the proletarians of every single country which are all submitted to and subordinated under the purpose of the world capital. And therefore he isn't only representative but also the predestined leader of the world proletarian class struggle, he is the most revolutionary element of today, the unification of exactly these most revolutionary world elements has to be grabbed as a matter of priority. The main chain link, the most important link in the chain of the proletarians` global unification - that is doubtless the global industrial worker. Tackling this chain link the right way - this is actually the key to complete the most powerful chain of the world proletariat` s unification. The beginning of the strengthening of the global industrial worker` s consciousness is the beginning of the proletarian world unification is the beginning of the proletarians` world power. The revolutionary awakening of the world proletariat begins with the awakening of the global industrial worker. World revolution is impossible without the understanding of the world revolutionary role of the global industrial worker.

So it is primarily the global industrial worker who is most amenable and open to our Marxist - Leninist world politics and whom we have to convince in first line. Recruiting the global avant-garde of the proletariat is recruiting the global industrial worker. You cannot unite all countries without his leadership and you cannot remove world capitalism without uniting all countries. Not until the global industrial worker comes politically to action the global watchword: "World proletariat - unite all countries!" can be realized at all. It is worthwhile to think about it. The Communist International (Marxists-Leninist) was quick on the uptake to highly value the social strength of the global industrial working class and its inalienability for the struggle of world socialism. Therefore we also shall bring about its general class-interests and its historical world mission to the consciousness. Therefore, we are interested in developing its world communist consciousness first and foremost. Considering his economic social status the global industrial worker is closest to the coming classless international society. And so his world revolutionary consciousness about the classless world can be developed at deepest and at fast. The world revolutionary force of today is the force of the global industrial worker ! He will develop the highest class consciousness of the proletariat and will carry on the socialist world consciousness by studying and practising the teachings of Marxism-Leninism. He is both the most important social sustainer and the leading element of world communism. On his strong arms and under his leadership the Communist International Party has to be built up and strengthened. And no power of the world can take away the worker` s highest proletarian class consciousness, the world revolutionary consciousness cannot be deprived from the world revolutionary proletarian class. Nobody can deprive them of their Communist International. The Communist International did never die and shall not die. Without knowledge and experiences about the communist movement in the single countries the world proletariat is defenceless however, if it is armed with worldwide knowledge, particularly with the knowledge of the Marxism-Leninism, then the proletariat becomes a world power! The key to this necessary knowledge about the worker` s liberation is the self-knowledge about himself, about his international situation which has fundamentally changed in relatively short time and will change in extremely rapid speed, however:

The globalised capital produces a globalised proletariat with new international traits - not any more comparable with the traits of the former international working classes who were associatively bound to the national culture of the single countries. And if you would only add or simply combine the labour movements of all countries, they are still movements of the countries` traits and can never ever be a higher qualified movement with its own global traits - arisen, forged and proved by the globalised class-struggle, by the struggle against world capitalism as a whole. The global movement is a movement by itself, a movement resulted from a qualitative leap of the former international labour movements. Primarily the actual situation of the globalised proletariat is - both in economic, political and ideological regard - no longer comparable with the old constellation of privileged proletarians of the oppressor nations and sub-privileged proletarians of the oppressed nations. Their are still inherent characteristics of the old constellation but in the process of time the global movement shall be liberated from them. The globalization of world capitalism itself is forced to batter down these old forms of contradiction between the rich and the poor nations. The global labour movement is not a result of the export of the labour movements of the countries, but a result of their obsolescence. They were strong as long as the national live in general was strong. However, national labour movements become weaker, when the nations themselves became weaker. And the weakness of the internationalist movement of the proletariat resulted last not least in the narrowness of the national borders within the working class was struggling against capitalism.

The world proletariat can struggle free from national encumbrances to the same degree as it succeed to support the proletariat in the single countries to get rid of national bars to further internationalist proceedings.

It is a fact that the workers of the Western industrial countries needed a relatively long period for the development of their class consciousness, the Russian and Albanian proletariat developed the socialist consciousness considerably faster and within a shorter period of time, simply for the reason that they could base their consciousness on the that of the workers of the Western industrial countries, primarily for the reason that they could base on Leninism, the further development of Marxism. It is a fundamental component of the unification process: The higher the step is which the proletariat had made for its unification, the faster and broadened the unification can proceed on this step. The higher the level of development of the class consciousness, the faster it can be developed, the more it is rampant. The globalization serves as a medium for the world proletarian consciousness, which is a further development of the socialist consciousness of the socialist countries, the Soviet Union and Albania. The world proletariat covers the time of unfolding its world revolutionary class consciousness in a fractional amount of that time which the proletarians need to develop their socialist consciousness in a "single" country. By the globalization (of communication etc.) the proletarian international party will be built up faster, more thoroughly and mass effectively than every previous communist party - even than the Comintern in its best times. All this will accelerate the victory of the socialist world revolution in every country. Only the world proletariat itself will learn to understand by its own experiences what` s it all about this special meaning of the "socialist world revolution in every country". Anyhow, the world bourgeoisie will certainly understand "this nonsense", however at a point of time when it will be rather too late.

Today the world capital flings the proletarians over the whole globe, makes them interchangeable as interchangeable as old traditional industrial areas in this or that country. They appear and hide - sometimes in shortest time. Already during their set up phase they become out of date or have to be closed because of the necessity of their relocation. Every place on the globe is a place of the workers` competition of the labour market. Currently, there is absolute cut-throat competition on the global labour market which pulls down the average of global wage standards. A billion-army of unemployed is the consequence of this ruinous competition. And this billion-army of unemployed will change from a mere tool in world capitalist hands to a conscious detachment of the world revolution - a movement which nobody can stop.

So the single worker is not only confronted with the complete world order of the capitalism, not only faced with the competition on the world labour market but also with a billion-heavy load of unemployed on his shoulders. The global unification of the unemployed is directly part of the general global unification of the world proletariat. The global industrial reserve force of the world capitalists shall change into an active world revolutionary force against the world capitalist system. Just because of this the fight of today's worker inaugurates the epoch of the world socialism, he announces the global liberation of the world proletariat from wage slavery and unemployment. So the international unification of the workers has become an indispensable necessity under globalised working conditions. These global working conditions break all working conditions in the native countries. The proletarians of this or that country are thrown into the world proletariat which lost all its existence basis at home in the native country. It is nearly an every-day-experience for millions of workers who left their countries, separated from their families to feed them from abroad, from thousands of kilometres distance. The globalised capital blows up unavoidably every previous tie of the workers with the old society, every tie with national roots, every tie with any place in the world, to any exploiter in the world. However,to the same degree as the global capital exchanges the workers globally, the workers exchange themselves globally, they develop a new global level of communication among each other, they exchange their national unification with their global unification:

"The progress of the industry whose weak-willed and unresisting sustainer is the bourgeoisie, resets the isolation of the workers by the competition, their revolutionary unification by the association"

(Marx, Engels, "manifesto of the communist party", London 1848, MEW, volume 4, page 474, 472, German edition, free editor` s translation).

The world proletariat recognizes by means of its own experiences that the situation and the interests of the workers of the whole world tend to conform to a global level which is steadily going down (the absolutely and proportionally global pauperization). The workers of the whole world learn from their similar international experiences, generalize and exchange their experiences, they draw their conclusions, go through decisive consciousness trials about their own international situation.

How did the class consciousness of the workers changed in more than hundred years? At first the class consciousness was a consciousness directed against the exploitation of the capitalists of the large factories, was the consciousness for the emancipation of the workers as an independent and self-contained class, as a united counter-force against the capitalists - this was the period of the beginning of the labour movement. Later on, when the working class got stronger, the workers strived for their political class- power in the world, in all single countries. They developed a consciousness to prepare and lead the socialist revolution, a consciousness to build up their own society in their own country. This consciousness was exemplary and worth repeating in all the other countries. However the problem is, that the socialist workers` consciousness - as highly developed as it was - was not enough developed to get rid of world capitalism in a whole. You cannot get rid of world capitalist encirclement by the socialist consciousness which was built out of a single socialist country. The world capitalists globalised their world hegemony after the destruction of socialism in a "single" country.

Without the impulses of the world revolutionary consciousness the consciousness of the socialist "single" country is left helplessly and punished to be degenerated. This is a fact which Lenin had already foreseen. If the consciousness of the workers is not carried on a higher level, capitalism will be restored in a "single" socialist country. An internationalist consciousness which is permanently restricted within national barriers cannot unfold its full power. To overcome this problem - this is the salient point. It doesn't suffice that the proletarians of this or that country "hurry up for help" in solidarity, to unite with the proletarians of the "single" socialist country as long as world capitalism has the power of encirclement. With such solidarity alone the proletarians of all countries cannot defend a " single" socialist country effectively. Against an enemy who got globally the drop on every single country you can only fight as a globally united and organized class-force - strong enough to unite the countries against world capitalism. For this the workers need a higher level of the internationalist consciousness - what they need is a new global world revolutionary consciousness. What we wanted to state with this is the fact, that the internationalist consciousness of the working class is developing the same way the international class develops itself by leading its international class-struggle.

With the simplifying of the famous formula: "Proletarian of all countries - unite!" (important remark: if we speak about the danger of simplifying a matter this will never be a synonym for its resignation or neglect. We stand to it, but this does not hinder us to modify this formula under the present global conditions. This to do is Marxist-Leninist tradition, is conform with the revolutionary spirit of Marxism-Leninism), it unfortunately isn't done yet for a long time to force the world capitalism into the knees. The proletarians need absolutely a second additional, complementary, qualitatively higher formula of their global unification:

The world proletariat has become a class opposite the world capital but not yet the proletarian world class against bourgeois world class for itself. It is not yet a conscious world political fight. The class of the world proletariat is developing on the base of the international class struggle passing through its development process which is to be supported by us Communists. The world proletariat must unite centralistically the proletarians of all countries and to be more precise as its own departments. The world proletariat must combine, section, redistribute, redeploy and merge the proletarians of each single country for building up a gigantic irresistible world mass force. The proletarians cannot organize this by their own, they have to toe their global line and they need to form their globally centralized leadership. Of course, these political detachments cannot be build autonomously but organized by the world proletariat at a whole. The present weakness of the movability and flexibility of the proletarians of all countries lies in the lack of their global centralization. Only the world proletariat as a monolithic class can secure the mobile (maneuverable) centralization, with which it can accumulate the single forces to one clenched power of all the countries. Otherwise it would not be possible to direct them towards the same common target - attacking the world capitalism at one (weakest) point - at different point - at all points simultaneously- just as it is necessary in this or that different situation. It makes sense to revert to a metaphor, the Russian "Matryoshka". You can nest a "Matryoshka" into each other. The world proletariat can develop no revolutionary strength if it results in the biggest doll which covers all the smaller ones. The proletarians of each country cannot nest themselves one after another. Besides they cannot unfold their own power if they are covered by the bigger one` s and the bigger one` s cannot mobilize the smaller one` s etc. This model does n` t work to face the world capitalists effectively. The world proletariat cannot form up as a class on a direct way of the countries` association., speak: the global accordance, the jelling as an international grouping of the proletarians of single countries do not match this way. The proletarians of single countries cannot find out by themselves who or what will match at best to optimize the global class-struggle. They cannot adjust their individual profiles and patterns among each other without a general line. A world` s specific profile cannot be arranged by single countries without any general outline. Not the proletarians of all single countries form up the world proletariat visa versa - the world proletariat forms up the proletarians of all countries as detachments - the same way the national capital has taken international form. Not the communist parties of the countries go ahead to form up the Communist International, but the International goes ahead with the formation of the communist parties. The International builds up its own sections and detachments according to the necessity of the global strategy and tactics.

The world proletariat cannot wait passively and inactively until the one country is ready to join another, until all the countries will be developed by themselves to be ready for joining the global class-struggle. As the world capital has formed the nations to serve its global aims, so the world proletariat has to form its proletarians of the nations to serve its global aims. The model of the revisionists was mechanistically: When the revisionists were in power the Soviet Union should function as a template for the formation of the world socialism in the way of the model of the "Matryoshka". The world revolution cannot work like this, the Soviet Union as the centre of global socialism cannot work like this and the "social camp" of single socialist countries cannot work like this, too. The global development of the world capital is decisive for the global revolution and the global society of the proletariat. This is not primarily a matter of cooperation between this or that country, but a global matter as a whole where the countries are working different from the former timers of socialism "in a single" country. There are not all the new socialist countries who group themselves around the old socialist country or nested as "Matryoshkas". World socialism develops globally out of the global capitalist world society in which the single countries do not any more play the primary role as it was fact in the first period of socialism, the period of the co-existence of the two worlds. In the second period of socialism there is only one world - the world of socialism with global potencies of development. Unification powers which had been found progressively in the first period of socialism are necessary narrow, bounded and retarded in the second period of socialism. That is the revolutionary understanding of the Marxist-Leninist methods.



But how do the unification forces actually could take effect under present global circumstances?


Let` s formulate this question with the borrowed words of Friedrich Engels:

The unification powers of the world proletariat completely work just like the natural powers: blindly, violently, destructively as long as the world proletariat doesn't recognize them and as long as the world proletariat doesn't count on them. However, if the world proletariat has recognized its unification powers once, if it has understood its activity, its use and effects, then it only depends on the world proletariat itself to subordinate them under its own will and intention and to fulfil its historical mission by means of them. As long as the proletarians of all countries refuse obstinately to understand their internationalist nature and their international class character; with other words: so long as they stick furthermore to old forms of their unification with nationally boundedness and narrowness - and against this understanding the world bourgeoisie is reluctant together with their revisionist defenders opposing the world revolutionary unification powers of the world proletariat with their counter-revolutionary powers of resistance -, so long and so far the world capitalist forces of the wage slavery shall continue, in spite of the world proletariat, against the world proletariat, and so long and so far the counter-revolution does oppress the world proletariat.


However, for the moment when the internationalist nature is understood, then the demonic rulers of the unification forces turn into the full flow of willing servants in the hands of the world proletariat. It is just like the difference between the destructive strength of the hunt for maximum profits and the creative strength of the safeguarding of maximum satisfaction of permanently growing material and cultural needs and demands of the society of all countries. It is just like the difference of the imperialist war devastation and destruction of nature and the global use of all human unification strengths in the service of man and nature (see: Friedrich Engels "Anti Dühring"). The world capitalist has to unite the labour of all countries for transformation into world labour to accumulate the world capital globally. However, if the world worker snatches the possession of the globally united world labour from the world capitalists, if the world worker takes possession of his unification instead, then the ware character of the globalised world labour is removed and then the united world labour doesn't dominate the world worker any more but the world worker dominates vice versa the united world labour.

The unification strengths of the world proletariat have a far deeper meaning, including their substance, than the united strength of the proletarians of all countries ( if they rest in the state of the narrowness of a single country). About this qualitatively deeper global meaning we have to be clear in our mind, otherwise the watchword: "World proletariat - unite all countries!" can neither be understood nor practised correctly. Of course the utilization of this higher dimensioned term of global unification acquires a higher dimension of Marxism-Leninism` s imaginativeness - the very dimension of globalised Marxism-Leninism. Globalised Marxism-Leninism is the ideology of the globalised proletariat, the very ideology of socialism` s second period, the further developed Marxism-Leninism, the Marxism-Leninism of our today` s world. To figure out the nature of globalised Marxism-Leninism – that` s the task we world revolutionaries have to master now. And with this we try to figure out the global nature of the proletarians unification expressed by our watchword: "World proletariat - unite all countries!"


By Marxism-Leninism - proved by their own experiences - the workers will become conscious about the easier and better methods of mastering their unification forces as a global task. They can optimize the management of their global task by their new formation as international detachments. In the past, the workers remained only as the working classes of a country and could only achieve the traditional level of internationalist unification just as the working class of "their" nation, as an immanent part of the class society of "their" nation, which can only be supported in solidarity from outside, not inside from the monolithic world class, but just from the proletarians of other single countries – i.e. against the world capitalist encirclement of a single country in general, no matter whether it concerns a socialist or capitalist country. However, because of the fact that there is no socialist country any more, we have to tackle the unification problems of all single countries who are all together encircled and steeped in world capital. However, the self-awareness of the working classes in all countries being part of the world proletariat, being international detachments of the global proletariat cannot be realized until they have become substantially the really existing parts of the world proletariat, namely as their ethnic growing as international labour detachments, which the world capital created to gain highest profits. In general the process of the class development of the proletariat is not different, but the ongoing global processes are full well different from the nationally developed classes of the proletariat in the former centuries. The world proletariat cannot fight with any forms of detachments which do not result from the detachments of labour produced by the world capitalism itself. The conscious process of the detachment` s unification of the workers cannot be formed up departed from the ethic process of the labour detachments of the global world capital. The proletarians substratum of class-unification grows from the substratum of the permanently developing contradiction between world capital and world labour.

Global internationalism of the proletariat is based on the fact that the working classes form their uniform international class and not just the proletarian internationalism of accumulated national classes. Marxism-Leninism teaches that the proletariat is an internationalist class, but Marxism-Leninism teaches moreover that proletarian internationalism changes its forms not different from the stages of the development of this international class. The global unification of the internationalist class is a dialectically developing process. A global class forms its typical global internationalism which is not to be compared with the proletarian internationalism in former periods of its development.

Having in mind the dialectical law of the unity and struggle of the contradiction we have to modify what we've already explained. Having stated that the proletarians` unification is inveterate and embedded in the ethic and anarchic unification of capitalist global labour then we have also to have in mind that the world revolutionary forms of removing global exploitation cannot be the same unification` s forms of expanding the global exploitation. The chains of private relations of the world labour` s possession have to be crashed. World labour has to be globally socialized. Socialization of the world capitalist labour – that` s what globalised unification of the proletariat is aimed for. "World proletariat - socialize capitalist labour, socialize the productive forces of all countries!"

The redeployment of the proletarians of all countries - created by the world capitalists for the globalization of their exploitation to strive for highest profits- can't be that systematically organized unification of the global proletariat which is needed for the removal of their global exploitation, for their liberation from the world capitalist chains. Spontaneity is self-acting nature of capitalism. Unification doesn't lead to the liberation of the proletariat automatically. Spontaneity leads - in the contrary - to the globalised wage slavery. Spontaneous unification leads back to reformist and revisionist unification in the short run. However, if it is going a long way round and after having passed sacrificially aberrations then such a strength can be finally achieved which will be strong enough to remove world capitalism without Marxist-Leninist global unification. Globalised modes of production in the hands of world capitalists forge the proletariat still more tightly to the chains of world capital. So: The world proletariat needs its own class- unification, a unification which serves its own class interests, which serves the destruction of the world capital and therewith the destruction of the world` s wage slavery. To change from a submissive mass of the global capital into a world revolutionary strength against the global capital the world proletariat must oppose its unification for the accumulation of the world capital, must use its own unification as a weapon against the world capital must take consciously possession of its own unification for the accumulation of its world revolutionary power. The world proletariat needs a higher form of the unification, which cannot be created by world capitalism, but only by the world proletariat itself; for short:The capitalist unification of the world labour must be turned into a socialist unification of the proletarian world class, the self-confident class of the world proletariat. This doesn't happen on a direct way since the proletarians are separated from each other by countries and - as is well known - the proletarians of all countries are separated helplessly disarmed. However, they remain helplessly unarmed also on a low step of their unification because they only overcome their national separation - opposite to the global power of the world capitalism - on a higher step of their unification by an equalized global power, by the fusion of the proletarians of all countries to a monolithic global class. The end of the separation of the proletarians of all countries starts with the separation from old ideas of all previous forms of their unification. With the negation of the negation the proletarians reach to new ideas by means of their new unification forms, thereupon the negation of the negation leads the proletarians to the new unification forms themselves. The negation of the negation is said to be able to raise the level from the old and weakened forms of unification to a new, higher, global level - ready to make the unification` s strength strong enough to crack the tough nut of world capitalism. Only by the negation of the negation of the unification of the proletarians of the countries the only revolutionary class of today's world, the strength of the world proletariat, can be developed. Only as a world proletariat the proletarians are revolutionary today. To be able to develop their revolutionary strength completely the proletarians require their unification forces of the world proletariat which pulls together all countries of the world. So the proletarians of all countries are only in this respect revolutionary when they contribute all their unification forces to strengthen the socialist world proletariat.


All the strengths of the proletarians of all countries which are consumed in the country of their own unification must be shared: the one part is consumed for uniting as the world proletariat, another part remains for the unification in the country of their own. The revolutionary strengths which the proletariat of a country spent ("invested"/"advanced") for the unification of the world proletariat, shall come back hundred- and thousandfold, later on. The revolutionary strengths which every single proletarian investigates in the global strength of the world proletariat, serves his own strengthening, finally. In this way he becomes a soldier of the proletarian international army, he "alone" (with all together) can take the whole counter-revolutionary world bourgeoisie on. Therefore one part of the forces of the proletarians of one country will be given for fusing the world proletariat. At first view these fusing forces are seemingly "lost" for one` s own country but - in the contrary - the proletariat of every single country gets back a higher quality of class-power afterwards, a power which would not exist without having advanced the own forces to all the others beforehand. "One for all, all for one!" - that` s the idea of the combination of both the watchwords:

"Proletarians of all countries - unite!" and "World proletariat - unite all countries!" The difference between socialism in the first and second period can be explained as follows:

Socialist power in a single country with world power of capitalism in the first period and socialist power in a single country with world power of the proletariat in the second period. For the first time in the history of the socialism the proletarians must not exhaust their forces to defend their socialist country against the counter-revolutionary forces of the capitalist-revisionist encirclement. The socialist world proletariat can use and share its forces for the strengthening of every single socialist country. This is guaranteed by the political power of the world proletariat. Thus, today every single country advances its forces for the improvement of the global forces of the world proletariat, for the common internationalist matter, and tomorrow for the interests of one` s own country, and again for the day after tomorrow serving the common internationalist matter to reach a higher standard in one` s own country in turn etc. The art of global unification consists in achieving long-term balance through repeated give and take of all revolutionary forces which are at the proletarians disposal in a whole.


If we redefine and project this permanent unification process onto the vocabulary of the Marxist political economy, we also can talk about the "productive forces" and "production` s ownership structures" - "producing" the global unification as a "product", in the broadest sense. The world proletariat so to speak "produces" its own unification by adjusting the necessary "productive" forces in accordance with the "production` s ownership structures" of all countries. Realizing this necessity and the fight for the accordance of the unification forces with the unification` s "ownership structures" the world proletariat is approaching its full liberty of world revolutionary action. Of all production means the greatest world productive resource is the world revolutionary class itself. The set-up of the international organization of the world proletariat presupposes its ready existence as the most revolutionary productive resource. You cannot build up the international world party of a class which is not globally in force. Brake shoes are not only the national barriers but also all the other aggravating conditions coming across the proletarians of all countries under which they have to "produce" their unification. The "production` s ownership structures" for the "production" of the proletarians` unification, or the modality of producing their unification, the unification as the circumstances demand to become a socialist world class, have to be revolutionized for bringing them in accordance with the permanently increasing productive forces of the global unification. Revolutionization of the global unification` s production ownerships just means the overcoming of the old and antediluvian production` ownership structures of the proletarians` unification of the single countries. The proletarians of all countries turn the main brake shoe of their unification to a main motivating force with the formula: "World proletariat - unite all countries!"

"Proletarians of all countries - unite!" and "World proletariat - unite all countries!" are the two matching formulae which can have an effect on each other from two poles. In this way the new spirit of this unification process of the proletariat can reach a new quality of the proletarian internationalism. This is the dialectical basic idea for the unfolding of the new type of proletarian internationalism for the world revolutionary unification of the proletarians of all countries under today's conditions of the globalised world capitalism. As the unification of the countries by the world proletariat is the first condition, the unification of the proletarians of all countries is the second condition for the world revolutionary liberation of the proletarians. So the fusion of proletarian internationalism doesn't proceed in the old form of the unification of the single countries but in the typical form of their unification by the world proletariat. The world proletariat as a whole gets maneuverable on the global battle-field of class-struggle not until it has got maneuverable its detachments, the working classes of the countries. Repeatedly, it is the world capitalism which turns the working classes of all countries into the world proletariat by the progression of the world production. However, this world proletariat doesn't develop its class consciousness from the combined sections of class consciousness of the working classes of all countries. The class consciousness of the world proletariat isn't just the sum of the class consciousness of the working classes of each single country, but the potency of their common consciousness, the consciousness of a new type of a monolithic global class. Marx defined this "potential for strength" as follows in his "Capital":


"Aside from the new potential of strength, which arise from the fusion of many strengths [remark of the editor: especially the potential of the strength of the proletarians of the single countries] into an all-in strength [remark of the editor: especially into the all-in strength of the world proletarian class], the very social contacts [remark of the editor: and now you replace this term "very social contacts" by the term "very world revolutionary class-consciousness"!!!] produce by most of productive works a contest and an own "Erregung der Lebensgeister" (animal spirits),[remark of the editor: let` s replace the term "animal spirits" by the term "world socialist spirits"!] which improves the individual potential of the singles" [ remark of the editor: ergo the revolutionary potential of the proletarians of a single country]; (MEW, volume 23, page 345, German edition, free editor` s translation and remarks).


So the gravedigger of the world capital isn't just the loose grouping of all proletarians of the single, independent countries, who merely help and support each other. He is not the gravedigger of a partnership of convenience, of an association, of an union, of certain national forces who stick together internationally like a corral (more useful for a defensive alliance) to avert further damage of the world capitalist blows. Moreover the new type of global gravedigger is the monolithic global class of all proletarians who faces world capitalism eye-levelled on the decisive global battlefield.

There will not be the many little gravediggers of the countries on their own but there is only the one global gravedigger who can bury world capitalism:


"Consulting Marx, as he determined a certain, even a variably-scaling minimal size of the exchange-value-sum which was necessary to make its transition possible in capital [change of quantity into quality - remark of the editor], in just the way that a certain minimal size of Napoleon's rider detachments was as well necessary to permit the strength of discipline by its closed order and well-planned usability to become manifested and developed into the predominance of an even bigger amount of irregular cavalry which is better mounted, more skilful riding and fencing and at least brave as well" (MEW, volume 20, Engels, Anti-Dühring, page 120, German edition, free editor` s translation).

Trying to translate the meaning of what Marx had explained above (or with other words): let` s take the global unification of the world proletariat as such a minimal size of the exchange-value-sum to make the overpowering of world capitalism possible. It is the same variable minimal size of global unification which is superior to even bigger masses of the united single countries. Let` s take the advantageous minimal size of the world proletarians` detachments of the single countries in comparison with the advantageous rider detachments of Napoleon. We have to try to understand this evident advantage of the new type of global unification in comparison with the elder type of the association of all countries` workers.

Concerning quantity` s turn in quality, this applies to the capital as well as to the workers. The full use of their potential for strengths applies to the world capital as well as for the world proletariat by means of the global turn of quantity in quality!

The proletarians of all countries absolutely may be able to bury the world capitalism by means of their loose union (alliance) but this way they cannot remove the inevitableness of the world capitalism` s global restoration ( by the way, that` s why the revisionists rediscover their antiquarianism when they are pledging for the times of the first period of socialism - never ever as the genuine dialectical negation of negation but - in the contrary - for masking their new revisionist bulwark against global socialism and global workers` power of Marxism-Leninism which would mean the death of revisionism!).

What does the proletarian international unification depend on ?

It does not depend on just beating world capitalism but on removing its inevitability, it` s immanent tendency of restoration. The proletarian internationalism of the first period of socialism was not able to fulfil this task, because this kind of proletarian internationalism was the ideology applying to the period of the two worlds. The proletarians cannot bury something they haven't killed before! Killing world capitalism is impossible without killing all restorable (renewable) Hydra` s heads, particularly killing its revisionist head. And this is a global matter, a global task, the unifications` s mission of the world proletariat. Proletarian internationalism of the countries` proletarians can only revive as the ideology of the world proletariat as detachments of all countries. The workers - as long they are still only workers of their countries - they can undoubtedly unite but not merging to form a global entity by their own. This condition of the aggregation is available not until the global formation process of the world proletariat is completed (in chemistry: the effect as a mixture purchases a new quality by the fusion and new qualities can be made use of only with this new quality)! However, the workers of all countries, if they only settle to unite in their old ways, so won't be able to achieve global unification at all. So doing what? The workers of today need a new kind of unification` s form which corresponds with the unification` s form of the world bourgeoisie because: class against class ! Under present conditions this means nothing else than:


global class against global class !


The classes have not only to fight on a global platform. They re-enter the international platform as global classes and not as classes from this or that country, or this or that alliance of countries, whereby it goes without saying that both the proletarian and the bourgeois class can globally act by means of their national detachments. If the world proletariat doesn't transform the proletarians of all countries into its own international departments, then the world proletariat is very powerless against the law of the capitalist encirclement, which has necessarily to be cracked in the long run of the socialism` s development. Without further development of proletarian internationalism in general, and without further development of creating new global forms of unification in particular, the world proletariat is unable to solve the problem of the world capitalist encirclement. And the world capitalist-revisionist encirclement was just the stumbling block when the workers were on their way from their first stage of socialism in a "single" country to the next stage of world socialism. What is needed to develop the centralized strength of the world proletariat against the centralized strength of the class opponent? Another decisive point is missing. The world proletariat must mobilize the proletarians in every country to be able to enforce the general interests of all the proletarians. However, this doesn't automatically happen, it is n` t a self running matter. This is an arduous fight of the unification` s self-reorganization and this means the proletarians all over the world must become the organized world proletariat, a socialist organized world proletariat. The raw material - recruited from all countries has to be smoothed to get a high-quality steel based global class, in the end. The proletarians cannot buy their sharp weapon at the store next door, they have to sharpen them by themselves in the heat of the fire of the global class struggle against world capitalism.

Only in the direct course of the sharpening of the class struggle between the organized world proletariat and the organized world bourgeoisie, only by going through single stages of development of the international class struggle in all countries of the world the socialist world revolution shall mobilize its full global power. The socialist world revolution is n` t at all reduced as an "simple" act of the power` s take-over. This is only the crowning moment of a long, complicated class struggle for the world power. The socialist world revolution is both highest stage of the proletarians consciousness and qualitative leap of removing the world power of capitalism by the world power of the proletariat, is the highest stage of the global class struggle of the world proletariat. The world proletariat just doesn't need any former socialist consciousness, not the socialist consciousness of the proletarians of any country, not even the consciousness of the socialist working classes of a "single" country, but a quite certain socialist consciousness, the world socialist consciousness !!!! This is the sticking point and this is saying something ! What does world socialist consciousness mean and what makes it different from any other socialist consciousness ? What is the nature of this term? World socialist consciousness is not just the formal globalization of the traditional socialist consciousness, but the highest form of socialist consciousness with its own qualitative characteristics. Who can develop one` s own world socialist consciousness? Is it the most progressive proletariat of this or that country, even of a socialist country who acquires world socialist consciousness? Of course not.

Nobody can develop one` s own world socialist consciousness but the world proletariat itself. The world socialist consciousness belongs solely to the world proletariat.

The world socialist consciousness is the only consciousness which is superior to the ruling consciousness of the world bourgeoisie, is the guarantee for the victorious class struggle of the world proletariat, is the only consciousness which is revolutionary, with which the world proletariat frees not only itself from global class-oppression, not only all the other oppressed and exploited classes, but from all class rule all over the world.

The world socialist consciousness paves the way for the higher developed consciousness, that of a global classless society, the communist consciousness of mankind. The proletarians of the whole world get ripe for the world revolution not until the world proletariat has developed the world socialist consciousness, not until the world proletariat has completely developed the world socialist consciousness in all countries without exception, not until the world socialist consciousness has gone over the world proletarian detachments of all countries.

At first the workers of all countries form their internationally organized organisms. Did they centralize their detachment` s forces, then they can fully exhaust the international power of the countries.

What does this mean dialectically?

The working classes of all countries are transformed into a global class. This class forms its own global organisms all over the world. Then this whole of organisms will be enabled to retro-act on the countries` detachments. This way the detachments can unfold the full force of the proletarians` world army. The global centralization of all proletarian forces only develops by means of all its unanimously welded partial forces over all single countries. So all the previous forms of unification of the proletarians of all countries are - so to speak - merely forms of the preliminary stage, a prerequisite for the qualitative leap to the unification on a higher (global) step. They cannot be regarded as just the finalisation of the international unification` s process.

Only in the global context of this progressive interpretation and if the world proletariat internalizes this as a premise, if the world revolutionaries understand the global meaning of the famous watchword: "Proletarians of all countries - unite!" - then (and only then !) the proletarians live up to expectations at this watchword, only then the watchword can provide its world revolutionary purpose for the proletarians.

And when we Marxists-Leninist defend this old watchword against its violation and misinterpretation by the revisionists then we defend first and foremost its higher global meaning. The revisionists are revisionists because they revise this higher global meaning on the formal base of Marxism-Leninism just to please the interests of the world bourgeoisie. In truth the revisionists do not defend the watchword in the spirit of Marx and Engels. In truth they "defend" the old watchword against Marx and Engels, against us Marxists-Leninist who allegedly "violate" the traditional meaning of this watchword. In truth the revisionists defend world capitalism from its downfall. Who are the Marxists-Leninist ? Those who obey to the letter of the watchword or those who make it work, who defend the revolutionary spirit of the watchword by bringing it into accordance with the proletarian masses under present conditions of the global class struggle? Not the working classes of the single countries unite on one's own initiative, but in the contrary - the world proletariat unites the working classes in every single country. This is firstly because of the objective basis of the negation of the national capital by the world capital. This is secondly because of the objective basis of the class struggle between the two world classes and - to be more precise - with the help of its world socialist class consciousness. The world capitalism negates itself by negating the capital in the capitalist countries.


So it is the world capitalism itself which yields the preconditions to change the proletarians of all countries into departments of the world proletariat - objectively and unintentionally- just as an ancillary effect. All this may sound paradoxical, contradictory and strange but the proletarians make it out. When times and conditions have changed basically, then we have to abandon those obsolete theories and thoughts of uniting the proletarians of all countries which were correct and useful in former times and under former conditions, but which do not suit the world proletariat, now. If one wants to recognize the unification of the proletarians of all countries in a new way, one has to study at first their actual way of life, their mode of production, their mode of communication which are informed by their global environment, one must recognize the trends where from and whereto these changes develop, will develop, must unavoidably develop. We must learn to understand the dialectic of the global development of the world proletariat which is not the same as that of the national development in the countries. We have to become familiar with the new global visions and opening new perspectives of the world proletariat. As a contribution to the understanding the dialectic of the development of the world proletariat we created the new watchword: "World proletariat - unite all countries!" This watchword reflects the future development of the world proletariat clearly and precisely. If we have perfectly understood the full value of this watchword, then we will manage to clear up and to remove misinterpretations, then we will succeed to harmonize both the watchwords dialectically: "Proletarians of all countries - unite!" and: "World proletariat - unite all countries!"


Through the last centuries capitalism follows its own nature with all its well known ugly characteristics. The main immanent urge, the basic law of capitalism, is maximisation of profits. Capitalism takes use of globalised unification to satisfy just the greed for profit. In the contrary, the workers need their global unification for their liberation from world capitalism. Their global unification for the purpose to get free is the first global unification for the purpose of the free life of mankind. People are free not until they are globally free. Unify for the purpose of capitalist exploitation - unify for the purpose of its final disposal, this is the different usage to the intended purpose of the diametrically opposed pair of unification. The process of class-unification is adversarial. This contrast of class-interests determines the law of the unity and struggle of the unification` s contradiction. In general, nothing changed the capitalist nature during the last 200 years, but the forms in which the contradiction of unification developed changed according to the changing of the capitalist society. We are living in times of global dimensions, in times of the global socialist revolution. The capitalist countries formed the global capitalist world. The downfall of world capitalism leads to the downfall of the capitalist countries. The "single" socialist countries had been removed by the capitalist restoration, which hindered the creation of world socialism. The development of the future socialist countries depends on the downfall of world capitalism. In so far, the first socialist countries can be described as forerunners and pioneers of the united socialist world which forms its own socialist countries on the global battlefield of class-struggle. The doom of the capitalist countries follows the doom of the global capitalist world and vice versa the fortune of the socialist countries follows the fortune of world socialism. The ruling classes rule the class - society. The ruling global classes rule the global class - society. The world bourgeoisie will be removed by the world proletariat. The world proletariat shall rule the future global class-society. The new socialist countries therefore cannot be anything else than the product of the world proletarian dictatorship. The watchword: "World proletariat - unite all countries!" is derived from these new world revolutionary theses.


The workers of the whole world gain common experience in the fight against the world monopolies, multinational groups etc., get a new feeling of an international solidarity and begin to globally act in solidarity. They learn to organize globally, independently from their native nationality. The international monopolies, the global capitalists, the world imperialism they all force pressure on the states of the whole world following the laws of profit. Primarily the global workers are hit worst and that forms their belief in their global interests: socialization of the world capital ! The power of world capitalism bases on the private world property of a handful world capitalists. By means of globalization in itself the worker is incapable of globalising his tools. The world proletariat is just a class without property as the proletarians of the capitalist countries two hundred years ago. The worker of the capitalist society is never in possession of his production tools, neither in the single factory, nor in a capitalist country, nor in the capitalist world. Nothing has changed at his indigence to this day. To the capitalist of a single factory, to the capitalists of a single country or to the world capitalists, to all of them the worker has nothing to sell but his manpower. They appropriate the surplus labour to make profit of it - global surplus of global manpower - global profit ! All this was explained scientifically by Marx and Engels. And what was written by them about the worker and the capitalist can be accurately compared with present global dimensions. The global capitalists benefit from the global wealth which is produced by the global worker and the world society has had their wealth revoked.

How can the world capitalist character of the production be removed?


"The bourgeoisie cannot exist without uninterruptedly revolutionizing the production instruments, also the production ownership structures and also all the social relations. (...) The constant radical change of the production, the uninterrupted shake-up of all social conditions, the everlasting uncertainty and movement - all this manifests the bourgeoisie epoch in demarcation of prior periods " (Marx and Engels, "manifesto of the communist party", MEW, volume 4, page 465, German edition, free editor` s translation.)


"(The bourgeoisie) revolutionizes the differentiation of labour within the society and flings continually amounts of capital and masses of workers from one section of the production process into another one. The nature of the big industry therefore causes changes of labour, flow of function, all-round flexibility of the worker. (...) The development of the contradictions of a historical production form is, however, the only historical way towards its dissolving and rearrangement. (...) The capitalist production develops therefore only the technology and combination of the social process of production by undermining the gushers of all wealth at the same time: the earth and the worker " (MEW, volume 23, "the capital [1]", page 511, 512, 529/530; German edition, free editor` s translation).


"To cancel this newly faulty circulation, this always self-producing contradiction of modern industry is only possible by the removal of its capitalist character on the other hand. Only a society which lets meshing harmoniously its productive forces by a con substantial over-all plan, can take the industry` s liberty to locate in such range of dispersion all over the country [additionally remark of the editor: "all over the world!"] which is most adequate for its own development and the maintenance resp. development of the rest of elements of the production " (MEW, volume 20, Anti-Dühring, page 276; German edition, free editor` s translation).

In deduction we can solve many problems by means of the proletarian unification process- such as: Abolition of the contradiction of town and country by unification, by the socialist fusion of town and country! Abolition of the contradiction among the countries by their unification, by socialist fusion of the countries! Abolition of the world capitalist division of labour by unification, by socialist fusion of globally divided labour! Abolition of the competition of the workers on the capitalist world labour market by unification, by a socialist fusion of the world proletariat which removes all labour markets from the globe! Abolition of the wage slavery of every single worker by his global unification, by his fusion with the world proletariat, by abolition of the global wage slavery; abolition of the capitalist oppression of every single worker by the united world proletariat, which unifies the global instruments to subdue the world capitalists, etc...


"If the society makes itself a master over all means of production to take advantage from them socially and systematically, then it destroys the previous enslaving of the people under their own means of production. Of course, the society cannot free itself until every single one is emancipated. So the old mode of production must be changed radically from the very bottom and namely the old differentiation of labour must be vanished. It has to be replaced by such an organisation of production in which no individual can pass one` s interest in the productive labour - this natural condition of the human existence - on to another on the one hand; in which on the other hand the productive labour develops as the means of the liberation of the people instead of the means of enslavering by offering everyone the opportunity to develop and approve all one` s abilities on all sides, physically as intellectually, and in which they can change from the status of a burden to a status of pleasure " (MEW, volume 20, Engels, "Anti Dühring", page 273/274; German edition, free editor` s translation).


Only, if the world proletariat has taken possession of all means of production in the world scale, the commodities economy (capitalist wares society) can be removed and therewith also the global subordination of the world producers under the capitalist wares.


"The anarchy within the social production is replaced by a systematic, conscious organization. The struggle for individual existence comes to an end.

Therewith - in a certain sense - the people begin definitely to part from the animal world stepping out of the conditions of animal beings into the genuine life of human beings.

The social environment of the living conditions surrounding and subordinating the people hitherto, now bow to the rule and control of the people themselves who become consciously the real masters of the nature for the first time, because and becoming masters of their own socialization.

So long ago the laws of nature subdued the social laws of the people` s doing as a strange and dominant strength. After that the people handle and therefore master them with full know-how. So long ago nature and history forced upon the own socialization of the people. And now it turns into their own freedom of action. The objective, strange powers which had control of the history till now step under control of the people themselves. Only from then on the people will determine their history with full consciousness.

Only from then on the social causes - moved by them - shall have mainly and increasingly the effects they purposely intended.

It is the leap of mankind from the realm of necessity to the realm of freedom. It is the historical mission of the modern proletariat to perform this world freeing deed.

To discover their historical conditions and with that their own nature, and to bring to those who are appointed to action, to the still oppressed class, the consciousness about the conditions and nature of their own actions... all this is the task of the theoretical expression of the proletarian movement, the task of scientific socialism" ( MEW, volume 20, page 264/265, Engels, "Anti Dühring", written approximately 130 years ago and still red-hot!).


So there is the only one remedy to put an end to the exploitation of the world labour: abolishing the private property of the owners of the means of production in the whole world, putting all factories, plans,mines, manors and all great estates etc. in the hands of the entire global society proceeding to the common, socialist world production led by the world proletariat. The working people benefit from the products produced by the global community even in the last corner of the globe.

And the surplus produced beyond the means of meeting the needs of their global livelihood, shall help them to satisfy all their own wants and demands, so that they can emancipate and fully take advantage of all their abilities and achievements of the socialized world science, world culture etc. The world proletariat needs political power,needs the socialist world revolution - what we have written about hundred times and what we will still write about for another hundred times. The world proletariat under the leadership of the Communist International (Marxists- Leninist) unites the working classes of all countries to a unique proletarian global army - under the banner: "World proletariat - unite all countries!"

We have explained how and why the international class struggle of the proletarians of all countries shall become a global class struggle of the world proletariat against the world bourgeoisie as a whole. Now it is the question how this shall reflect the struggle of the peoples of the world, how this shall influence the struggle of the world` s working masses. On the basis of the facts we can recognise: Never, before, the labour in the world scale has grown as fast as today under the conditions of the globalization. However, that labour of all other social strata and classes - particularly those peasant labourers who also are forced to sell their labour on the global market of agriculture - grows still more as the labour of the growing world proletariat. And the global proletarian reserve army grows still faster than the global labour army itself.


"The great beauty of the capitalist production entails not only the permanent reproduction of a wage labourer as a wage labourer but also a constant and relative overspill population of wage labourers in proportion to the accumulation of the capital."(MEW, volume 23, "The Capital [1]", page 796, German edition, free editor` s translation).


Globalization of capital means globalization of financial starvation and desperation and drives the people of the country to the towns. Everywhere in the world we see how they are looking for refuge in the suburbs of the towns with over a million inhabitants that the world capitalism stamps more new slums from the ground than it can increase its maximum profits. The global poverty grows still faster than the world population. The collapse of impoverished towns rolls back again to the country-side. This is just as automatic as the reciprocal relation between the world and its countries, between industry and agriculture on a world scale and locally, etc. The poverty grows faster than the riches. So the globalization does n' t have increased its substantial influence only on the proletarians of all countries, on the industry etc., but also on anything else, e.g. on the global industry of agriculture which is uprooting and throwing a millionfold peasant labourers on the global labour market. The competition of the workers of all countries increases progressively in global time and global space.

The world proletariat keeps on growing in spite of leaving behind great misery and great sufferings and after it has left many victims on the battlefield of the globalised class struggle. World capital needs the world proletariat both as its pay dirt and its gravedigger. The world proletariat won' t renounce the revolution only because of unavoidable victims. What is an end with starve and suffer in comparison with starve and suffer without ending ? The world proletariat fights for easing the global pain caused by capitalist chains, but this is not a fight in itself. The world proletariat has not alone to struggle for removing the painful chains, but moreover and in first line the world proletariat has to subordinate this struggle under the struggle against the inevitableness of global capitalist chains. This means rooting out world imperialism, this means to get rid of the own chains of the world proletariat, the chains of bourgeois ideology` s influence, the cultural chains, the chains which divide the proletarians of the countries. The world proletariat cannot get rid of the chains at its body until it got rid of the chains in its brain: World proletariat has to become conscious about the truth: Only world socialism can root out the inevitableness of capitalism. It is the inevitableness of the world proletariat` s ideological and then practical unification of all countries which abolishes the inevitableness of capitalism. The objective conditions of the capitalist globalization will resurrect the international army of the proletariat.



Are we against the globalization?

"Yes and no?"


Yes;

capitalist globalization enchains the world proletariat. We are breaking all kinds of capitalist chains, particularly the global, the most painful one` s. So one part of the answer is YES, we are regarding globalised capitalism as the worst enemy.


No;

we are for the globalization because the inconsistencies, the antagonistical contradictions between world bourgeoisie and world proletariat burst open through globalization. Without bursting open the class-struggle the proletariat cannot shake off slavery. We always foster the development and outbreak of the class-struggle, especially on its global battle-field just to speed up the world revolutionary development and the approaching day of liberation. We are for the globalization (unification) of the countries – however, not under the world capitalists but under the leadership of the world proletariat (“World proletariat – unite all countries!”). So the other part of the answer is NO, we are anti-capitalist globalisers as globalisers of proletarian internationalism.


To give as well a positive as a negative answer does not mean to give an indifferent , not determined answer. Globalisation` s dialectic is the dialectic of the unity and struggle of global contradictions. We as Marxists-Leninist have to take advantage of the influence of all those global processes which speed up the time and paves the way for the global victory of the proletariat. Globalisation is necessary for the people `s liberation and emancipation if it is corrrectly mastered. We don `t pray submissively any fateful subjugation under the capitalist development of globalisation but we want to master globalisation forces in the interest of the class-struggle of the world proletariat. Nore would we be misunderstood by globalisation in the sense of global egalitarianism – it is this the criticism of egalitarianism by the petty bourgeoisie led by primitive backwardness which don ´t meet trouble halfway. The globalisation of communist consciousness deserves closer attention as a precondition for the global unification of the proletarians.


Concerning the globalisation we communists always and on every occasion resisted and opposed all attempts to stop or to arrest the economic development. The historical development of capitalism began with the development of the bourgeoisie. The bourgeoisie began to accumulate capital on a national stage. Meanwhile bourgeoisie and capital developed globally. The law of capitalism is striving for globalising profit even if it costs the own downfall. Even to make profit from the universe is no impediment for capitalism – from globalisation to universalisation, from global exploitation of the workers to universal exploitation of the workers... that `s were it goes. The Comintern (ML) wont impede the global economic development and even not its universalisation. This principle is part and parcel of our socialist world programme (1926).The globalization finally creates the ripe and objective conditions for changing capitalism into socialism. Socialism is only socialization of the private capitalist ownership structures of the global production means so that world socialism grows from the womb of global capitalism with all its unavoidable birthmarks. This is what Marx and Engels taught us. If capitalism was once progressive opposite the bondage of feudalism, then capitalist world production appears to be an objective basis for the socialist world production, for the world socialism. We are not revisionists who speak for the self-sufficiency or self-fulfilment of socialism in a "single" country, for the impasse of socialism forced by the world capitalist encirclement. We are not some kind of national "socialists" but as Marxists-Leninist we are internationalists, globalists, global centralists, who struggle for the global victory of the world proletariat, for the victory of global communism. We Marxists- Leninist are global communists. Dogmatised condemnation of everything global - that's much too sweeping a criticism and smells like petty bourgeois philistines. They do not or don `t want to understand the objective walk of the economic development of the globalization and they ignore its significance to the labour movement and to the world socialist movement. This petty bourgeois ideology of the anti-globalisers, advertising themselves as "anti-capitalist", is nothing but reactionary. This may sound paradoxical, absurd or even slanderous for some of our "lefties" opponents but the dialectic of the global class struggle of the proletariat is like that and it is pretty well understandable for the world proletariat but next to nothing for the petty bourgeois. We have no fears of contact concerning tactical switches with petty bourgeois, global movements, but concerning principles there will be no attempted rapprochements. To be in two minds about globalization even within the communist and labour movement has very often class character. The classes have to fight it out - that's all !


Well, indeed, capitalist globalization is extremely contradictory at all, contradictory like the classes who have to cope with capitalist globalization:


States which try to insulate themselves against the globalised economic development are tilting at windmills. In the contrary, the more they pedal, the easier and more thorough the whole global world is entering into one's own four walls. The global intrusion of capitalist countries is an immanent appearance of world capitalism. Only socialist countries of the first socialist period proved to be resistant to the world capitalist encirclement for a certain time before the restoration of capitalism began to re transform them into capitalist countries. Together with the world capitalism the world proletariat as well began to cross the borderlines of the nations. There, where are put up fences against millions of people, there they will be climbed over by 10 million and pulled down by 100 million people. There, where it is all about the countries to direct their progressive national movements at the globalism of the world capital, there the countries are thrown into the cosmopolitan surrender, thrown into the arms of foreign rule; and where it is all about to direct their liberal-minded, democratic progressive movements, their national freedoms against any narrow-minded nationalism, there the countries themselves become despotic, reactionary and fascist. Against this the proletariat neither takes the decisive struggles inside the country lying down nor the decisive struggles against the world capital but makes its own, its internationalist demands on the agenda of all countries and combines its political liberation with the social liberation from world capitalism. The proletariat shall combine the liberation of the nation from the world capital with the matter of world socialism, with the liberation of the suppressed classes, with the internationally united, socialist revolution in every country. The proletariat of every country will transform the liberation of one` s own country into the liberation of the whole world as well as the world proletariat shall transform its liberation from the yoke of world capitalism into the liberation from the yoke of the capitalism in every country.

This is the revolutionary liberation of the proletariat both of its capitalist foreign rule and of the capitalist power in one` s own country:

"Proletarian of all countries - unite!" - "World proletariat - unite all countries!" That's how it goes - the dialectic of the globalised fight of the proletarians against the globalised world capitalism. That` s how it goes - the dialectic of the fight for the world socialism, for the dictatorship of the world proletariat, which removes the globalised world capitalism by uniting and liberating all countries. From certain time on the nations shall not any more campaign against each other but united against world capitalism - and to be more precise - by uniting against the restoration of the world capitalism under the dictatorship the world proletariat. The united nations - led by the world proletariat - will celebrate their common victory about the elimination of the unavoidableness of the world capitalism.

With the negation of the globalism of all medieval, reactionary backwardnesses, with the negation of the old nationalist despotism the whole "democratic world civilization" negates itself. What, if the "democratic world civilization" can only defend itself by mercenaries of the "uncivilized world" if it is only on the drip of the "uncivilized world"? Whichever "uncivilized country" is bombarded by "civilized weapons" into the "democratic world civilization" - therewith the "civilized troupes" leave a void, a "civilized emptiness" on the whole rest of the theatre of war in the "uncivilized world".

Who will fill this enlarging "uncivilized vacuum" caused by the "democratic world civilization"? Who are the "uncivilized" gravediggers of the "democratic world civilization"? The "democratic world civilization" still feels fairly safe at the moment concerning the coming outbreak of the proletarian world revolution having in mind their alleged victory on the restoration of the former socialist countries. However, the question is: Who safeguards the imperialist world empire of the "democratic civilization" against the restoration of the deep-set causes of the October revolution?


The negation of the bourgeois "world civilization" is the proletarian world civilization.


Not the one bourgeoisie is opposing the other one in the war, not the one proletariat is opposing the one bourgeoisie on nationally bounded battle fields but from now on the bourgeoisie is opposing the whole world proletariat in the global civil war.

This is why the world proletariat as a global class will not and cannot look for revolutions on the national scale, but will find the revolution on a global scale of capitalism. This is why the world proletariat will transform even the last revolution in a national scale into a one and only world revolutionary movement. By this the revolution is upgraded which would be impossible without the material preconditions created by the globalised world capitalism itself.

The proletariat of this or that country does not march any more at the top of the world revolutionary class struggle, quasi in place of the world proletariat but the whole world proletariat is itself in the lead with its own detachments in every country of the world. In principle, the world proletariat doesn't care about the cloak of the global exploiting system as it appears differently in this or that single country. The world proletariat will put none of these cloaks on because their narrowness will tear all of them up with its strengthening body. The globalised world capitalism only then supplies the world proletariat with fitting clothes when it is far too late for capitalism, namely after the dead duck is already defeated.

There is only the world proletariat who possesses the boldness to wear one's own surcoat and to unite all oppressed world forces under it.


There is only the world proletariat who does not need to consider anybody or anything on earth. All that putting obstacles in the way and all that powers of the whole world will be attacked simultaneously and without any hesitation. Nothing and nobody can keep back the unified actions of the world proletariat in the world scale because it has nothing at all to loose than the whole world misery and to win a whole new world.

So we are in the world revolutionary sense for globalisation, namely if - and only if - globalisation is advancing and fostering the socialist world revolution. We stress this just to exclude the tiniest and very last misunderstanding about our attitude for the globalisation, a priori. Let the world bourgeoisie be fooled into believing that globalisation works for and not against its class-interests. However, the world bourgeoisie unavoidably and against its own will opens the way for us communists by the globalisation` s development because the world bourgeoisie creates all those material means by which the world proletariat is permitted to hit back pitilessly and to put the world socialism on a secure economic basis. The world bourgeoisie isn't alone with the globalisation. The world bourgeoisie needs the globalisation to do not go down but by globalisation the world bourgeoisie goes down contemporaneously.

Globalisation is the last stage of world capitalism and the first stage of world socialism.

The next society cannot develop if the prior society is not ripe to fall down. This is the dialectic of the world domination` s downfall of the bourgeoisie which is effective to the benefit of communism without and against its own will. The world bourgeoisie forms new proletarians for the capitalist global, deploys the world proletariat and offers therewith the material prerequisites to unite the proletarians in the countries to ready departments of the world production. The formula: "World proletariat - unite all countries!" is fully in vogue with the global development (... towards socialism! What else ?!) Today the world bourgeoisie puts the world proletariat just behind itself and its hangman will stand in front of the door tomorrow. And not only in front of the door of the world bourgeoisie but also in front of the door of the global petty bourgeoisie which makes such a big screaming for its "anti-globalism" because globalism is the death of the petty bourgeoisie, no matter it is the global world of the bourgeoisie or of the proletariat !


As we have already seen in the first period of socialism the reactionary petty bourgeoisie appeared to be much more afraid about the power of the proletarian` s socialism than about the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie which once - well-known - developed from the petty bourgeoisie. The petty bourgeoisie fears the dictatorship of the world proletariat because the globalised capitalist world of today is a miniature-toy in comparison with the global socialist world ! The movement of the petty bourgeois anti-globalisers is perhaps our ally in the fight against imperialism, war and fascism today but tomorrow it may become one of the most dangerous opponents of the socialist globalisation of the world proletarian power. If the petty bourgeoisie competes with the capitalist globalisation to set bounds to the deterioration of its own class positions, then it finally must enter into the fight with the world proletariat which sweeps away the petty bourgeoisie as a dying class as well as it will globally disestablish all classes without exception. It is decisive for the world proletariat that the capitalism which once arose from the petty bourgeoisie cannot be restored either any more without the petty bourgeoisie. So, last not least, the world proletariat withdraws the world basis from the world bourgeoisie by the fact that it destroys all classes supporting her and reproducing her (inclusively the worker aristocracy as her social sustainer within the labour movement). With the negation of the petty bourgeoisie the world bourgeoisie negates itself. However, the world proletariat isn't only executor of the petty bourgeoisie which is sentenced to death by the world bourgeoisie but also the leading strength of the new socialist, non-antagonistic international class society. What does that mean ? That means, bit by bit the petty bourgeoisie makes itself superfluous at the construction of the world socialism, merges into the socialist society under the dictatorship of the world proletariat , does no longer work compulsively in the sweat of its brown for its own class` self-preservation against two more powerful classes simultaneously as in times of capitalism when the petty bourgeoisie had to prevail against bourgeoisie and proletariat but from now on the petty bourgeoisie only works for the proletariat. The petty bourgeoisie is older than the bourgeoisie and - got long in the tooth - must not safe one's hide arduously within the next, the socialist generation of the class-society for the very reason that socialism does not need it in the long run. World socialism assimilates and absorbs the class-differences globally (continuation of the process of unity and struggle) in a long period of transition into the classless society.

The world petty bourgeoisie is only in so far “revolutionary” as it supports the world proletariat's aim to abolish the petty bourgeoisie for the purpose of the classless society. If the unity of the world proletariat is the strongest weapon in the fight for the socialist world revolution, then results from this unquestionable truth just as unquestionably, that it would be disastrous for the world proletariat to go into the unity with such reactionary petty bourgeois elements, who stream in the revolutionary ranks in a considerable number to disrupt, to split and to topple the fight for the socialist world revolution; short: The world proletariat won` t allow to be subordinated under the influence, under the rule of the petty bourgeoisie and with that under the rule of the world bourgeoisie. As the tail end of the petty bourgeois "anti-globalisation-campaign" the world proletariat would be at the mercy of the world bourgeoisie. The world proletariat leads its own anti-globalisation struggle against world capitalism as part of the struggle for global socialism. If this aim will be support by progressive elements of the petty bourgeoisie then they are welcome otherwise these elements will be eliminated.


So today's capitalist world order is a global exploitation and oppression system, which is not only using much more brutal and more corrupt practices and finespun methods, then the different exploitation and oppression systems of the countries altogether, but also throws the rest of the world into the proletariat and with that into the misery mercilessly. The globalised exploitation- and oppression system of world capitalism is the most brutal and most radical one in the history of mankind. It is not alone a sort of exploitation- and oppression system which destroys all its previous sorts of exploitation- and oppression systems but it is not able to maintain its own power even in the last corner of the globe. with other words it is self-destructively. It is the world capitalism which pulls down not only the national barriers but also all the other barriers as the previous barriers between poor and rich countries, the barriers between workers and the worker aristocracy which the world capitalism cannot fatten financially any more to protect oneself from the world proletariat. World capitalism withdraws itself from its own social sustainer etc.. World capitalism subdues everything and everybody under the law of profit, last not least itself. The law of the world capitalism forces the world capitalism to submit to his own destruction. Whether world bourgeoisie or world proletariat, there's nothing else for it but fight or death, win the mare or lose the halter, bloody world civil war or None. "Socialism or death?!" This question is inescapable for both the world proletariat and the world bourgeoisie. Once this question applied to the encircled "single" socialist country. Once the proletariat had to put the question on solving the up building of socialism in a single country and now “socialism or death?” has become a global question which has to be solved by the global class. The world capitalism has passed to intensify the poverty in all countries of the world cosmopolitically, globally) and to be more precise, to an even higher and faster extent than it withdraws the wealth of all countries cosmopolitically (globally).

And in the same manner of this materialized cosmopolitanism also the spiritual one goes on vulgarizing - much to the chagrin of the elder materialized and spiritual nationalism, much to the regret of certain petty bourgeois elements which will be strangled by world capitalism and who - therefore - drown out the other's clamour, while the millions of proletarian masses bear their global tribulations bravely, suffering days of silent anguish and black despair.

These petty bourgeois elements are dangerous because they drown out the voice of the proletarian masses in general and the voices of the world labour movement and the communist movement in particular, because the proletariat cannot hinder a millionfold infiltration of proletarianising petty bourgeois elements or other classes who drop down into the proletariat in the course of the capitalist globalisation `s development. A global class like the world proletariat needs enormous strength and a lot of time to assimilate all these strange class elements in a global scale. We `ll never forget how difficult this was for the proletariat of a single country. However the world proletariat will master all this much more thoroughly and above all the world proletariat irretrievable gets rid of the permanent and attritional tug of war with the petty bourgeois elements, with intellectualism and labour aristocracy in the course of the world revolution. All these clashes with antagonist classes which took once so much patience and efforts can be overcome and all these - once so necessary and unavoidable deteriorations of strengths - can be fully used to the advantage of the up building of world socialism. Additionally world capitalism by itself contributes to the global grinding pressure of the middle classes by the polarization of the world bourgeoisie and the world proletariat. Sure enough the petty bourgeoisies shout for the "peaceful coexistence" of both the global antagonist classes and cry for a "stalemate", why the middle classes ebb between world bourgeoisie and world proletariat, just to get out of a tight spot. It would be the kindest for the world lower middle class if the world bourgeoisie and the world proletariat mutually destroy themselves and the lower middle class is left as a "winner." It longs to return to its great time when there were neither the bourgeoisie nor the proletariat who make their life a misery.


All this teaches us vividly how the unification process of the world proletariat has to take place or more precisely how it should not at all take place. Lenin teaches: Before unification comes demarcation. For the world proletariat does this mean to draw consequently a demarcation line to the petty bourgeois elements and to unite the most progressive elements of the proletariat itself, especially the elements of the global industrial workers. "Proletarians of all countries - unite!" does not mean to unite together with strange class elements. This is the first step of the unification. Is this completed then the world proletariat can follow the second step of unification. At first the proletarians call for their own emancipation and after that they call for the liberation of the whole world, after that they call the other class elements to join and follow the proletarian `s leadership "World proletariat - unite all countries!" Before the world proletariat calls for the liberation of the whole world, respectively the liberation of all the other oppressed and exploited classes, it has to build up its proletarian detachments in every single country. To avoid mistakes the proletariat shall follow this general line principled as well as flexible

The global decline of the petty bourgeoisie as a class runs ahead of the decline of the hundreds of years old world `s petty bourgeois ideology and therewith condemned to death as a most aggravating and repressive influence within the proletariat.



Let `s add some basic details to the dialectic of the international class struggle:


What is international class-struggle ?


The fight of the workers of all countries becomes the international class struggle not until all progressive representatives of the working classes of the countries are conscious as global subjects of the monolith class of the world proletariat, which means that they do not struggle against single capitalist countries by their own, but as one and only force against the whole class of the world bourgeoisie inclusively against all those forces supporting this class and international capitalist corporate bodies. The increase and extension of the international class struggle is based on the degree of the basic contradictions `s development between world capital and world labour. Unity and struggle of this contradiction have a different effect due to the non-uniformity of the economic and political development of every single country. Completely new forms of the class struggle in every single country are developed by the new formation of the all dominant international class struggle. These changes take place under the old cover of the well known formula: "class struggle in the country of one's own". However form and content became different in comparison with the old, traditional formula. It is the global content of the class struggle expressed in different national forms. Related to the global content of the class struggle this old formula encounters more and more national borders and gets powerless in the face of the superior forces of the world capital, which dominates and subordinates all countries in general and the class struggle within the countries in particular. So the former formula of the class struggle in the country of one's own must absolutely throw off the old cover because this hinders, restricts and impedes the higher, the global development of the class struggle. The globalisation of capital involves unavoidably the globalisation of class-struggle and therefore a new modification of the content of the old formula: class-struggle in one `s own country. In no way class struggle is concerned with a partial process of downturn and stumble or with its pure relocation or exportation abroad.

The class struggle cannot be exported abroad. The following views of things are extremely harmful and to be more precise in two different ways: "Class struggle in one `s own country is dead!" and should be replaced by the new formula: "Long live the international class struggle!" The "either-or-law" as well as the "neither-nor-law" would be not only completely wrong but would lead to suicide because this would violate the indispensable necessity of the class struggle in one `s own country for unfolding the global class struggle. This would be a formula which serves better to the world bourgeoisie, namely to curtail the international class struggle of its detachments in the hinterland, of its reserves in every single country. Rejection of class-struggle in one's own country bursts global class struggle ´s bubble.

And now we are coming to the other extremely wrong formula:

"Every single working class builds up its own bulwark to shield from world capitalism!" and: "Calling for internationalist solidarity and support for one `s own bulwark against world capitalism!" To keep one's nose out of the global class-struggle and to shrink to the class struggle in one `s own country is equivalent to the formula: "Charity begins at home!"

This is nothing more than a declaration of capitulation to the world bourgeoisie and as well suicidal - moreover grist to the mill of the fascist propaganda of their "Anti-Imperialism", rebirth of the old nationalism on a "higher" (fatal) stage. This qualitative transformation of the class character in the country of one's own takes place not irrespectively from a movement being self-contained and self-sufficient, not as a whole in itself compared with its former national class-movement but the class character grows now as a part from the globally growing world, as a detachment of the global class struggle, as the spreading of the global class struggle into every single country. Exactly thereby the class struggle in one `s own country receives a new impetus, strength and breeding ground, not only by the overall global class struggle but also by the class struggle in all the other countries in the one or other way because all of them are transformed similarly in parts of a whole, in detachments of the world army of the proletariat.

And just because of the fact that they can all interact as parts of a whole they are able to take action and effect on the global whole - in their specific, in their partial way.

Thereby they retroact as well to their own country and to all the other single countries. By this development the class-struggle in one `s own country gets more and more a global character and is nearing itself to a (partial) qualitative leap. However, in itself, this qualitative leap cannot finish or solve the class contradictions in one `s own country until the global class contradictions did not come to an end or were solved. The development of the class struggle in one `s own country depends more and more on its involvement in the global contradictions of class-struggle. So to speak, the class struggle in the country of one's own boosts by the increasing basic contradiction between world capital and world labour, revives on a higher stage and is reactivated by global impulses which drive on all the single countries as proletarian detachments. How does this happen?

There is one reason why the unity of the proletarians in a single country is so hard to achieve and why the proletarians of a single country are disjointed. This reason is the enormous (economic, political, ideological, cultural) pressure of the bourgeoisie, a pressure which comes from inside and outside the country and is forced by the boundless capital (and not less by its reformist and revisionist lackeys!). The capital enforces this pressure which makes difficult the unification.

In view of this bourgeois pressure the frustration of the proletarians is not surprising when they think about their unity. This pressure can be decompressed if it is shared by the proletarians of other countries, by the world proletariat - with other words: by globalism resistance of each country. A sorrow shared is a sorrow halved.

By degree the proletarians will experience and learn that they all belong to a global class, that they are all part of the world proletariat that it is their unity-strength which comes from the world proletariat and goes to the world proletariat that every single country is not forsaken as parts of the proletarian world.

With the backing of the unity from outside the unification is easier for the proletariat of a single country, it is encouraged for the unity. Together everything works easier. Nobody is forsaken. One for all and all for one.

How shall the world proletariat throw its own departments onto the global battle-field if there is nothing but decidedness and disunity? This would be a really wretched, embarrassing and shameful unity but not a proletarian one, let alone a world proletarian unity! The bourgeois infection of ill-discipline and disunity is not very different. This would be really a wretched, embarrassing and shameful discipline but not a proletarian one, let alone a world proletarian discipline! If the proletariat of a country, however, sees from a global angle that the world proletariat marches unanimously and in a disciplined manner, it will keep in the same step with the world proletariat, it will keep in the same disciplined step even in the country of one's own, it will feel accountable for the global matter as well as for the matter in one `s own country, it will be able to recognize the necessity of the overcoming of its own disunity and ill-discipline much better in the global mirror of all the others. This step in this or that country is still faster than that one of the world proletariat but the world proletariat makes progress to step faster than the proletariat in one `s own country. Sooner or later the world proletariat becomes a pacemaker of the proletarian unity and discipline in every country of the world. With every single step by which the proletarians march on towards the liberation from their own disunity and ill-discipline the world proletariat will be able to speed up the unification process of the proletarians in all countries. And again this global power of the proletarians` unity becomes the motivating force for the unity within every single country. This is the dialectics of the unification `s proportion between the proletariat of a single country and the world proletariat. Unity is the greatest treasure of all proletarians in the world. This treasure of unity still lies snug on the bottom of the world imperialist sea. Global unity weighs so heavily that it cannot be recovered by the proletariat of a single country and not even by a socialist country. The treasure of global unity can only be jointly recovered. And once recovered unity is so preciously that it can be guarded and sheltered only with the eyeballs of all proletarian detachments of the world proletariat.

To understand the watchword: "World proletariat - unite all countries!" that means to understand the dialectics of the international class struggle which will influence the class struggle in the countries substantially and which will subordinate all of them evermore in future. "World proletarians - unite all countries!" - this is the dialectical negation of the negation of "Proletarians of all countries - unite!" and fundamentally the Marxist-Leninist law of the unification` s motion - discovered by the Comintern (ML). To put a finer point on it: The negation of "Proletarians of all countries - unite!" has to take place in such a way that it is open and sensible to the implementation of the watchword: "World proletariat - unite all countries!" Both of the watchwords have to be harmonized and dovetailed. The watchword: “Proletarians of all countries - unite!" has its own characteristic way to be negated so that the development of the other watchword: "World proletariat - unite all countries!" can be derived from it.

But what` s about the negation of the watchword: "World proletariat - unite all countries"? By the negation of the watchword: "World proletariat - unite all countries!" the classless society will be created but this takes time. The world proletariat doesn't dissolve into thin air. In the contrary, the world proletariat shall have raised the complete world population on a higher standard and we don't talk about a revolutionary class within a class-society any more but of a communist society where everyone, even the last individual, has got so revolutionary that everybody is exempted from the necessity of any political revolution. In the communist society there is not a world proletariat as the only revolutionary class . What is a revolution good for in a classless society? Political revolutions are always class-related. It is then no longer only the Communists within the old class society who deny the necessity of the existence of the classes but all people of the classless, communist society.

First there is the self- emancipation of mankind and then the emancipation of mankind from nature. In the first time of history this entire communist global society is no longer revolutionary towards oneself but towards nature. It is for the first time when the social development of the world stops being a political world revolution by the elimination of the class differences. The last negation of the negation of all revolutions ever is the negation of the negation of the socialist world revolution. For the first time the Communist doesn't fight for the self-emancipation of mankind any more but for its emancipation from nature with the help of the derived unification-formula:

"People of the whole world - unite with all the natural forces of this earth!"

This watchword is at all the negation of the negation of all watchwords of the whole history of the class struggle, namely the unification with nature, the fusion of man with nature, the rebirth of the child of nature, on the highest stage of its development. It is the unification of all forward motions - and development laws between nature, society and thinking, it is the unity of man with nature on a higher and higher stage. Man develops his freedom in harmony with the laws of nature recognized, discovered and mastered by himself. More and more the people recognize the sustainability of intervention in nature and learn to dominate (to master) nature, however not hitherto as exploiter, destroyer and parasite at the nature.

"The more this happens, however, the more the people do not only feel but also know about their close communion with nature ; and therefore the more impossible will be that absurd and unnatural vision of a contradictoriness between mind and matter, man and nature, body and soul - and the more impossible will be all these relics of the downfall of the antiquity in Europe which received their highest education by the Christianization" (Engels, „ Anteil der Arbeit an der Menschwerdung des Affens“, MEW, volume 20, page 453; German edition, free editor `s translation).


The dialectical materialism determines unity and struggle of the contradictions between Man and Nature. As man liberates himself, he liberates from nature and liberates nature from itself. What does this mean ? The human being in particular and the being of nature in general is not any longer determined by their struggle to survive but vice versa all being is mastered by the humans. In this respect the human beings intervene the nature `s struggle to survive and help to liberate nature from its struggle to survive. It is true that nature needs opportunities for its urgent regeneration from all the capitalism `s crimes towards the nature but it is also true that there are self-destructive forces within nature which harm or aggravate its own development, so that we have to protect nature from itself. We have to remove both the obstacles caused by the human beings and those of nature by itself to support its development on a higher stage. Mastering the forces of nature does not mean to let nature take its course spontaneously. The human beings have to support nature by abolishing the inevitableness of its struggle to survive the inevitableness to obey its own feral and untamed rules of self-acting.


Humans and nature form a global unity opposite to the universe, struggle for mastering universal forces, intervene the self-acting course of ther universe. Following the unity and struggle of the contradictions between our world and our universe we step to the last formula: “Human beings – unite with the universal forces of the cosmos!” This is the ultimate and highest derivation of the negation `s negation of man `s unification which opens new aspects and perspectives of mankind `s development – living in unity, in prosperity and harmony with the universe – the struggle for the emancipation of universal human beings to make universe humanely. Burgeonisation and prosperity of life in the universe that `s the purpose of the universal human transformation – this is universal communism. However instead of this universal communist transformation of life capitalism changes the universe into a cesspool. Where profit prospers there remains only darkness and desertedness. Profit wreaks hevoc with all life, with the whole globe, with the whole universe, with everything it is involved.


The universe belongs to all the beings. It future times it may be the universal place and space where beings share their life and where they live commonly together. Socialisation of our planet , socialisation of the universe, communisation of the universe, universal communism coming a close second after globalised communism – all this is interesting. People shall spent their time for these far reaching communist ideas of unifying the universe, for developing their universal character. Indeed, there are interelations between the globalisation and the universilation of the laws of unification and it is for sure, that taking good care about our planet means to take good care about the whole universe. However soothsaying and fortune-telling is really not our cup of tea ... first of all we have to cope with the daily needs of the people, we have to care about the fastest and easiest way for the necessary abolishment of the inevitableness of capitalism ... here on earth...






The labour union "question"...


... is one of the biggest obstacles on the way to the unity of the world proletariat. We want labour unions which serve exclusively the class struggle of the world proletariat in every single country. We struggle for the necessity of red labour unions and the destruction of bourgeois labour unions. We struggle for removing their nationally backwardness, their resistance against their ineluctable reformation as global unification weapons in the hands of the world proletariat. The revival of the traditional labour union `s movement is only possible as a globally reorganized movement - otherwise it would further suffer and waste away in the hands of the bourgeoisie. The global up building of revolutionary labour unions is necessary but impossible without the struggle for the global disarmament of bourgeois labour unions. The workers, however, can get their own global labour unions not until they have liberated their capitalised labour unions in the countries. "World proletariat - unite all the labour unions of the countries !" This is our message to solve globally the labour union `s question.

It shouldn't escape the notice of the labour unions in the leading capitalist countries, that the world capital influenced the traditional anti-capitalist development of the labour union movement in these countries more and more strongly and to be more precise to the effect that it ruthlessly disregards the progressive achievements of these more than 150 years old labour movements. Moreover, world capitalism proceeded to exploit the labour unions and to subdue them under the law of profit just by the misuse of the labour unions. The bourgeoisie exercises power over the labour unions from a global position so that labour unions within their national four walls became incapacitating even if they would fight honestly for the interests of the workers but they don `t do. National labour unions are useless if they are not led by a powerful global centre. However, who is the forerunner of the international attack on the achievements of the workers of the single countries?

The forerunners of the global campaign against the workers` rights and their social systems, which once arose from the class struggle in the capitalist countries, those are the bourgeois labour unions themselves who serve to the capitalism and by this disarmed the own workers became helpless towards the world capitalist campaign !

The governments, the labour unions and all the old-fashioned instruments of exploitation and oppression within the single countries, all this gets in conflict with the interests of the world capital, which need not to regard the rights of the world labourers in particular.

While the capitalists of single countries are tied to a certain degree to legal, even though minimal considerateness, the global capital can disregard national conventions. Global capital is bound to nothing, can make use of the reserve armies of all countries, can benefit from the labour competition among the nations etc. Since the world capitalist, however, doesn't exploit his world labourers on the moon but in the middle of the countries where the wage labourers of the national capitalists are also exploited, the international capitalist "poaches" so to speak in the strange districts of the national capitalists, he puts them into competition among themselves and exerts pressure on them, especially on the collective bargaining, amount of wages, labour time, conditions of employment, social insurance etc. The world proletariat demands for a minimum of globally equal working conditions, wages, collective bargaining etc. "Equal wage for equal labour in every country!" If you compare the working conditions in factories of international monopolies with those in factories with a locally "settled" property , the working conditions are much worse, the wages lower with the world capitalists, so the "long-established" enterprises are forced for their part to worsen their working conditions and to push the pay to remain competitive internationally. The term of “global wage-dumping” is well known. And an anti-wage-dumping campaign can only be successfully organised by globally centralised revolutionary labour unions, who coordinate the struggle in the single countries. This applies also to the well known cause and effect of globalised outsourcing. These all are known appearances of worldwide moves, migrations, relocations, shifting, outsourcings and transfers of production means, of industrial facilities, manufacturing facilities and other production facilities, whole factories and whole industries in cheap pay countries and the return of the factories to former locations but under deteriorated work and pay conditions! clear and brief: the world capital disregards the hurdles of single countries and becomes increasingly the pacemaker of the exploitation and oppression in the countries` development, the pacemaker of the deterioration of the more than one hundred years old tradition of the countries` labour movements. In next to no time the world bourgeoisie can do as it pleases whereas the traditional national bourgeoisie would need time till doomsday. Especially the working classes of the capitalist countries felt painfully the effects of globalisation. They passed through a long period of hard class struggle to wring this and that improvement of their situation from the capitalist system and now they see their achievements dashed. The only problem is that the world capital does not give a damn about the harsh fate of the labourers. World capital is most anti-labourer and who risks a protest gets the sack. World capital can max out on the million reserve army and is mobile enough to gain access to a better location at every time, where and when it can make more profit trouble-free, faster and more easily, in the line of least resistance and at a minimal expense .So the car industry goes to the East, i.e. to China, because the increase of the capital is there at best, now. The cheapest pay country of the world is the social imperialist China today. The fourth largest finance capital of the world already is in China `s hands just to give an example. And vice versa, the Deutsche Bank, this bank of the export- world 's- champion- country was de placed by China and set back from the forth position to the 23rd position within only few years. The international bank capital went besides itself. The teachings of Stalin concerning the crisis of the financial, industrial and agricultural capital in the imperialist countries applies extremely to the globalised crisis of the world imperialist system with its far-reaching consequences on the global labour market and last not least on the increasing class-struggle. Let `s speak about the influences on the changing of former forms of the international class-struggle caused by the global capitalist crisis.

The old means of class struggle, the fight forms of the first period of socialism have to be modified under the changing conditions of globalisation and in the perspective of the second period of socialism. We have urgently to talk about the development of global forms of the international class struggle. There is no doubt about the daily experiences of the workers who discover the loss of effect by adhering to the traditional forms of class struggle but they are not yet conscious about the alternative solutions. The world proletariat demands for effective counter agents against the global fight forms and global weapons of the world capital. The international form of the globalisation determines the global consciousness about the globalisation and therewith the global forms of the labour union `s class struggle by which world capitalism is attacked. Completely all forms of the labour union `s struggle, the former and new ones, will be carried, developed, altered and subordinated by the coming global class struggle for the socialist world revolution. Every crisis of the labour union `s movement leads unavoidably to the fact that the old forms do not apply to the changing content of class struggle any more. The new forms of the global labour movement develop to such degree as the global formation of labour develops by the world capital.

The possible global forms of the economic class struggle will be determined by its new global contents on the one hand and by the adoption of former forms of the struggle on the other hand. The world proletariat can neither back-pedal with former forms of struggle, nor return to lower-level forms, if globalisation forces the development of new forms on a higher stage.

The better, the more conscious, the larger and deeper the economic class struggle will be prepared, organised and evaluated and the more content and form is intimately connected and harmonised, the more sustainably the revolutionary effect will be, the more effective is the global transformation of the economic class-struggle and the overcoming of the bourgeois labour unions who serve the world capitalists.

The Comintern (ML) respects all the different forms of the workers` struggle, namely we do not reinvent "totally new" labour unions and we do not "make" any forms of global class-struggle but we just try to generalise the developing process of the global labour movement which creates its own forms of struggle. We only organise the struggle and give them communist consciousness. Marxism-Leninism denies abstract formulae and dogmatic recipes and teaches to keep an eye on the actual proceedings of the movement. At first we are all learning from the practice of the mass movement and we are far away from "teaching" new forms of class-struggle. Secondly we prefer to analyse fight forms in the light of the historical materialism. In different moments of the globalisation, in dependency on different political, global an national conditions etc. some different fight forms come to the fore, become main forms of the fight and therewith again secondary fight forms, fight forms with subordinated importance which all get changed. Every attempt to propagate a fight form affirmatively or negatively without any detailed and concrete fact-finding of a concrete situation and a given movement on a given stage of development is equal to leave the bottom of Marxism-Leninism. Marxism-Leninism is encouraged to apply the basic teachings of proletarian internationalism to the present conditions of globalisation, particularly the consequences for the political line of the revolutionary labour union, and more precisely, the improvement of the economic struggle in regard to the aim of the coming proletarian socialist world revolution. We need global forms of struggle which improve the practice of the proletarian globalism under the global conditions of today. It is unavoidable and relates to the ABC of Marxism-Leninism that the decisive struggles of the labour unions develop as global struggles on a global battle-field. Merging the content of global class struggle with adequate global forms - without neglecting the necessity of different forms in different countries - this is the task of the world revolutionary labour movement.

The fight of the two ideologies is not alone going on between bourgeoisie and proletariat but also among the workers themselves, between those workers who disqualify the chains of antiquated forms of the struggle on the one hand and those workers who still persist on those old traditions which are outdated. This fight takes place inside and outside the labour unions. There is unavoidably a similar struggle among the Marxists-Leninist. The one tries to get rid of the break shoe of outdated principles and antiquated ways of thinking and acting while the other cling to it - unable or not willing to break away from it. The fight against a superior world is inevitably also an unavoidable fight among the innovators both among the workers and among the Communists. The worldwide mass movements of the workers as well as the international movements of the Communists are confused in two different ways today:


Firstly because of the rotations of disjointedness, contradictions, uncertainties, falsities, fallacies, aberrations, misorientation and disorientation;


Secondly because of the harmful and dangerous role of the revisionists who are the pacemaker of the bourgeois and petty bourgeois influence in the mass movements of the workers as well as their role within the ranks of the world revolutionary movement of the Marxists-Leninist.

The fight against the revisionists in the rows of one's own is just as intense as the fight outside in the capitalist world. Experiences are sometimes disappointing and sometimes bothering. Sometimes you regret later on that you agreed to unite and sometimes you regret having rejected the unity which should n `t have rejected. In the end the genuine unity finds the right way to succeed but its Marxism-Leninism which shortens and eases the process of unity. And if we don ´t care about the permanent update of Marxism-Leninism then this will cause damages and prolong and complicate the way towards unity. And this is one of the things we Marxists-Leninist have to consider. There is nobody but we Marxists-Leninist ourselves who can really update Marxism-Leninism. It is a crime towards the world proletariat not to fulfil this task thoroughly and faithfully and we would do a disservice to the bourgeoisie and its revisionist lackeys who would take advantage of our sin of omission. We need utmost efforts, an arduous time and a long and winding road to overcome global confusion ideologically, politically and organisationally and to establish world revolutionary unity of the world proletariat and the global communists on the basis of Marxism-Leninism.

Let `s come back to the global transformation of fight forms of the changing economic struggle.

Well, new global fight forms of the capitalists and old-fashioned fight forms of the proletariat in the single countries are standing vis-à-vis. This fatal disproportion of the weapons seems to be considerably evident. To give an example: If the workers of a car factory fight for the preservation of their jobs, against rationalisation of working places and destruction of jobs and finally against close-down, then the car factory is frequently replaced abroad where the pay is lower or less resistance would have been expected on the part of the workers. Or foreign labourers are brought into the country for a dumping pay, which increases the domestic wage pressure and diminishes the domestic working places. The world capitalist has the more modern weapons, the working class of a single country obsolete weapons with which they fight against each other, a dissimilar fight. The workers can fight heroically but with obsolete weapons the defeat is predetermined. And indeed, that `s the capitalist beauty of global life ! Everybody can see this with one's own eyes. The workers of the single countries are snookered by the world capitalists. And there is no alternative but workers` global unification! What do the national labour unions say to it? The labour union bosses don't only look away and twitch with the shoulders but they betray the workers, they leave them alone and are doing nothing against the governments which permit this ruinous competition of between domestic and foreign (legal as well as illegal) labourers. The bourgeois labour unions have got a class-controlling position within the capitalist system. It is a historical fact that the labour unions in the capitalist countries have raped the internationalist character of the labour movement `s tradition for more than hundred years. Labour unions are still instruments of the international class-struggle but they turned from the hands of the proletariat into the hands of the bourgeoisie, and by reformism and revisionism they received their reactionary character. The capitalists captured the workers` labour unions and replaced proletarian internationalism by the reactionary narrowness of bourgeois nationalism, reformism and revisionism, social-imperialism, social-fascism etc. and the capitalists cultivated the labour aristocracy as their social sustainer within the labour movement. With the bourgeois labour unions the working class was kept under the control of capitalism, the international front of the revolutionary labour movement was splitting, and the world revolutionary unions struggle paralysed and undermined and respectively brutally destroyed. The worker of today slaves away muffled in the realm of the shades of global exploitation and oppression, powerless, helpless and the labour unions, these lackeys of world imperialism, left the workers in the lurch. The workers are sold down the river of globalism. meanwhile the states of the whole world and their yellow labour unions are almost completely in the hands of the monopolies, the global business groups, the world capital. Even the membership in a yellow labour union is already a reason for the rejection of an application or grounds for dismissal. The governments, the states knuckle under the diktat of the world capital and so do the yellow labour unions. They all became dogsbody of globalised capital. The worker rights, the traditional labour union rights, the rights of the peoples, the human rights - they all are annulled and cancelled. World fascism is the other side of the world capitalist coin. The Chinese workers belong to the most exploited and oppressed part of the world labourers an world capitalism developed an appetite for the new global type of Chinese coolies. After all it is not by chance that the Communist International (Marxists- Leninist) has founded the Red Labour Union International in the spirit of proletarian globalism;

firstly, for backing up the proletarians in the single countries to reconquer their own labour unions as genuine tools of their class-struggle and

secondly, to pave the way for the global revolutionary labour union `s movement. The Red Labour Union International was founded in the wise foresight that the labour union movement produces new international fight forms against the world capital. We want to support this global process of the labour unions` unification. We want to become a global mouthpiece for revolutionary labour unions and for the comrades who are involved in the complicated global economic struggle we want to be their guide-line. By the globalisation of the economical class struggle the world proletariat takes advantage of the global power of persuasion representing the interests of the workers all over the world on the open battlefield as well at the global negotiating table of the world capitalists. The global pugnacity of the world proletariat makes the difference ! The global capitalists can break the fist of the proletariat of a single country, but not the global fist of the world proletariat ! Times shall pass by when the maintenance of the front of the global labour union becomes more important than the struggle for increasing the global wage ! At this front all global elements of the capital on the side and the global elements of the labour shall meet on the coming world battle !

Arrived at this point the Revolutionary Labour Union International will be able to accomplish its political tasks to abolish the ruinous competition among the workers in a world scale and to set up the world association of socialist labour unions.

Without the international unification of the revolutionary labour union movement the international labour movement is powerless, stands on clay feet, lacks the base, cannot develop without base. The Red Labour Union International is an organisation which includes the world proletariat as a whole but which isn't able to establish the world dictatorship of the proletariat. For this purpose it is required a whole package of differentiated international unifications, an enormous international mechanism of all proletarian organisations (international transmission belts) which start working by means of a number of transmission wheels . The international dictatorship of the proletariat cannot be established without the avant-garde, the proletarian world party which is closely connected with the Red Labour Union International. Without this mechanism the distance between world imperialism and world socialism cannot be spanned.


How does the dialectical interrelation of national and international labour union movement proceed?


The yellow labour unions are instruments of the imperialism to suppress, control and split the proletariat increasingly on a global scale. The world capital needs the world 's wage-slavery and thus also the global reformation of the yellow labour union will be a bulwark against the coming world proletarian class-struggle whose long term purpose is to abolish world 's wage-slavery. The world capital cannot "take over" the nationally narrowness of most of the existing yellow labour unions of the countries and more less to crush them. Global world capitalism needs a global world capitalist labour union suited to its special demands of centrally controlling the proletarian movements all over the world. The world capital cannot do without its own unions because of the simple reason, namely to channel the exploitation- and oppression system of the national bourgeoisies into global regulation instruments. However, in the same way world capital changes the national bourgeoisie as a detachment of the world bourgeoisie, it also changes the national labour unions into detachments of global capital centralized as global regulation instruments. By this the yellow labour unions in every country must completely be modified to serve the global interests of world capital more effectively. If the yellow labour unions appear as new detachments of the new yellow international labour union of the globalised world capital - and world capital forces them to do so inevitably -, every yellow labour union does no longer lead the traditional hostile fight within the labour movement to maintain wage-slavery in the country of its own but is moreover forced to subordinate all national labour interests under the labour interests of the world capital. This means that the yellow labour union `s instruments of all countries must be converted to one single, centralized instrument of the world capital to make the world labour more disposable and available which means again: the old reactionary, national guild system of the labour unions must fall unconditionally, which has immensely impeded the labour movement of every country in its revolutionary internationalist development. The guild system was one of the most effective means against the internationalist spirit of the labour movement. But it cannot be simply copied to satisfy global demands. They were just fitted to the interests of the national bourgeoisie.

This is perfectly well and not bad! The first efforts to organize a labour union movement on an international scale took place in single branches of productions, for example the tobacco industry in 1871. In 1902 there were some labour union conferences of several European countries and the USA on occasion of the Stuttgart-Congress of the German labour unions. However these were social democratic, reformist labour unions. They were led by opportunism, reformism, nationalism and chauvinism. They were led by the guild system and didn't play the roll for supporting and coordinating the worldwide solidarity of the workers in this or that branch especially the solidarity with the toilers in the colonies. During the First World War they didn't play a decisive roll, though they were the representatives of over 6 million members. In fact, they withdraw from anti-militarist position and defended the national interests of their own warmongering country. The revolutionary development of the worldwide labour union movement began with the events of the October-Revolution. The establishment of socialist unions in the Soviet Union were a mighty lever for a new international class-struggling labour union movement. Historically we can speak about the beginning of the revolutionary world labour union movement. Simultaneously it was a total break with the reformist and revisionist labour union movement in the capitalist countries. Since that time we have to consider the split of the world labour union movement in two contrary lines, the class-struggle between the capitalist, reactionary labour union world movement and the revolutionary, socialist world labour union movement - up to now. So the foundation of the " (Yellow) Amsterdam International" in 1919 was directly a reaction on the events of the Red October. The "Amsterdam International" was built as a bulwark of the Western reformist labour unions against the revolutionary labour union movement whose centre was Moscow. The "Amsterdam International" was the prolonged arm of the social democratic International within the labour union movement. In the course of the foundation of the Comintern in 1919 the Red International Labour Union was founded in 1920 by delegates of 41 countries. The programme of the RILU aimed for the revolutionary abolition of the capitalist system and for the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat - nota bene ! - on a worldwide scale. The programme was led by the ideology of Marxism-Leninism in the struggle against reformism and revisionism, especially against the "Amsterdam International" of the social-imperialist social democrats. In the course of this struggle of two contrary lines in the world labour union movement the RILU had 20 million members in 1937 and the membership of the "Amsterdam International" was shrinking towards 12 millions. In the course of the historical development there was a period of revisionist degeneration of the revolutionary world labour movement, which started with the revisionist betrayal of Yugoslavia, followed by the betrayal of the soviet-revisionists, the Chinese-revisionists, the Albanian revisionists and many others. The new labour aristocracy was the social base of this reactionary development. With the re-foundation of the RILU in 2003 things changed better. We are entering the period of the global battle of crashing worldwide wage-slavery, a global battle particularly between the reactionary labour unions of the world bourgeoisie and the revolutionary labour unions of the world proletariat, a global battle between the capitalist and the socialist world labour union ! This battle ends unavoidably with the global removal of the capitalist labour union and the establishment of the socialist labour union. For this perspective of the revolutionary international labour union `s movement this is good when the world capital sharpens the contradictions of national barriers of the yellow labour union movement and also good for the revolutionary labour union movement in every country. Through this the recovery of the labour union members will become easier and accelerated as well for the ideas of the communism in the whole world as in the countries.

With the intention to globally centralise the reactionary trade unions the world capitalism has to strengthen its interests within the yellow trade unions in the single countries. To force through global interests world capitalism has to abolish the guild character and the national narrowness of the reformist labour unions of the countries.

If the world capital dominates the national instruments of the reactionary labour unions in the countries, it would be hardly possible to up build revolutionary labour unions in the single countries, because they can only rely on limited national forces of the proletariat faced by capitalist labour unions which will be backed by global forces of world capitalism. The revolutionary labour union movement with its internationalist character cannot be unfolded in national narrowness, unless the Red unionists remove from limited national grounds, unless the (inner) revolutionary labour union of each country is transformed as a type of an international detachment of the world proletariat `s International Labour Union. Only by this transformation the revolutionary labour union movement of each country can develop on a higher qualitative level - such a level which is needed to oppose the international reactionary labour union movement of the world capital and to crush their international organisations. And this - and only this - is the guarantee of the victory over the yellow labour union `s movement in each country under the present conditions of world-wage-slavery! The world capital so to speak changes the inner yellow labour union (that of the single country) into an instrument of the outer capitalist international labour union. Annexed at one point world capitalism has transformed all national labour unions into his own detachments. They are then changed - so to speak - into world capitalist outposts within the single countries. The world capital wakes up the world's reactionary labour union from the national Sleeping Beauty. World capital is fortifying at a simultaneous increase of the contradictions and competition between the national labour and the world labour.

Only since installing yellow world labour unions in the single countries world capital sets the global stage for the establishment of broad revolutionary labour unions. Only since the global revolutionary labour movement in all the countries is fully being anchored and spreading in all the countries the yellow labour unions begin to vacate the historical world scene and disappear, never to be seen again even in the last single country. Globalisation of world capital and world labour lay the foundations for the global death of all the bourgeois labour unions and the up building of world revolutionary labour unions and the rebirth of class-struggling labour unions in every single country. The world proletariat can unite the countries as its detachments not until it has united all revolutionary labour unions ( self-evident in the victorious struggle against the yellow labour unions): "World proletariat - unite the revolutionary labour unions of all countries!" - this is the world revolutionary idea for the solution of the labour union crisis: In principle we do not doubt that capitalist labour unions can be beaten by the own revolutionary forces of the proletariat in a single country. But one thing is for sure: by their strong ties to the world capital this tour de force would make class-struggle unnecessarily miserable and would cost avoidable sacrifices. However any victory on a national stage gained by a single revolutionary labour union can never be guaranteed as long as the reactionary labour union of a country can draw sufficiently anew regeneration strengths from the world capital. For cutting global connexions we need globally united weapons - the sole, unaccompanied weapons of the revolutionary labour union in a single country would n `t do. Because of this we must compete with all anti-proletarian strategies and tactics of the labour union `s struggle, particularly against the ideas of right world economism and "left" world sectarianism, which attack our ideas of the world revolutionary labour union as well as the narrow-minded nationalist (= anti-internationalist) ideas of bourgeois and petty bourgeois about spirit and purpose of the labour unions. Our opponents do not content themselves with open weapons against our world revolutionary labour union ideas. Neo-revisionism concerning the Red Labour Union International ... that means: "struggling for the aim of world revolutionary labour unions in words and serving the yellow labour unions, and therewith serving world capital, in deeds ! A guaranteed (historically final) victory over the yellow labour unions (and only the abolishment of the inevitableness of capitalist labour union's movement within the imperialist world order can be defined as a guaranteed victory !!) is only in so far realisable if the international labour union `s movement, the Red Labour Union International, the war of removing the yellow unions, the anti-imperialist union `s civil world war... if all of this serves to the wars of conquest for gaining the political power of the world proletariat. The traditional labour unions had been the product of the nation `s capitalism whereas the new ones will be developed under conditions of the globalisation of capitalism. We are now passing through a period of the labour unions transformation which has to be mastered in the new spirit of Marxism-Leninism. So the development of the red labour union in every country doesn't go straightly, not regularly and independently from the international development of the labour union movement. They are growing with their internationalist character and formations in the heat of global class-struggle. Red Labour Unions are forced by global capitalism to develop in an indirect way. They cannot develop in the same way as the former national labour unions used to do because they are developments of the global class- struggle in the single countries and not the other way round. This depends on the stage of the global capitalist involvements within the different countries, depends on the different stage of capitalism in every single country, depends on the class-consciousness of the proletariat in every country, last not least on the stage of the world proletarian class` development, etc.. So the birth of red labour unions in single countries have to overcome many hurdles before they become genuine internationalist detachments of the global world proletarian labour union movement. Though world capitalism objectively provides the necessary preconditions for the global development of red unions it is again their direct opponent in every single country. In so far world capitalism is aspired to do something against all essential global activities of the workers to unionise beyond all national borders. At first world capitalism attaches the national labour unions as their bulwarks. And secondly, if the national labour unions shall become insufficient to cover global needs, world capitalism will be bound to transform the labour unions directly as its globally centralised detachments. This is the reason why the world proletariat as a whole has to unite the labour unions of the countries. This global task can impossibly be left to the proletarians of the single countries. The old red unionist strategy of penetrating and breaking through the unionist legality in the countries has to be translated into the strategy of penetrating and breaking through the global unionist legality.


Of course, the revolutionary workers of single countries cannot twiddle their thumbs waiting for some "global unionist activities" of the "world proletariat". The world proletariat is not just an abstraction. For the time being the global formation of the workers shall be developed consistently by the globalisation of labour. There will be a steady interchange of "global" and "national" workers in the same way as "global" and "national" labour interchanges by globalisation. The revolutionary workers, the global industrial workers in the single countries, shall organize the revolutionary work of the labour union opposition both in the yellow and outside the yellow labour unions and they shall form transition forms suitable for the creation of an independent red labour union. These transition forms will turn out different in all countries since the yellow labour union of the one country differs from that of the other country. We Marxists- Leninist, as well as the revolutionary unionists do know very well, that the unionist struggle belongs to the toughest, most attritional, complicated and difficult forms of class-struggle. We are aware of the fact that the global unionist struggle will be tougher, more complicated and more difficult than any other unionist struggle in single countries and that this will cost hardest and most sacrificially efforts of the world proletariat. The yellow labour unions were able to keep up their influence within the labour movement because the workers still hesitate to send them packing, because they did not shake off the labour aristocracy and because they did not replace the capitalist unions by militant class unions. And the workers go on hesitating with it to the same degree the bourgeoisie takes them for a fool, to the same degree they are fuddled by bourgeois and petty bourgeois ideology - for centuries, for decades, year in, year out, daily, hourly. The bourgeois consciousness about labour unions is still the predominant consciousness of the workers and there will be red unions not until the communists succeeded to revolutionise the proletarian consciousness of the workers - patiently for centuries, for decades, year in, year out, daily, hourly. The bourgeois labour union is still idolized as the "sacred cow" which one mustn't slaughter because otherwise everything could come "much worse" yet. This superstition is no longer an issue, this legend will be bettered if the workers have understood well and truly and by their own experiences that a class labour union of the bourgeoisie can never represent the interests of the working class and that only the proletarian class labour union can do. If the workers do not regain their consciousness of being a part of a class within a class society they do not recognize their class-unionist consciousness. Armed with revolutionary class consciousness the workers shall make an end with the yellow labour union, then the old revolutionary labour union, its militant class tradition shall revive after hundred years. 100 years of splitting the labour union movement will then be removed, there will be free unity labour unions which do serve nobody but the workers themselves. It is in the hands of us Communists to shorten this period of the rebuilding of proletarian class unions. This is a hard mandatory fight to overcome the global split of the world proletariat, to reproduce its unity labour union, a unionist unity against world capital.

But let `s have a look around the Communists themselves. They brought discredit on the workers` unionist struggle. The Communists turned out to be on the wrong track nowhere less than in the labour union question. That `s a shame ! Reputation will come our way if we behave as genuine Bolshevists able to master self-criticism. To regain reputation we Communist have to abandon all non-sellers still offered by the revisionists as cheap as chips. Our hair stand on end even if quotations of Lenin about the labour union question blow up in our face. In all seriousness we are still confronted with upholding unionist principles which were valid over 100 years ago. At that time, a hundred !!) years ago, Lenin was struggling against the teething troubles (!!!!!) of the communists in the union `s question. Today, quite seriously, we wonder whether we shouldn't write a book about the communist symptoms of old age so that it is finally understood by everyone that we cannot solve the labour union question with the answers which were valid 100 years ago and - sorry about that - which do not at all correspond with the changing conditions of globalisation. It is the revisionists who dig out the old Lenin quotations just to direct them against us Marxists-Leninist to en damage us as "sectarians". The disgrace is this that the vast majority of the Communists has sinned against the workers heavily in the labour union question that they have been crushed under the burden of the reformism and revisionism accumulated for 100 years because they have failed and feared to shake this burden off instead of adopting a self-critical, Bolshevist attitude. There is still a deep influence of the ideology of the labour aristocracy and the petty bourgeoisie within the labour union movement which is far reaching into the ranks of the Communists. The labour union question is the most dividing question. The revisionists and reformists did their share to force the communists to float with the reformist tide and to withdraw the communist banner from the labour unions movement. Instead of holding our communist ground within the labour union movement we left our position which was then occupied by the Syndicalists and different sectarian groupings, especially Trotskyite groupings concerning the world labour movement. If the labour union question paralyses the unity of the Marxist Leninist world movement, then one must tackle the labour union question at the very latest, and this means nothing else then to find a radical Marxist Leninist solution. And we have to continue the correct line of the Comintern where the revisionists succeeded to finish the so called "Third Period - class against class !" This line was correct and has therefore to be applied to our times of globalisation - that is our way towards a correct Marxist-Leninist solution of the labour union `s question. If we have put away the revisionist spoke in our wheel, the unionist struggle of the Communists will finally obtain the desired progress. So, we Communists have to unite for the up building of revolutionary labour unions - wherefore else ? When the Red Labour Union International was founded on May 1st, 2003, it entered the global class-struggle with the following platform:


"The Red Labour Union International is an organisation of the Comintern (ML), an independent internationalist school of communism to unite the world proletariat and to train and support its revolutionary labour union struggle generally.

The Red Labour Union International is guided by the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Enver Hoxha - especially by their unionist line. The generalisation of the single experiences of the revolutionary labour union `s struggle in all the countries in connexion with a central analysis of the international world labour union movement are the base for the further development of the general line of the Red Labour Union International. Aim is primarily the mutual solidary support of the revolutionary labour unionists in the whole world to use the labour union fight of the world proletariat as a powerful international lever for the socialist world revolution.

The fight for the unification and organisationing of all revolutionary strengths of the international labour union movement against class reconciliation, split, capitulationism and liquidationism particularly against all branches of revisionism, reformism, Trotskyism, Anarcho-Syndicalism and against any bourgeois and petty bourgeois influence within the international labour union movement to

a) achieve and guarantee the independence of the world proletariat in its economic, political, ideological and organizational labour union fight;

b) bring the complete world proletariat together under the red banner of the united front in the labour union fight against the world capitalism.

The Red Labour Union International fights for the revolutionary elimination of the bourgeois labour unions. These instruments of the world capitalism must crush and socialist labour unions as instruments of the power of the world proletariat have to be created for the construction or reconstruction of the socialism - both at national and at an international level. In turn the Red Labour Union International counts on the tactics of the revolutionary united front of the world proletariat."


The Red Labour Union International has a positive influence on the unification of the revolutionary unionists in every factory, in every country and globally all over the world:


Protect every worker of the world against global exploitation !


Employ every worker all over the world !


Equal work and pay all over the world !


35-Hours-Week !


Equal and better working conditions all over the world !


Equal and better social systems all over the world !


Equal economical and political rights for the workers all over the world !


Equal rights for the workers` labour unions all over the world !


Unlimited rights for strikes and support of workers` demonstrations !


Worldwide ban for lockouts against striking workers !


Against illegalization of "wild" and spontaneous strikes all over the world !


Equal rights for foreign and domestic workers in every country without any exception !


Equal rights for male and female workers in every country without any exception !


For the organization of collection campaigns to support the workers` international class-struggle !


Down with the reformist and revisionist labour unions !

Down with global class-collaboration and global class - reconciliation ! For global class-labour-unions ! For revolutionary labour unions !




Global freedom fighting


World political freedom is the ground on which the unification of the world proletariat prospers. And vice versa - a united world proletariat strengthens its power of freedom. The global and national interrelations of international class-struggle were explained in detail. So the global struggle for political freedom is self-explanatory an interactive struggle both in the countries and in the world, too. So let `s apply Occam's razor.

World revolution needs global air to breathe. All the revolutions of the classes were carried by air of political freedom. And the world cannot breathe free air if their is any country missing, if there is stuffy, dead air in the countries anywhere. And vice versa, world capitalism can even squeeze all the breath out of a socialist "single" country by means of the imperialist-revisionist encirclement. The struggle of the world proletariat differs from any former class-struggle for political freedom. The world proletariat is both the carrier of global political freedom and the remover of the inevitableness of the struggle for political freedom. Communism is a classless society where freedom is liberated from any politics. Communism is a politicless society (and expressing, forming and publishing totally new revolutionary terms is a certain kind of political freedom which is needed to prepare world revolution!). The term "politicless" is not to be found in any dictionary and it is not to be mixed up by the terms "apolitical" or "non-political". Even an apolitical attitude or a non-political indifference is a certain political expression of a class in this or that class-society. However, if there are no more classes on the earth, who then will need political ideas, attitudes or struggles ? Communism is politicless politeness powered by classless fastness. Even to be apolitical or non-political is impossible in the politicless world of communism whereas the politicless world cannot be realised automatically by itself. It is needed the greatest struggle for political freedom mankind has ever seen.

The political freedom won't deliver the world proletariat from the misery suddenly and in a single step, however, political freedom will deliver the necessary international weapons for the fight against the misery in every single hut in particular and as well as in the global poorhouse in general. There is not another means and there can't be another remedy for the fight against the misery as the class-political association of the workers. But this international association must be won by international political liberties once. This does not happen in a self-running process and can't be developed without declaring the war on the yellow labour unions without waging the war against them: "Who- whom?" - that `s the question, a political question. The fight against the split and fragmentation of the world proletariat is primarily a political fight and begins ordinarily with the struggle for his political freedom in every country of the world. So the global struggle for political freedom, too, doesn't have to follow the economic fight but the other way round, the economic struggle must be subordinated to the political struggle of the world proletariat. Last not least it is the global political party of the world proletariat which must lead the economic fight centrally even though the communist parties have to realize the global economic struggle according to the different conditions of the countries in particular. The same applies to the struggle for political freedom.


The global unifying of the proletarian military struggle


As the political class struggle aims at the economic liberation of the world proletariat, the military class struggle also has the aim of the military smashing of the international counter-revolution, the rule apparatus of the world bourgeoisie, has the aim to conquer and defend the political power of the world proletariat. Thereby the social and economic removal of the world of capitalism and the establishment of socialism can be carried out. The political and finally the military unification of the world proletariat grows out of its economic unification - just as the unification in every factory, as in every country and to be more precise by the unification in every factory, by the unification in every country. And inversely the economic unification can be achieved not until the political and military unification is developing. There is no political unification without economic and military unification as well as there is not military unification without political and economic unification - and all this related to the local and global stages and any moment of class-struggle, whether in a single factory, or in the single country or in the world as a whole. Here is no rigid or fixed mechanism but all this dialectically depends on each other is related to each other – last not least also on the dialectic of the unification of the class-enemy in every single phase of class struggle etc. The unification penetrates the whole historical process of the class struggle and is penetrated by it. The complexity of the unification is as infinitely as content and form of the proletarian `s unification. In this complex view the degree of the unification is always decisive for the class forces. Unification of the proletarians can determine victory or defeat of the whole world proletariat and last not least unification can be decisive for rise and fall of the whole world capital. The unification of the world proletariat and the unification of the world bourgeoisie reach their cumulative highest economic, political and military degree if the united world proletariat dispossesses the united world bourgeoisie. In the course of the growing world revolutionary situation the meaning of our watchword: "World proletariat - unite all countries!" will increase particularly in regard of their military unification. Nothing would be more dangerous and more fatal but to reduce the meaning of our firm-principled watchword in world revolutionary times. The draft of our watchword has already now an enormous significance for the Comintern (ML) although we are still not able - and just because we are still not able - to lead the world proletariat in the spirit of the principles of Marxism-Leninism. This immense meaning lies in the fact that the Comintern (ML) shall risk much less any after-trot politics and to be behind the world revolutionary events.

The Comintern (ML) has the advantage over all other international parties that our world revolutionary watchwords are already based on a world revolutionary program, and this means worked out and justified scientifically. The development of the world revolutionary class struggle is still not ripe for answering concrete question about all the economic, political or the military unifications. We are only at the point today where we must think about the prerequisites first for this: Main emphasis is the ideological unification of the world revolutionaries and then that of the world proletariat itself and we have stressed this more than one time. The construction of the Bolshevist International Party starts with the ideological construction:

"The International lies in the fact that people join (at first ideologically, then however, at the given time, also organizationally), really capable to stand up for socialist internationalism, i.e. to recharge one's batteries first and to shoot at a later time" (Lenin, Volume, 21, page 88, German edition, free editor `s translation).

So the military fight of the world proletariat arises inevitably from the sharpening of the political fight because it is the political fight with utmost global means. "Turn the guns over!" and "World proletariat - unite your proletarian weapons in all countries!" - these two formulae combined guarantee the victory in the international military fight, in the global civil war and in the imperialist (world)war.

So the workers of all countries have to get over their governments and as well the centres of the rule apparatus of the whole world bourgeoisie. Besides they have to cope with world opportunism and its reactionary global watchword about the "Burgfrieden policy" (= policy of entering into a world truce). So there's nothing else for it but to build up one's own centralised armed apparatus to liberate the world, i.e. to arrange troops for the red world army to gird oneself for the battle against the old capitalist world order. The world proletariat is a global class, which cannot be military occupied like a nation. The world proletariat is a class which is organised beyond all the national bounds and therefore predestined to attack, to defend or to withdraw its troops at any location and to any time. So there is the armed struggle of the whole world proletariat marching under the banner: "World proletariat - arm all countries and unite them as detachments of the Global Red Army!" The necessity of a proletarian international army is only in so far blind as it isn't understood as a future product of the historical development of the world proletarian class struggle led with utmost means.

An imperialist war as an utmost means of the foreign policy is the continuation of the fascist dictatorship as an utmost means of the domestic policy. "The modern militarism is a result of the capitalism. In both its forms it is a 'life appearance' of the capitalism: as a military power used by the capitalist states for their foreign clashes ('outward militarism ...`) and as a weapon in the hands of the ruling classes for the suppression of all (economic and political) movements of the proletariat ('inward militarism') "[Lenin, Volume 15, page 187, German edition, free editor `s translation]. At that time Lenin analysed the enforcements of hegemonistic interest of the single warlike great power (or its alliance) as hostile quarrels among imperialist countries resp. as military operations within a country or within occupied countries by a single or allied imperialist power. Now the imperialists, no matter warring or just assisting, are more or less involved and enter the world `s battle fields in a close front, like a united world imperialist war power, as a unified military world machinery which subdues every single country and which force them to be integrated within the organs of the military power of the world imperialist order; with other words: public life of the countries is globally transformed into military detachments of world imperialism ( globalisation of military world capitalism). Even if the U.S. imperialists have remained the greatest armed forces power of the world, it isn't basically about the same quality of the former U.S. imperialist superpower , which exclusively served the U.S. interests. By now it is - even the leading one - only part of all allied armed forces powers of the whole world imperialist system. Short: Meanwhile the world capital dictates all weapons of the whole world. Meanwhile world capital subordinates even the largest imperialist world powers and coordinates all military forces all over the world for one and only purpose - maximisation of profit no matter "peacefully" or violently ( violently outwards as well as inwards). Meanwhile we are living in times of the world army of the world bourgeoisie and not any longer in times of Lenin. The revisionists prefer their non-observance. Notice: It is the same weapons with which the world capital is destroyed from inside and outside! World socialism cancels out the international difference between inside and outside in the course of global proletarian class-struggle in general and related to militarism in particular. Globally outside is the universe and nothing more. As long as there are capitalist nations subordinated under the global laws of capitalism, which bring forth the last and utmost means of the dictatorship of the world bourgeoisie to suppress proletarian world revolution, we still have to talk about the international militarism which enters the countries as the world fascism's detachments. World fascism is the centralized survival weapon of world capitalism to bury its gravediggers by all means - dead or alive ! It is the global battle-field of the civil war which will be entered by the capitalist gravediggers and the socialist gravediggers of all countries. It is the class-battle which decides on world hegemony, on the dictatorship of world proletariat or world bourgeoisie.

The "modern" militarism at Lenin `s times is no longer modern. It was replaced by global militarism.

By "modern militarism" we understand at present the capitalist world system of armed organs of power which penetrates all spheres of the whole globalised class-society, the public live of the countries as well as the public live beyond all national bounds. Thereby the capitalist world system - growing from its roots - is more or less closed because there are still interactions and contradictions of the elder and younger imperialist powers who strive for their hegemony within the world capitalist system and so do their military organs of power, too. In so far - more or less - the strategy and tactics of the world proletariat is still aiming at taking advantage of the contradictions within the camp of the global class-enemy. In the world scale, modern militarism appears with characteristic forms, forms which are different from the former national ones. What sort of militarism is "inner" and "outer" militarism in the world scale? This all new issue leads to our world revolutionary idea. There is only this world even if world bourgeoisie and world proletariat would continue their class warfare in the universe. On the international battlefield both terms, the "inner" as well as the "outer" get a different meaning from former times, they get a new quality, a global quality. Capitalism developed from narrowness of national bounds to a self-contained global quality. Dialectically "inside" and "outside" do not just interchange their position mechanically . Sole mechanical interchange of positions is metaphysics - the qualitative leap is dialectics. Engels said: "If even any simple mechanical local move is enclosing its own contradiction then the more are enclosed in higher levelled forms of the matter `s motion" (MEW, Volume 20, page 112, German edition; free editor `s translation). And the globalisation of matter `s motions is such a higher form, whether it is the global class or its fascist dictatorship, it is enclosing the contradictions it causes to all nations.

Globalisationing is not just outspreading beyond the nations borders in a pure locally sense. Turning back to the nations is certainly more powerful, it is true, but not unchanged. Globalisation is a process of the nation `s alienation and so does the process of fascism `s globalisation. If world capital is alienated, negated national capital, then world fascism is alienated, negated national fascism. Fascism contains the inner tendency of global and national contradictions. Leaving its narrowness of national bounds capitalism overcomes not just local borders but first of all its own former nationalist nature. World capitalism collides with national interests, forces them to bow and obey the basic law of capitalism. And, consequently, for the removal of world capitalism all the interests of the proletarians of single countries have to be subordinated under the global interests of the world proletariat. This does not happen automatically, this is only to be achieved by class-struggle which begins by fighting against the bourgeois influence of the proletarian consciousness in the single countries.


For fighting fascism the interests of the proletarians of single countries have to be subordinated under the interests of the world proletariat.


What does this mean?

This does not mean, to fight fascism in any country, but moreover fighting for the final abolishment of the inevitableness of fascism, for fighting against the inherent tendency of fascism to follow its own course of restoration in case of its defeat. And the only class which can do this good deed is the world proletariat.

If the world capitalism `s fascism exerts increasingly influence - from outside - on the fascisation in the single countries, if the inner fascism of a country is determined by world fascism, then the proletariat cannot be victorious in its own anti-fascist struggle, unless it leaves national ground in the spirit of internationalism. Admittedly it looks a little bit abstruse at the first glance, but the meaning is clear and determined:

The (inner) anti-fascism of every country must be (qualitatively) transformed by the world proletariat into its own united (outer) anti-fascist detachments, to defeat world (=foreign/outer) fascism on the global battlefield. This - and only this - is the whole guarantee of the victory over the (inner) fascism of every country under the terms of the globalised capitalist-fascist society.

World fascism raises the anti - fascism onto the world stage. Quasi world capitalism appropriates fascism by changing the inner fascism into the outer fascism without removing the effect of the outer fascism inside, therefore the effect of the inner (Neo-) fascism. In the contrary, global fascism strengthens every inner fascism, gives it back to all countries in a higher quality by transforming them into global detachments against the world proletariat. So, the world proletariat for its part has to formate its own anti-fascist detachment against world fascism `s detachments in every single country. To fight the anti-fascist battle means to fight it globally, and more precisely by the united national detachments of the global class. This is our world revolutionaries idea about the global strategy of anti - fascism : “World proletariat - unite all countries against world fascism by forming your anti-fascist detachments in every country !"

Under certain circumstances the fascism of a single country is quite beatable by the own revolutionary forces of the domestic proletariat, even though it costs a higher amount of victims because of the fascist ties to the world capital. But even then there will be not at all any guarantee of preventing fascism from its own restoration as long as the world fascist order is ruling and backing those countries where fascism were defeated.

Because of this we must antagonize such anti-Marxist-Leninist, "anti-fascist" ideas which attack our anti-world-fascist ideas. “Anti-world-fascism in words but world fascism in deeds !” That is the social-fascist tactics of the revisionists all over the world.

Guaranteed defeat of fascism, this means unconditionally abolishment of the unavoidableness of fascism, means world revolutionary removal of world capitalism which is the cause of world fascism . To gain the final victory over fascism means to lead the anti-fascist struggle in the spirit of the conquest of the world proletariat `s political power. The anti-fascist struggle of the world proletariat is a struggle for world socialism.



The global unifying of the proletarians ` struggle against imperialist wars


How does the dialectical interrelation between "outer" and "inner" struggle turn out to be in regard to the global struggle against imperialist wars ? Just now described, in principle not different from the fight against the world fascism. The imperialists appear as the united world imperialists and the world capital forces them to do so, any imperialist country doesn't lead its own imperialist war any more but is forced to subordinate own imperialist war interests to the rapacious, military all in one interests of the world imperialist order. Again it looks a little bit abstruse at the first glance, but the strategy of the world proletariat is as clear as determined:

If the globalised militarisation of the world capital has taken increasingly influence on the militarisation of every imperialist country from outside, if the world capital determines the weapons (and use) of an imperialist country, the proletariat of this or that country can not durably lead its anti-imperialist struggle, its struggle for national liberation, cannot create durably a peaceful nation, if the proletariat does not leave its national ground. Again: The world proletariat has to unite all (inner) anti-imperialist struggles of every country by (qualitatively) transforming them into its own detachments to be globally victorious over the global (outer) imperialism. This - and only this - is the whole guarantee of the victory over every imperialist country under today's conditions of the globalised world imperialism !! So to speak, the world capital changes the inner imperialism into a tool of the outer (world) imperialism, without removal of the outer imperialism `s effect on the inner ones, thus the inner imperialism of every imperialist country, on the contrary. World imperialism strengthens at all every inner (own) imperialism - does not loose any contradictions concerning the world imperialism. In the contrary, by the fact that the world imperialism raises the anti-world imperialism on the world stage every imperialism can disappear from the globe at all. And so we can derive the new world revolutionary idea of anti imperialism: "World proletariat - unite all countries against the world imperialism `s wars of conquest and organise your own anti-imperialist detachments in every country!"

Under certain circumstances it is probably possible to defeat imperialism and its wars of conquest by the own forces of the domestic proletariat - though under hardest victims of the people - because of the backing of world imperialism, but peace and anti-imperialist conditions cannot be taken for granted as long as world imperialism is still alive and always be bent on regenerating the predatory war forces in every country. . Because of this we must antagonise all those ideas of "anti-war-struggle" which attack our world revolutionary anti-imperialist-war ideas. The world needs the abolishment of the inevitableness of imperialist wars and this is not to be achieved without the removal of world imperialism itself. This is the demarcation line the world proletariat has to draw concerning the united front of anti-imperialist wars. "Anti-imperialist wars in words - but imperialist wars in deeds!" That `s the social imperialist watchword of the revisionists. Guarantee against restorations of imperialism and imperialist wars is only possible if the anti-imperialist global struggle, the anti-imperialist world war, the anti-imperialist civil world war is combined with the conquest of the proletariat `s world power. The anti-imperialist struggle is a struggle for world socialism, is a world revolutionary struggle. The imperialist wars are the last means with which the world imperialism tries to eliminate the unification of the proletarian anti-imperialist detachments, the international cooperation of the working classes of all countries, to destroy the world revolutionary movement and its vanguard, to strangle the world revolution. The more eager the world imperialism strives to divide not only the workers of the whole world but also to set them against each other and send them to death just for their profit, the more brutal world fascism will be. Under these aggravating conditions it is the duty of the world proletariat to organise its class-unity, to activate its internationalism against the imperialist war mongers and world fascist hangmen by leading the global class-war against the world bourgeoisie, by creating new internationalist forms of the legal and illegal struggle, by organising centralised legal and illegal activities on a world stage by national detachments. Neither by imperialist wars nor by fascism in the world scale the proletarian International shall go down. With the world front of fascism and war the world capital creates by itself unavoidably the world front against war and fascism which is led by the world proletariat. Civil world war (inside) and imperialist world war outside) form its own unity and there is only one global front - for or against world capital ! These are the two hostile, antagonistical, global camps, the two polarised starting points of the historical movement of the class-society. Victory or defeat of the world capital decides on the future of the world: World barbarism or world socialism ??? This is the question deciding everything. "This turning into the opposite direction, this final reaching at one of the starting points which are polarly opposite - this is the naturally inevitable destiny of all historical movements" (MEW, Engels, Volume 22,page 21; German edition, free editor `s translation). This "naturally necessary destiny" also will befall the world historical movement of world capitalist war and fascism if the world proletariat has united all countries against the world capital. By the world proletarian, armed struggle the economic rule of the whole world capital has to be undermined otherwise the liberation from the unavoidability of imperialist wars and world fascism shall remain as a great dream:


" World proletariat - unite all countries against the world capital!"


This is our central watchword.

Following the world proletarian principle of irreconcilable class partiality the world proletariat gathers all its allies and unites, formates and leads them to the unity with the purpose of the world revolutionary removal of the world capital. So does the world bourgeoisie as well. The world bourgeoisie gathers and unites all allies to organise the global counter-revolutionary unity front for the purpose to defend its world capital - the source of its rise and fall. "The economy of the capitalist society is so much that only either the capital or the proletariat - which brings it down - can be the ruling force. There are no other forces in the economy of this society" (Lenin, Volume 29, page 356; German edition, free editor `s translation).




Lenin `s iron law of

inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the different capitalist countries

and its modification in the course of the globalised world


Does globalisation change the capitalist nations` economic and political development ?

Certainly it does because they are still the decisive forms in which globalised capital is materialised . There is no world beyond the countries and no laws of development beyond their laws of development include that one of the inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the capitalist countries.

Is globalisation not contradictory to Lenin `s iron law of the inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the different capitalist countries? Let `see.

That `s not contradictory in so far as the globalisation cannot abrogate laws of the different development of the countries. This law works as long as capitalist countries do exist but the decisive question is: how does it work under increasing influence of globalisation ? This law cannot work in the same way as it did in times of Lenin and Stalin. Admittedly, this iron law of Lenin has not lost its basic meaning, in the contrary, but Lenin would modify this law according to the checkable changing circumstances of globalisation. He would never ignore the scientific necessity of its verification. So to speak, Lenin `s iron law is just “globalising” which means that globalisation does not neutralise or remove the inhomogeneity but “only” change the stage on which the inhomogeneity continues to develop. The inhomogeneity did simply reach the global stage. That `s all.

Above all the law of the inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the different capitalist countries cannot infringe the main and basic law of capitalism – striving for highest profit. And the preferred way it works at present – that is globalisation but – as we said above - this cannot be realised beyond the capitalist countries ... and finally the globalisation of the inhomogeneity is a process which expresses the collapse of capitalism `s development of all capitalist countries. World capital negates national capital.


What is the negation `s negation of the law of inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the different capitalist countries in the period of globalisation?


The inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the different capitalist countries aggravates the contradiction of the world capital in the striving for profit maximization and becomes an obstacle of its globalising tendency to be centralised and concentrated. The capital must remove this obstacle following its law of globalising accumulation.

The world capitalism therefore negates the old capitalism of the single countries, withdraws its possibility to extend within national bounds in the way of the good old days of the nations ` capitalist prosperity. Capitalist countries of today, however, are on a drip of globalisation. The global curse rests on all the capitalist countries, more or less. World capital extends globally and that `s it – a global ruinous competition among the capitalist countries. Their existence depends on gaining a big deal of globalised capital and this means in consequence more and deeper exploitation and suppression of the countries by the law of world capitalism. There is a difference between the subjugation by this or that single imperialist country - even an imperialist superpower - and the subjugation by world imperialism as a whole.

Capital which doesn't have extended within national borders any more which, just after having left the country, changes into a global competitor against that country, where it came from, finally changes the inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of different countries into an inhomogeneity between the economic and political development of the different capitalist countries on the one hand and the development of the globalised capitalist economic and political world order on the other hand. An increasing amount of former capital export of the imperialist countries changes into imports of global capital . Capital exports of imperialist countries become increasingly globally concentrated and centralised to the advantage of this and to the disadvantage of the other imperialist country – the global accentuation of competition - the globalised aggravation of the law of inhomogeneity – the approval and continuation of the teachings of Marxism-Leninism. It is world capital which predominates the inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the countries all over the world.

For Marx a country is capitalist if wage slavery is predominant. In times of Marx the capitalist countries formed a minority in the world. In the globalised capitalist world every country changed into a capitalist country. There is no country left in which wage slavery is not yet predominant. Today we talk about a capitalist world if wage slavery is predominant in all countries if global wage slavery is predominant in the capitalist countries if in most of the countries the wage slavery for world capital dominates the wage slavery for national capital. By this the former inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the countries will be globally dynamised and the contradictions among the countries increased over and above: Inhomogeneity of the development among all the different world monopolies becomes predominant over the inhomogeneity of the development of the different countries – not inhomogeneity of the development of capitalist nations but inhomogeneity of the development of world capital within all nations - global competition of the world monopolies beyond the former nation `s monopolies competition. Capitalist nations were created to be abolished by globalisation of world capital – world capital burst capitalist nation `s bonds (precondition for world socialism with its socialist nations) .

The dependence of the capital of the different countries from the concentrated and centralized world capital gets bigger and bigger. The world capitalist chain weakens its own links by forcing them to their ineluctable ruinous competition. The links of the world imperialist chain become the submissive instrument of the world capital. They lose gradually their independence and sovereignty and even the necessary cohesion of the whole chain. The world capital subordinates all national capital to centralize and concentrate it. By this world capital loses the backing by the capitalist countries. World capital bequeaths disaffection to the capitalist countries. It directs itself against the capitalist countries to realise its global accumulation.

But the more the countries are forced to increase exploitation and oppression the more they are caused to their resistance to the world capital which exhausts the reserves of the countries in turn. They can not fortify themselves by means of the world capital any more but in the contrary - against the world capital. If one capitalist kills man others, the world capitalist kills many capitalists of the single countries. World capitalists proceed to kill even capitalist countries (capitalist countries are those countries in which the capitalist wage slavery prevails).

The monopoly of the world capital becomes a bond of the previous capitalist means of production of the single countries which had blossomed out with it and under it. The concentration and centralisation of private property at the world production means and the socialisation of the world labour come at a point where they get quarrelsome with their world capitalist cover. It bursts its bonds. The bell of the private property of the world capital tolls.

The world expropriators are globally expropriated. Global expropriation of the global expropriators, global socialisation of globalised private property at the global means of production that leads to the abolishment of the inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the different capitalist countries. The homogeneity of the global economic and political development leads to the homogeneity of the economic and political development in every single country, leads to the harmonisation, balance and equation of the global development of the productive forces on the one hand and the global development of the property at the means of production on the other hand.

With the collapse of the world monopolies everyone who profited from them loses their privileged stage.

The more and the faster world crisis presses the workers of the industrial metropolises down towards the level of the workers of all the other foreign countries, the more and the faster the communist movement will strengthen among them.

The maturity degree of the inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the different capitalist countries is inseparably connected with the maturity degree of the inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the proletarians of the different capitalist countries.

So, negation of the one inhomogeneity means negation of the other, too. The negation of the inhomogeneity of the proletarian movement within different capitalist countries that is the homogeneity of the world proletarian development (in the sense of: hegemony of the economic and political development of the world proletariat) : World proletarian movement – unite the proletarian movements of all countries "!

By the globalisation of the world capital the world proletariat develops on a massive scale – strong enough to unite different weakened capitalist countries, these departments weakened by the world capital , and therefore to turn them over as its own departments by aiming them at the world capital, globally centralised and concentrated.

The world proletariat restores the basic living conditions of the countries by freeing them from the knout of the world capital and by converting them into socialist countries. The negation of the restoration of capitalist countries is the restoration of socialist countries.

The world proletariat restores the basic living conditions of the countries by the expropriation of the expropriators of the countries by the socialised property of the countries on a global scale. This “likewise” being of nationally as well as globally socialised private, capitalist property, this confusing hermaphrodite shape, this formal logically inconsistency, this smokescreen clears up by its own volition.

Producing the conditions of their own socialisation at which the capitalist countries perish, the world capitalist means of production objectively produce as well all the material conditions for their own doom.

The negation of the inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the capitalist countries is a dialectical process of capitalism `s globalisation – that `s all. The globalization of the capitalist methods of world production is the negation of the former methods of national production of the single capitalist countries.

The negation of the negation of the globalisation of the capitalist methods of world production is never to be equated with the globalisation of the socialist methods of production in a “single” socialist country ( “single” = the prototype of the socialist country in the first period of socialism) because the global methods of the production of world socialism were not available in the time of the first period of socialism, in the “single” socialist country. The revisionists do know this very well and that `s the reason why they knowingly screen the picture of the first period onto the second period of socialism. These lackeys of world imperialism propagate expressively those outdated methods of socialist production which would not harm the ruling world capitalist order. The contradictions among all the different methods of socialist production in single countries only can be solved under the conditions of world socialism. We have to modify the former socialist methods of production as well as the modern methods of globalised world capitalist production. This is a quite important teaching of the Marxism-Leninism particularly in demarcation of revisionism and petty bourgeois anti-globalism.

Socialism is not the only one of this or that socialist country but one of the world proletariat and this means : the overall socialist methods of world production are superordinated and the socialist methods of all socialist countries are assisting.

The overall interests of the world population are put into effect under the leadership of the world proletariat.

By the globalization of the capitalist methods of the world production the globalization of the socialist methods of world production is outlined against the antiquated methods of production in the “single” socialist country way, moreover, these antiquated methods are incompatible with the globalised methods of socialist world production. Why is it the way it is ? Why must it be the way it is?

The inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the different capitalist countries unavoidably have had their effects on the inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the “single” (encircled) socialist country. The inhomogeneity-law of Lenin was therefore most important for the law of the possibility of the up building of socialism in a “single” country last not least because of the inhomogeneity of the world capitalist encirclement. Today, in times of globalisation, an assumed sole socialist country could not count on such these advantages which could be taken in times of Lenin and Stalin. Globalised capitalist encirclement has a higher quality by its relative unit than the capitalist encirclement of different single imperialist countries impeding each other and outdoing one another as in times of Lenin and Stalin. So, the possibility of the restoration of the former prototype of a sole socialist country under conditions of globalism is much more restricted - not to say nearly impossible. We stress the word “nearly”, because we cannot foresee if it would work again successfully. What we do know for sure is, that the globalised world is sitting on a powder keg. As world revolutionaries we shall never fail to take our chance whenever and wherever it comes. We do not want to come out in opposition to the genuine Marxist-Leninist teachings of the possibility of the establishment of any sole socialist country under conditions of the encirclement of capitalist globalism. We can neither confirm nor deny its applicability under present or future conditions. What we want to declare is to take into consideration all the possibilities to pave the way for the rebirth of socialism namely the easiest and fastest way to world socialism. We would not do the world proletariat a favour if the revisionists would force us onto dogmatism and curtail the necessity for the permanent improvements of the teachings of Marxism-Leninism. Anti-revisionism does not mean to fall back to dogmatism. Nobody dictates us the terms of Marxism-Leninism `s applicability but Marxism-Leninism itself. What we try to find out is a new strategy and tactics of the proletarian world revolution under present conditions of world capitalist globalism – no more, no less.


The revisionist countries weren't only under the pressure of the superpowers of USA and USSR, but also under the pressure of the socialist countries. This may not be forgotten – last not least as an internationalist contribution to the working class in the revisionist countries. As is well known, we Communists are for the elimination of any exploitation and oppression, any elimination of inequality, of any privileges of this country opposite of another country - therefore not only a capitalist but also a socialist country. We Communists as is well known, aren't content and can't be content, just to reduce a tripled exploitation into a doubled one or into "simply" into one and only exploitation. Revisionist exploitation - this is the business of the revisionists, not our business. Exploitation is exploitation and has to be removed anyway i.e. inclusively the removal of its inevitableness. To be globally free means global liberation from the market-character of labour, from fees, hires and taxes, from insurance contributions and all sorts of indirect exploitations etc. All this is possible, all this is necessary - global socialism is doable by means of the political power of the global worker.

The world proletariat at the power must use its power of conviction that the methods of production of single socialist countries shall become part of the world organism of production. It isn't about the satisfaction of partial interest of a sole socialist country but primarily about the general satisfaction of the world proletariat. There is a democratic centralism which regulates the interrelation of global and national methods of world production.

As world revolutionaries we have to bear in mind that world socialism follows different forms of production not comparable with those of the former “single” socialist countries. The methods of production of the former s”single” socialist countries were methods of limited guarantee. World socialism has a higher quality namely the whole guarantee for socialism won `t change into capitalism any more. In a single country which will be part of the socialist world system the proletariat does not any more dispose on its “own” means of production all alone. World socialism is take and give and not only take and go. Not the only socialist country decides over socialism all alone. The socialist proletarians of all countries share their world power upon capitalism `s attempts of restoration as well as they share the world power of Marxism-Leninism. They share all their productions and distributions, they give and share everything.

Global revenues and expenditures, planned economy, everything socialist will be regulated collectively by world socialist centralism. All credits and debts will be globally shared by all the countries. Everything socialist goes to the “world pot” and comes from the “world pot” - to express it in simplified terms. With this world homogeneity principle all contradictions of the inhomogeneity of the development of single countries shall be overcome. World proletariat - unite all countries!" This is the watchword with which this world principle of homogeneity of economic and political development of all socialist countries can be realised. By this principle any up coming of privileges among the countries can be avoided, for example privileges of having more oil or water stocks than other countries etc. The inhomogeneity of the development of single socialist countries cannot be avoided without the political power of the world proletariat, without the world dictatorship of the proletariat, without the world organism which is living by means of the ensemble of all its partial organisms.

By the formula: World proletariat - unite all countries!” the law of the inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the capitalist countries will be replaced by the law of the homogeneity of the economic and political development of the socialist countries. This way all contradictions of the single socialist societies of the countries are solved by their contribution to the global socialist society. Just this presupposes a higher socialist consciousness, the socialist world consciousness. It is the task of the Communist International (Marxists – Leninist) to carry this - and only this - socialist consciousness into the working world masses. The task of fighting the world revisionist ideology of the world social imperialist thinking results from it.

We Communists must primarily tune up Marxism-Leninism by globally cleaning it up, by global defragmentations, by global configurations etc. What we have to do is a global revision of Marxism-Leninism – but note well : a world revolutionary, self-critical Marxist-Leninist revision in demarcation of the revisionist (=bourgeois) revision of Marxism-Leninism. If we stand to the historical partitioning of the first and second period of socialism `s development ( socialism of the “sole” country and world socialism) we cannot deny the historical necessity of partitioning Marxism – Leninism according to the first and second period. We have not to mix up with division of Marxism-Leninism. Marxism-Leninism is not divisible. The ideology is as individable as the class to which it belongs. However, partitioning is quite another matter, is a historical necessity. If Lenin developed Leninism, it was historically a further development of Marxism. He did not turn his back to Marxism like the traitors of the Second International. So just as we call Marxism / Leninism a historical partitioning we want to be understand with our Marxist-Leninist globalism. We don `t want to split the Marxist-Leninist ideology, in the contrary, we want to carry it on a higher level according to the challenge of the global world. The globalisation of the working class and as well the globalisation of the proletarian ideology is deeply rooted within the internationalist spirit of Marxism-Leninism and not at all anything strange. It is just the logical further development of the Marxist-Leninist ideology of the proletariat of a “single” socialist country. How far we cope with this titanic global revision of Marxism-Leninism (= creation of the globalised version of Marxism-Leninism) that will be decisive for victory or defeat of the socialist world revolution. We call for all genuine Marxists-Leninist all over the world to help us fulfil this important task. Global Marxism-Leninism is an apposite, fitting and convenient term.



The development for the world production is historically related.

The satisfaction of the human needs by the world production is not consequence but material prerequisite for the abolition, for the global socialisation of the private property. To confuse cause and effect is petty bourgeois thinking, becomes a revolutionary phrase because the world proletariat cannot escape from the bonds of the private property until capitalism is ripened far enough for world revolutionary acting. As well and particularly because the productive resources and their private character of globalised capitalism outgrow the national exchange and national private property, because globalisation becomes a material necessity, private property of the the production means will be abolished globally. And this abolition is precondition for the liberation of the world proletariat, indeed.

The process of the negation of the negation of the production of the capitalist countries takes place by the immanent laws of the capitalist world production, is determined by them. The fully mature globalisation of the world capital creates the conditions for the guaranteed (= unrestorable by capitalism) restoration of the socialism of a single country. Exactly this takes place with the negation of the socialism by the restoration of the capitalism in a country and its negation by the world capital, that is the negation of the negation of the socialism in a "sole” country, this means: the socialism of a country restored by the world socialism , the restoration of socialism on a higher stage (without any more capitalist-revisionist encirclement. The second period of socialism can therefore be defined as the period of the removal of the capitalist-revisionist encirclement – the period of unencircled socialism.

The negation of the production of the capitalist countries is a self-production inescapably following its own laws of capitalism .

The law of the inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the different capitalist countries isn't any more the main prerequisite for the victory of the socialist revolution in a country under today's development conditions of the world capital, where the front of the capitalism is at weakest etc., but

main prerequisite for the victory of the socialist revolution is the revolution in every country against the world capital.


However, what does this mean?

At the time the proletariat of a single country heralded the start of the world revolution, the Soviet Union. And there was another which continued the world revolution – Albania. This was the preliminary stage to the unification of the proletarians of all countries by the world proletariat.

Today, it always becomes more improbably that the proletariat of any single country shall liberate from the dictatorship of the capitalist world order single-handedly without - merged as detachments of the world proletarian class – liberating all countries from world capitalist exploitation and oppression thus by the globally centralised efforts of the proletariat of all countries.

It was disastrous for the first socialist country that no victorious socialist revolutions followed the October revolution in the capitalist countries, just like it was disastrous for the second socialist country that the proletariat couldn't escape from the restoration of the capitalism by the socialist revolution in the revisionist countries. However, the development of these two socialist countries were not at all in vain but a more importantly step for all the socialist countries which shall unavoidably follow: because:

From the negation of the negation of socialism in a “single” country there will grow 5, 10, 20 ... new socialist countries - the world socialism.

The negation of the negation of the restoration of the capitalism in a “single” socialist country is the restoration of the socialism in the world scale. Whereas the capitalist-revisionist encirclement could not be removed in the past, someday nothing shall remain neither the encirclement nor the capitalist or revisionist countries themselves. If the world would even need any encirclement in the course of this process then at most until it is needed to build up world socialism but certainly not the old capitalist-revisionist encirclement. So: Our answer to the question: “How can we break through the capitalist-revisionist encirclement?” is:

"World proletariat - unite all countries!"



What are the main contradictions in the world at present and how are they determined?


Our watchword: “World proletariat - unite all countries!" can't be gained acceptance if it cannot solve the main and defining social contradictions in the world if it doesn't reflect these correctly. A watchword is only usable to such degree by which it turns out well to correspond exactly with the objective changes in the world, to strengthen these changes, to inspire and to help them achieving a breakthrough.

To make use of them, however, the main contradictions have primarily to be analysed , determined and its meaning, tendencies, etc. have to be worked out and - at first we have to follow the changing of their developments historically. We have to explain the process of their coming and going scientifically, the laws of their history.

Let `s start with the main contradictions in the world as they were defined by the Comintern- Programme, 1928, which is still our general guide-line.

What about their present legitimacy ? Do they still have a lasting effect ? Did they change in the course of time ? ( – after all, nearly 80 years have passed since 1928).

There is no doubt about it, they have passed through a very long period of their history and did change a lot, indeed.

Did they change since the definitions of Enver Hoxha ? Also this is unquestionably true. What is it, then, what has fundamentally changed and which contradictions have remained? Today, unfortunately, this cannot be looked up in a clever Marxist Leninist book yet. There are many revisionist definitions about the main social contradiction of the world. So there is a need to draw our Marxist-Leninist demarcation line. The seriousness of world revolutionaries is based on the correct definition of the existing main contradictions in the world. Th strategy and tactics of world revolution has to be derived from the main contradictions in the world. This decides over victory or defeat of the world revolution.

It is remarkable that the changing of the main contradictions in the world were even yet not called into question. If we now put it on the agenda then it is a modest contribution to overcome the present crisis of the Marxist-Leninist theory.

What is the result of our critical and self critical analysis of the main contradictions of the world ? Admittedly we cannot serve with a completely worked out scientific analysis. What we try to find out is the changes of the contradictions in the world having regard to our new watchword: World proletariat – unite all countries !” Those who would await more than this will be disappointed. Remember, this is a modest contribution to comment on the changes of the world contradictions – no more, no less. What we can state for sure and in general is the fact that globalisation at first simplified all the main contradictions in the world and at second they become more transient and instable. All the contradictions begin to develop highly variable and can be moved easier and faster than before their globalisation. Globalisation of contradictions is the final stage to be removed. This is a home position of the internationalist world proletariat. By the polarization of the world capital on the one hand and the polarization of anti- world capitalism on the other hand. One global front arose from globalisation which influences all the contradictions more or less and which helps us to solve the contradictions easier and faster. If we advance this generalising opinion we cannot exclude the up coming of new contradictions but we can hardly foresee their development by now. Overall we evaluate highly the splendid perspectives of the world revolution `s outburst in the course of the developing contradictions in the world.


First of all the progress of our world revolutionary ideas cannot be expressed but by understanding. Our previous definitions have to be revised permanently, have to be carried on a higher level. We have to give way antiquated ideas to new ideas. It must be replaced and can't be preserved from a bygone era because this would only hinder and impede our overcoming of antiquated ideas. One must part with them consciously whichever was near and dear. And as comfortable as it might have been for us simply to repeat parrot-fashioned or to write off all the main contradictions in the world we cannot shirk from the duty to undergo their necessary revision. The 5 classics determined correctly the main contradictions in the world however the world did not stagnate but moved on. The 5 classics of Marxism-Leninism cannot do the work for us any more but we are able to study our classics and help us along with the methods of their determinations of the main contradictions of the world. If we study the teachings of the 5 classics in this question, then we shall notice that the main contradictions have changed enormously in the course of the time. Concerning the determination of the essential contradictions of the capitalist society, concerning the history of their development and changes, Stalin pointed out:


"In its development the Marxism must be enriched by new experiences and new knowledge, of course, - consequently Marxism `s single formulae and conclusions have to be changed in the course of the time of course. They have to be replaced by new formulae and conclusions which correspond to the new historical tasks. The Marxism doesn't respect any unchanging conclusions and formulae which would be obligatory for all epochs and periods " (Stalin, the Marxism and the questions of the language science, 1951, page 66, German edition, free editor `s translation).


So we must watch out for dogmatic mistakes. We cannot uncritically copy the main contradictions as they were correctly determined in times when they were valid. Self-deceived, we cannot base our strategy and tactics on outdated main world contradictions. We don't have to explain the significance of these consequences for the success of the world revolution. We cannot renounce the Marxist-Leninist necessity of their permanent analysis and revision. It is just the revisionists who try to drive us Marxists-Leninist into a dogmatic corner both friendly slapping on our shoulder if we twiddle our thumbs instead of doing the necessary revisions and viciously in case of leaving unnecessary changes unrevised thus sticking to our principles instead of following in the revisionists` footsteps being subordinating under their revisionist determinations. As world revolutionaries we have the courage to make our own decisions, whether to revise outdated Marxist-Leninist formulae and conclusions or to confirm those formulae and conclusions which are still valid. The revisionists can neither discourage us nor force us to take over their revisionist formulae and conclusions . Generally speaking, Marxism-Leninism is lively a science. Without the necessary revisions Marxism-Leninism is doomed. Dogmatism is the ideology of the equalisation of Marxist-Leninist revision and bourgeois revisionism. Dogmatism is an ideology of the bourgeoisie, is the ideology of the revision `s refusal and therefore a liquidatory ideology – a declaration of capitulation. It is the revisionists who play down the different meaning of Marxist-Leninist revision and bourgeois revisionism and therefore they often stick dogmatically to such “principles” which should have been modified or abandoned, such “principles” which pave them the way to the restoration of the bourgeois ideology which makes Marxism-Leninism useful for the bourgeoisie and useless for the proletariat – not in the manner of the former restoration in this or that country but the global restoration of Marxism-Leninism on its stage of world power. What we want to point out, is, that not only Marxism-Leninism has to be revised in the course of the changing of the world contradictions but also the bourgeoisie has to revise its formulae and conclusions about the main contradictions in the course of time, namely the revisionist ones.


1. The basic contradiction of globalised capitalism is still that between capital and labour



Of course, the basic inconsistency between capital and work has remained constantly, however, it isn't said that this contradiction hasn't changed in the course of capitalism `s development. From the beginning to the end of capitalism this basic contradiction is immanently remaining effective, its nature cannot change basically but in particular its form changed globally as well as capitalism itself changed globally. So we cannot talk any more about the basic contradiction of capitalism of this or that country exclusively, but we have to redetermine the form of the basic contradiction of present capitalism as its very last form and this is


the globalised basic contradiction of world capital and world labour.


The basic contradiction of world capital and world labour predominates the basic contradictions of all countries. Vice versa: The solution of the basic contradiction of a country requires the replacement of the global dominance of the basic world contradiction, needs the solution of the global basic contradiction of capital and labour as a precondition. And derived from this our general line of the strategy and tactics of the world revolution aims for the solution, for the world revolutionary removal of the basic contradiction between world capital and world labour.

The tendency of capitalism `s globalisation is very old and you can consult the “Communist Manifesto” of Marx and Engels who determined this immanent tendency of capitalism at first. However, emerging as a self-dependent, automotive and self-sustaining historical appearance globalised class-society could only be accomplished from that moment when the global basic contradiction succeeded to be of help for the basic contradiction of capital and labour obtain superiority even in the last country, so as in the countries all over the world. At first the capitalist countries “capitalised” the other countries and at second world capitalism completed this process by globalisation. In the first period socialism of a “single” country removed the capitalist basic contradiction between capital and labour in a single capitalist country and in the second period socialism removes it globally - even in the last capitalist country.

The hegemony of the contradiction in the international scale accelerated its hegemony also in the last non-capitalist country of the world. Vice versa:

The removal of the basic contradiction of world capital and world labour accelerates its removal also in the last non-socialist country of the world.

It is only logical that, if the historical development of the very first basic contradiction between labour and capital began in a (still) non-capitalist country (without any other let alone international basic contradiction having existed before!) - the historical development of the basic contradiction took place in the very last (still) non-capitalist country by the basic contradiction between world capital and world labour!

The historical development of the basic contradiction between labour and capital - becoming the predominant appearance in a country - began in England, then in further countries of Europe and North America to spread across the whole world.


This was consequently the specific way of the historical development of the unification of the world proletariat and thus also the development of the conscious, socialist, international labour movement and the Marxist movement as well.

What does this mean the other way round?

This means that the basic contradiction between labour and capital in the first capitalist country ( England) shall bring about a solution irrevocably not until this contradiction is set on a global stage which means: not until this contradiction has been opened within a global sphere.


From the time when the conscious, socialist unification of the proletarians of all countries takes place in the world scale, then this will retro-act directly (and never passively/indirectly) on the completion of the socialist unification of the proletarians in all the capitalist countries and not only in the capitalist metropolises but also at the periphery, particularly in the former non-capitalist countries. The socialist unification of the world proletariat retro-acts in the socialist unification of the proletariat in every single country. This is the precondition for the countries ` activation as an “ensemble”. So this is the base of the laws of development of the present international labour movement, is the base of the “ensemble” of the Communist International and its sections in every country, the Communist Parties.



Proletarians of all countries – unite!” -

With the result:

Reaching world revolution `s maturity for the removal of the basic contradiction between world capital and world labour and therewith the removal of the basic contradiction between labour and capital even in the last country all over the world !!!

So to speak, the proletarians of all countries “cancel each other out” as the world proletariat because the world capital will be remove by nobody else as by the world proletariat itself. Only by the revolution of the world proletariat both proletariat and bourgeoisie are removed as antagonistic classes of the world capitalist society. The formula serves for it: "World proletariat - unite all countries!"


This formula helps the proletariat to get the relief of its socialist revolution also in the last capitalist country which could not succeed just by relying on its own forces.

To solve the basic contradiction of the present society ( and to solve - this means to remove), the interaction of the (globally) opposite poles has to be assured first of all. The world proletariat, the carrier of global productive forces must get an organised, socialist force, a predominant force to be able to burst the bonds of the private property at the global means of production, to remove world capital, to liberate the productive forces in all countries from the global strait jacket of expropriation, to stimulate the socialist revolutions in every single country by the proletariat which became predominant in their countries as an organised, socialist detachment of the world proletarian forces.

The basic contradiction between world labour and world capital cannot get solved ( means completely dissolved) partially, not on the countries` level, not one by one etc. since it is about a global contradiction. Under conditions of the capitalist-revisionist encirclement the elimination of the basic contradiction between labour and capital can become "solved" by socialism in a "single” country just temporarily. However, this contradiction cannot be removed completely as long as the basic contradiction between world capital and world work is further predominant. This is why we talk about the latent danger of the restoration of the capitalism.

The basic contradiction of the world capitalism can be solved not until it is removed by the world revolution (Naturally this removal is not done within a minute. In the initial stage of world socialism the contradiction cannot be wiped out at once. A certain world socialist period of global class-struggle is needed for its total erasement).

Otherwise this contradiction would only be reproduced repeatedly, however with the dissatisfying result that its form gets worse but without any opportunity to get itself negated. The negation of the basic contradiction between capital and labour is differently implemented between its global and local forms.

The inner antagonisms of the world capitalism do not cancel each other out by the provocation of the outer contradiction `s relations. Indeed, they step back temporarily and repeatedly (relative, circular consolidation phases of the capitalism) to burst out even more exceedingly and inevitably: To overcome their capitalist bonds, the productive resources are forced by even bigger crises (world economic crisis). Just as capitalism gets deeper and deeper into the world crisis by partial measures, socialism as a partial measure also will get into the crisis (capitalist revisionist encirclement) as long as the basic contradiction remains predominant in the world. The basic contradiction only can be removed within its global field.

To ensure even greater success of getting the proletarians of all countries involved in their global field, thus the centralisation of the organised global class-struggle,

the more positively the world proletariat can have on its part an effect on the proletarians of every country, and again even better the proletarians of every country can mobilise their own revolutionary strengths to enable themselves to make a contribution to the socialist world revolution on their part.

On this and only this way the formula: Proletarians of all countries - unite!" gets completely its new significance for today's time and we can defend this formula just by adding another formula: World proletariat – unite all countries!" However, without this new formula the old formula cannot be reactivated optimally.

A merged matter - if one may express the “world proletariat” as a physical term for once - unfolds its resounding impact by bonding, bundling, straightening of all strength `s of the countries, whilst merely a loose, informal alliance of the proletarians of all countries forms only a low and less developed matter which can be influenced, distracted, split and finally disarmed more easily by the world capitalists. The formula: World proletariat - unite all countries!" counteracts these counter - revolutionary possibilities of the capital, restricts the international manoeuvring ability of the capital and improves the manoeuvring ability of the organised proletariat hence to subject the basic contradiction to its solution.


Even if all the other contradictions of the global and national development of the society will not yet be removed by the socialist world revolution they furtherhin exist – but only their antagonistic character is disappearing at first and at second in the course of the next period also the non-antagonistical contradiction between the world society as a whole and the societies of the countries as its parts are changing into the contradiction of the all round melting process of the whole world society. The world society is free not until its last single member is free. Mankind is a one big capitalist commodity. Mankind is free of being nothing but commodity not until the last single human being has escaped from being nothing but commodity.


At long last, the way of the harmonised alignment of the world productive resources and their ownership structures processes not straightly but as a dialectical process. This means that those traces of the basic contradiction which even volatilise lastly do not move away absolutely. And also the traces of the contradiction between the concordance and discordance of the productive forces and their ownership structures don `t leave their marks totally.

Only its capitalist character is removed by the capitalist basic contradiction. The basic contradiction between productive forces and production `s ownership structures can be liberated from their antagonism but not dissolved as long as classes exist. Only the classless world is an unpropertied world, is a communist world. If there is no more ownership, there will be no more ownership structures and therefore no more contradictions caused by ownership structures – this will be the end of the laws of the basic contradiction between productive forces and their ownership structures. The global transformation from antagonistical ownership structures into non - antagonistical ones, this abolition of exploitation is world socialism `s purpose, however, not as a matter of its own final self - fulfilness, but as an unavoidable step towards the abolition of the inevitableness of the restoration of any property of all. We Communists are therefore world revolutionary forces because we can show how the contradictions between the rich and the poor world can finally be solved by an unpropertied society. And we can show that the world proletariat as an unpropertied global class is nearest to the society without possessions. However, to be able to create a society liberated from possession the world proletariat has unavoidably to take possession of the world. This seems to be paradox and utmost contradictory, but it is utmost dialectically. It is really conform with the dialectical laws of the world society `s development.

As a socialist basic contradiction it only appears in new global non-antagonistical forms and contents whereas the possibility of capitalist restoration cannot be excluded, if socialism fails to solve the contradiction correctly and thoroughly.

The basic contradiction itself - whose nature is penetrating, influencing and changing all the other existing contradictions - is going through the process of globalisation, has deepened its nature by the global leap of the new way of world production. So the basic contradiction did n `t only keep stable its absolutely dominant, polarising role concerning all other contradictions but did also fundamentally change all the previous contradictions. Moreover, the development of the basic contradiction did not only solve other contradictions temporarily but was able to even remove some. In the first instance the basic contradictions in the single countries are concerned. The basic contradictions between capital and labour exacerbate by the globalisation. After all it is about one and the same basic contradiction processing by means of the interaction between both of its global and national poles. The decisive conclusion is that the world revolutionary process of its solution is therefore one and the same, too - both globally and nationally interacting. And by this we come finally to the solution of the basic contradiction by means of our formula:World proletariat – unite all countries to remove the basic contradiction between world capital and world labour !”

If we want to take the fastest and safest way to the victory of the socialist world revolution, then we must do everything so that the basic contradiction between world capital and world labour gets intensified for its faster and deeper aggravation – and this means nothing else than intensifying the class struggle between world proletariat and world bourgeoisie ! If we have to take use of any single class-contradiction then primarily we have to take use of the global contradiction between world proletariat and world bourgeoisie and this means fully concentration on the subversion of the private ownership at the world capital in all countries. We must strengthen all positions of the world proletariat opposite the world bourgeoisie. We must develop the strengths of the world proletariat to be able to subject the basic contradiction to its solution more easily and more thoroughly. How can we do this? We only can develop the strengths of the world proletariat by bundling, uniting, merging the forces of the proletarians of all countries because the world proletariat cannot do all this outside and beyond the countries. The world capital also walked this way through the countries by means of their globalization.




2. The main class contradiction in the single countries is that of the global contradiction between bourgeoisie and proletariat

Did it change in the course of the history ? Of course, it did – and it will still more change in the near future mainly caused by globalisation of both these classes. Once going globally from strength to strength both the classes exacerbate their antagonism of class-conflicts not only between themselves but also upon all the other classes because proletariat and bourgeoisie are both still the antagonistical poles of the capitalist class-society. All the other classes betwixt tend to either pole. The higher the tension between these two poles the faster all the other classes are forced to move – and by nearing they are assimilating themselves. It goes without saying that global poles can get stronger than national poles, they are even stronger than those of all the countries together. However generalisations about the global changing of the class-society shall unavoidably lead to errors of subjectivism if a scientific, detailed class-analysis of the global society is missing. To spout about redeterminations of world `s social contradictions without any exhausting and time-consuming detail work on class analyses does not behove Communists. Statistical techniques are indispensable but not sufficing. We have to modify and to alter the teachings of the 5 classics of Marxism-Leninism on a global stage being aware not simply to copy their class-analyses of the countries and the world in the given historical periods. Between both of the global and national class-analyses there are general similarities as as well not unimportant differences in particular. The programme of the Comintern (1928) is a distinguished study material though its class-analysis is outdated in many respects. Second to none is not the inclusion coverage but the global movement of the classes , their development processes and all the characteristical changes of contradictions among themselves. This cannot be achieved without class-analyses of all the single countries. There is the continual coming and going of the classes both on the global and the national stage. And according to this we have to draw up our class-analyses. In so far as we cannot yet present a genuine Marxist-Leninist global class-analysis it is to notify that our following unfunded opinions about the changes of class-contradictions in the world should have been studied with necessary reservation. Anyhow, we hope our opinions will be worth it to be discussed benevolently.



The basic contradiction of capital and labour is not homogeneously distributed all over the countries because firstly the capitalist society is not homogeneously distributed all over the world and secondly there is still the inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the different countries and therefore the different economic and political development of the countries` classes, particularly both the proletariat and the bourgeoisie.

There are not any more non-capitalist countries in the world to speak of. World capitalism prevails all countries. And another expression for this fact is the predominance of the basic contradiction of capital and labour in exclusively all the countries. This can be explained by the globalization of capitalism. And this is really different from the times of the 5 classics when they determined the class contractions of the world and therefore this is the reason for the necessary verification and general revision of their determinations of contradictions.

At that time of Marx and Engels there were only a couple of countries with the basic contradiction of capitalism while there were no capitalism in most of the countries of the world. This proportion changed in times of Lenin and Stalin to the favour of more and more (half-) capitalist countries and in times of Enver Hoxha there were hardly left pure non- capitalist countries in the world.

We already mentioned that Marx settled the question whether it is about a capitalist or non-capitalist country by the criterion whether the expropriation of the people `s property took already place or not (Karl, Marx, "The Capital" - Volume 23, the modern theory of colonialisation, page 795, German edition).

The globalization expresses the efforts of the capitalism to "make the whole world happy" therefore to change every former society into a capitalist society.


We have to consider both the changes - the quantitative and the qualitative ones. It is not only the worldwide completion of the capitalist countries` addition but as well the globalised nature of the capitalist countries. The capitalist countries of today cannot be compared with the capitalist countries in times of the 5 classics because they changed by globalisation. And consequently the conditions of the socialist revolution in the countries also changed since the times of the 5 classics. We have to consider both the changes of the socialist revolution – the quantitative and the qualitative ones. It is not only the worldwide completion of the proletariat of all countries in its additional amount but as well the globalised nature of the proletariat in the capitalist countries. So, the proletariat of today cannot be compared with the proletariat of the countries in times of the 5 classics and consequently the strategy and tactics of the proletarians socialist revolution changed since the time of the 5 classics. There is now a global revolutionary potential of the proletarians of the countries both in regard of the quantitative and the qualitative potential which cannot be compared with the times of the 5 classics, too.

The more countries accommodate proletarians in growing proportions, the more detachments are at the disposal of the global class- struggle, the more completely the world proletariat can grow up as a global monolithical class. In addition of the proletariat we have to take into consideration all the other exploited classes, who descend to the proletariat. Globalisation fills up the ranks of the world proletariat by the proletarialisation of all the other exploited classes, daily, millionfold. Let `s take the biggest global agricultural monopolies which are penetrating aggressively into the agriculture of the poorest countries and which dispossess the farmers property violently, who are condemned to vegetate as wage slaveries on their own soil and even worse their final migration into the slums of the big cities suffering their without any perspectives and filling up the global unemployed auxiliary army.

In the beginning of the labour movement the positions of the proletarians were hardly developed in most countries. The labour movement was rather exceptionally and did n `t represent the whole up coming proletariat. Whether developed or half-developed capitalist states all of them are contradictory to the world capital which does submit them all more or less. These contradictions forced by the world capital determine all the contradictions among the capitalist countries globally.

The contrasts between the capitalist countries and the world imperialism express themselves in national, anti – world imperialist crises, conflicts, interventions and wars – more or less provoked by world imperialism for benefiting from these conflicts on the one hand or the disputes are stirred up by the stronger nations against weaker nations, national majorities against national minorities etc. on the other hand. All conflicts and crises are caused by the global capitalist law: Dog Eat Dog. ... and bulimia eats the last one. Capitalist dog is a dying breed gobbled up by the rapaciousness of profit. Dog negate dog. Global capitalism negate nation capitalism. The negation of this capitalist law is the global anti-capitalist unification of the exploited and oppressed classes by the world proletariat, is : World proletariat – unite all countries against the capitalist law of Dog Eat Dog!” The hegemony of the capitalist countries is paralysed by the hegemony of world capital itself. The contradictions among the nations will be solved by the abolition of world capital.

The old partition between the capitalist and non-capitalist countries will be removed by world capital most largely whereby world capital generates proletarians hegemony in exceptless all the countries of the world: World proletariat – unite (socialise) all countries!"

Every strengthening of the world proletariat strengthens the hegemony of the proletariat in every single country. The world hegemony of capital produces the world hegemony of the proletariat which brings forward and paves the way for the hegemony of the proletariat in one country.

This is the decisive way on which the proletarians of all countries can take advantage of the basic contradiction between world capital and the capitalist countries for their revolutionary purpose, on which the proletariat can take the lead of the revolution in all countries without exception ! So one mustn't miss this favourable conditions for the capture of the world power by the proletariat.

The whole purpose of the unification of the countries is finally the proletarians` seizure of world power, even without awaiting the issue, when the contradiction between capital and labour is not only predominant in the industry but also in the agriculture by the efforts of globalisation.

Only because of the fact that there are still enough agrarian petty bourgeois and middle-classes all over the world cannot be reasonable for the world proletariat to set its world expropriation of the capitalist means of production aside. For the expropriation of the global means of (industrial) production the world proletariat will not waste time to the advantage of the petty bourgeoisie. The petty bourgeoisie and the middle classes have to be patient about their turn of expropriation.

The higher the world production for agricultural industrialisation ( by their socialisation), the better the maintenance of industrialised world agriculture, the faster the socialisation of the world `s agriculture can be realised in the next step and thus the accordance of industrial and agricultural relations of world production , thus the unification of the working masses of the world `s industry and agriculture.

The world capital squeezed out of the world movement of commodities paves the way for the removal of the whole world production of commodities, for the removal of the world movement of commodities, for the circulation of world commodities.

Beyond doubt, this is the most practicable and suitable way towards world socialism for those single countries with more or less numerous classes of small and middle producers. If the basic contradiction between labour and capital abolished on a global stage, then the non-capitalist production of commodities can be reversed to capitalism, because private property at the production means would arise only in the case if the labour power would reappear on the world market as a disposable commodity. And without wage labour as a commodity on the world market there can be no more world capitalist production either.

There can be capitalism only in a world where the capitalists unite labourers as commodity. And there cannot be any capitalism in a world where the workers unite without capitalists. It is the united strength of the propertyless world proletariat with which it removes the class character of the social property whereupon the unpropertied nature of the world proletariat is based.

The remaining world production of commodities is restricted by global bonds of the predominantly socialised means of world production, by the removal of the capitalist system of wage labour, by the removal of exploitation in every single country of the world.

The world socialist production of commodities is basically different from the capitalist world production of commodities and must not be confounded ( the one is untamed and the other is tamed by cutting its exploitive nature). The global fetishism of commodity is removed as well as the commodity of labour, however world socialism cannot do without a minimum of adequate supply of commodities. All the socialist restrictions of the law of value, all remainders of the society of commodities can only be removed by the period of communism completely.

World capital forces all capitalist countries to compete with each other. The contradictions among the capitalist countries changed their nation narrowed character. The countries sacrifice themselves for their world capitalist son but the son pays back his gratefulness by a life of parasite. The periodical crises of the capitalist countries was once an unavoidable process of their growing. The permanent crises of today are symptom of the dying capitalism. The historical capitalist appearance of the countries` prosperity is replaced by that one of the today `s countries` struggle to survive. Capitalist Country Eat Capitalist Country.



    3. Contradictions among the capitalist countries


World capital transformed all countries into world commodities . Selling their commodities on the world `s market of commodities in times of globalisation does n `t mean anything else but selling themselves out - at least parts of themselves such as raw-materials etc. Commodities of countries change into countries of commodities. The world capital implicating the capitalist countries in ruinous competition intensifies the contradictions with each other . So by helping world capital to accumulate the capitalist countries loose their capital at the world capital. To escape from their own exploitation the capitalist countries aggravate the exploitation of their own exploited classes which is again not without consequences on the existence of the countries themselves. So the ruination of a country by other countries is the other side of the coin.

The big countries like the imperialist great powers squeeze the weaker countries out of the world market, out of the market of the row-materials etc. World capital, the world monopolies, usurp all the nation `s riches beginning with the weakest. The crises of the capitalist countries activate the world crisis and vice versa. World capitalism cannot escape from these contradictions but dying.


And finally while the bourgeoisie of each nation maintains national interests partially the big industry produced a class which has the same interests by all nations and whereby the nationalities are already ruined, a class, which actually got rid of the whole old world and which is pitted against it simultaneously” (MEW, “Deutsche Ideologie”, Volume 3, page 60, German edition, free editor `s translation)


The inhomogeneity of the economic and political development of the capitalist countries cannot stop the internationalisation of the proletarian class struggle. The workers of the large international industry carry along all the workers of the countries . The further developed capitalist countries carry along the less developed capitalist countries. The world production needs the international unification of all existing productive forces necessarily to feed up highest profits.



The grouping of the great imperialist countries, which of course haven't given up their own hegemony, is condemned to escape commonly from world c rises. There is no way left to uphold their own imperialist interests than sticking together by the formation of a global world imperialist order. This world imperialist order aggravates the contradictions among the imperialist great powers, subdues their power under the unique interests of the world capital. The robbery law of the imperialism isn't repealed of course with that. The world imperialism has not removed but further intensified the contradictions among the imperialist great powers:


    4. Contradictions among the single imperialist great powers


Today, there is the imperialist band of robbers who coordinate and centralize their robberies, but instead of simply sharing the prey it is increasingly sacrificed to the world capital because the world capital is the ruling global villian. It is the ruinous competition among the great powers forced by the world capital it is the contradiction between world capital and the great powers which dominates all the contradictions among the great powers. It is the world capitalist destruction by means of the alliance of the great powers. World capital bursts all bonds of the great powers, forms new continental and even intercontinental alliances to burst their bonds again, forms the Western and the Eastern capitalist world to burst their bonds. World capital bursts all bonds. It burst the bonds of the former constellation of the “Cold War” between both the superpowers disappeared like the constellation of the superpowers themselves, disappeared by the globalisation of world capital. By this the former contradictions between the superpowers and all the other imperialist countries at both their poles became obsolete.

The negation of the superpowers paved the way for the global class-front between world bourgeoisie and world proletariat. Reaching its global position the proletariat can globally influence and use all the contradictions of the capitalist society for its own class- struggle: World proletariat – unite all countries against the imperialist great powers, against the Western and Eastern capitalist world !”


Now we have the contradiction between the great imperialist powers – forming the world capitalist order (“civilised world”) – and the countries of its obedience. All the countries who do not dare to obey the civilised world and who offer resistance are condemned to belong to the “uncivilised world” and in so far regarded as an enemy of civilisation. To maintain the global system of oppression the “civilised world” uses the services of all the allied state powers in general and those of the great powers of imperialism in particular. By this the world bourgeoisie establishes its global means of class ruling ( the apparatuses of global militarism, and global fascism which is given into the hands of a new global bureaucratic upper class – and the global labour aristocracy as its counterpart within the world proletariat). The world imperialist formation of capitalism corresponds with the formation of the world bourgeoisie. The world dictatorship of the financial capital shall lose ground to the world dictatorship of the proletariat by the continuation of the parasitic, rottening and dying social-economic process of the crisis of the “civilised world”. The exploited and oppressed global classes will be faced with the global power of fascism and reaction. Every proletarian action, every proletarian movement, every movement of resistance of the exploited and oppressed classes will be faced with the world power of the “civilised world”. In the end there will be left the allies of the “civilised world” led by the world bourgeoisie on the one side and the allies of the “uncivilised world” led by the world proletariat on the other side. This is - in a certain manner – the continuation of the negated contradiction between the socialist and the capitalist camp which was in force in the first epoch of socialism.

The main enemy is the world bourgeoisie and its whole imperialist order of the “civilised world” - still headed by the US-imperialists. The globalised capitalist world undermines the influence of the globally bribed upper class of the world proletariat, undermines the influence of social imperialism upon the masses. This is the result of the decline of the modern revisionism, the decline of social imperialism, the undermining of its influence on the global masses. A handful of global monopolists form the rich world and the globally exploited masses form the poor world. The global class- society of today is divided in the rich and the poor world which forms its own global class-contradiction:




5. The contradictions between the rich world and the poor world


Historically this contradiction is as old as the class-society itself. The one ruling class was replaced by another to take over the world power. The world capital produced the globalised contradiction between the poor and the rich world. The global world of today is the highest, worst and last form of the contradiction between the rich and the poor world. It is its final stage. All the former exploiting and oppressing classes just replaced the old inequitable world by a new inequitable one, however with the world power of the proletariat the contradiction between the rich and the poor world will be removed inclusively the removal of the inevitableness of its restoration. It is about the global class-struggle of the exploiting and oppressing classes on the one hand and the exploited and oppressed classes on the other hand: World proletariat – unite all countries to remove the world capitalist contradiction between the rich and the poor world !” The world revolution removes the inequality of the countries all over the world.

Both in the poor and the rich countries the contradiction between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat is predominant, so the class struggle steps forward more or less between bourgeoisie and proletariat. What concerns the poor and rich countries, great changes, movements and displacements have taken place.

If one talks about the poor countries of Latin America for example, then it stands out that although one can still talk about a poor Bolivia but not about a poor Brazil. Brazil is a new imperialist country which does not only exploit its own continent but also other countries beyond, especially in the southern hemisphere. To cite the state of South Africa as another example it is as well a new imperialist country which is no longer satisfied with just exploiting its own poor continent. So you cannot lump together all the African countries and generalise the “African colony” or the “oppressed peoples of Africa” ( exploited by the imperialist and social imperialist countries”. After globalisation this does no longer mean the same as it did in times of classical colonialism and neo-colonialism. World capital burst the bonds of the “poor” continent. The things really have changed in Asia, too. China, always pretending to be just a "developing country", already has become a social imperialistic superpower which left behind the predominance of the imperialist Japan. China does not only dominate the Eastern market. Long ago China strived for world hegemony and China is well on the way to being the global big fish.

There is no doubt about the consensus that we cannot generalise the “under dogged peoples of Africa, Latin America and Asia” any more. Globalisation burst their bonds. We have to reconsider and to revise this popular term under its changes by the globalisation.

There are at least two reasons why the contradiction between these three continents and the “old” world imperialist powers shall aggravate:


1. The new rich countries of these continents became more or less earnest competitors and their capital strives for world expansion. They put on the agenda a new distribution of the world, especially the new distribution of the poor countries of their own continent and this collides with the interests of the old world imperialist benefices and prebends.


2 . By this the pressure upon the poor countries increases dramatically. They have to stand up to both the new and the old imperialist capital and last not least to all the other poor countries who struggle for their survival.


All this does its bit to enlarge the contradiction between the poor and the rich countries becoming more and more rich on the one side and poor on the other side.

So the poor countries are forced to unify their global resistance against the foreign rule of world capital.

The world proletariat derives from their situation to lead them in the anti-imperialist global class-struggle. They have to be considered as indispensable reserves of the world revolution.

Within the new capitalist and in part the new imperialist countries, particularly on the continents of Latin America, Africa and Asia, a strong, unspent proletariat shall grow up rapidly as a big and serious detachment of the world proletariat which will play its high-ranking, honourable role in the world revolution. This new department was not yet available in times of the October Revolution.


Related to classical old capitalist countries we doubt that everything would remain unaffected:

Something is moving due to the increased competition of the globalization.

Some countries blundered into serious difficulties, into existentially deep crises. They are up to their ears in debt and go almost bankrupt.

Great global emigrant movements can be stated both in the poor and rich countries. Within these movements there are also millions of high qualified proletarians who have to leave their traditional locations of industry for their survival.

Globalisation proves the fact that both poor countries become rich and rich countries become poor, vice versa. The sharing at the world markets shrinks and the

poverty increases faster as the riches of all the countries. Neither the poverty nor the abundance knows national or any other limits and bonds.

At present, it looks like a global rebirth of the “Wild West”, like the times of the gold-diggers when life and death seemed to be a short guest performance.

The world capital takes the world for granted – as its self-service store. Global monopolism is most parasitically, rotting and dying – global disruptiveness, fission and fusion both in the poor and in the rich countries.

Globalisation is a totally new cast of dice for the redistribution of the world markets and spheres of global influences. The situation comes to a head ( imperialist wars of conquest, national liberation wars, revolutionary uprisings, insurgencies – all this will increase rapidly and herald the Great Proletarian Socialist World Revolution. The world contradictions become more dynamic and come nearer to their final solution.

Definitely we can state a binary division of the world, the division of the poor and the rich world of which all active demarcation is drawn through all continents, all countries, all cities, all villages and all places of the world. It is the large, united poor world which declares the war on the rich world which breaks its chains and which shall rise up against the rich world. The global war between rich and poor has long been overdue. The civil war between the poor and rich world will be led by both the war opponents: world bourgeoisie and world proletariat !




    6. What about the further development of the contradiction between capitalism and socialism ?

Even raising this question is already prove enough for the existence of this contradiction !

Obviously opinions often differ. We would acclaim an open discussion about this question whereas we don `t waive a principled demarcation line opposite to both the revisionists and sectarians.


To be disempowered temporarily or not – socialism goes on and in so far it is still in contradiction to capitalism – no matter if that will suit the capitalists` plans or not. It is an inevitable law of the social development that capitalism will be removed by socialism – capitalism did and will not exist all the time in history of mankind.

So, as Communists we are of the basic opinion that the contradiction between capitalism and socialism ( socialist movement, socialist class-struggle, socialist heritage etc.) is going on though there is no materialised contradiction between the capitalist world and the socialist world at present. This means that Lenin `s classification of the two worlds is not valid for the time being. The Two – World Theory was valid in the period between the October Revolution and the restoration of capitalism in Albania. This is painfully and regrettable but historically true. Our previous struggle against restoration of capitalism ended with a defeat but we continue our struggle for the restoration of socialism. Therefore we speak about the present contradiction between the restoration of capitalism and socialism. The restoration of socialism is not restoration of its revisionist remainders but the new up building of world socialism. Restoration of socialism is removal of the unavoidability of capitalist restoration !


At the time of the restoration of capitalism in Albania the former contradiction between the camp of the capitalism and the camp of the socialism “disappeared” why we may not talk about the capitalist camp any more since then – there is still the global world of capitalism inclusively all its remainders of revisionist countries. However, we can talk about the former “socialist camp” only partially, because the Comintern (ML) repudiates no Marxist-Leninist countries but the Soviet Union in times of Lenin and Stalin and Albania in times of Enver Hoxha. There are no socialist countries beyond Marxist-Leninist countries. There is no socialist camp which counts revisionist countries as members.

Putting aside the fact that the fallacious equalisation of revisionist (= capitalist!) and socialist (Marxist-Leninist !) countries is only in the interest of capitalism to scare the progressive workers we can proceed from the assumption that there are no socialist countries at present. However, stating the fact that there are no socialist countries at the time does not mean in the slightest that the contradiction between capitalism and socialism would have been completely wiped out.

Everybody knows that world imperialism is interested in making us believe that socialism was totally removed and that socialism is beyond of reclaim. The capitalists are in for it but they do not dare to freely admit it.

In the narrow sense of the term we talk about the former historical contradiction between a socialist and a capitalist country or the coexistence of both the capitalist and the socialist system, or more precisely about the contradiction between capitalism and socialism in the first period of the history of socialism.

There are no two worlds but only one - the capitalist world. This change was already revised by the general line of the Comintern (ML). Revisionist countries pretend to be socialist but they are capitalist in deed. This is exactly the point which the revisionists forswear. We draw the demarcation of socialism and revisionism and therefore they accuse us Marxists-Leninist of sectarianism, dogmatism, anti-socialism, anti-imperialism, of anti-fascism etc..

Those who defend revisionist countries as so called “socialist” countries, defend world imperialism. It is the revisionists who destroyed the socialist countries, who assimilated and merged back into capitalism who restored capitalism. Revisionists are therefore capitalist lackeys, enemies of the proletariat, enemies of socialism, communism and Marxism-Leninism. They are reactionary and social-fascist, standing on the other side of the barricade of world revolution.

The revisionists hold the theory, that the contradiction between the socialist and the capitalist system isn't solved revolutionarily. They spread the illusion that the relations of socialist production of the socialism in “one” country rather "extend" to such degree that - in the world scale - the relations of the capitalist production could be “pushed back” and “replaced” by the quantitative majority rule progressively. Instead of the class-violence of the world revolution the solution of the contradiction of the two world systems so to speak would be possible all alone ( self triggering, automatically). World socialism can neither grow out of the prototype of socialism in “one” country”, nor can `t be exported into all the other countries. This would collide with the teachings of the 5 classics of Marxism-Leninism.

Only in one way it is right to say that the global solution of the capitalist basic contradiction is ( in a seminal state and not preformed) already contained in the prototype of the socialism in “one” country . As long as it is the only “one” country it is temporarily – so to say – a kind of representative of the idea of world socialism (which does not actually exist). It is a lever and base of the world revolution, the avant-garde of the world proletariat, the spearhead against world capitalism etc. – but all this can never be regarded isolated from the development of the world proletariat and the global conditions of the world revolutionary development. Socialism in “one” country can neither be the father of world socialism nor the son simultaneously in one and the same person. Socialism in “one” country heralds and improves the world socialist development, is a base and a lever for the world socialist development, it is the homeland of the world proletariat etc., but it could not remove world capitalism by its own. Socialism in “one” country cannot become the world socialist father of the descendant countries like children. It is not capitalism of one country which gives birth to world socialism but world capitalism ! The socialism in “one” country as base and lever of the world revolution can only come into global operation under the leadership of the world proletarian revolution.

In the narrower meaning a socialist country can develop into communism only as a link of the socialist world, otherwise it would be restored by capitalism sooner or later. The proletarian world revolution isn't the work of one single socialist country but a common work under the leadership of the world proletariat. The world proletariat can lead only itself, the mission of the world proletariat cannot be finished by socialism in “one” country. Socialism in “one” country can pave the way for the world socialist mission but not materialise by itself. Stalin has talked about a "deep mistake:"


... that it is not pending for Marxists, to mix up different phenomena like “ the victory of socialism in one country” and the “victory of socialism in the world scale”. One mustn't forget that two completely different epochs are reflected in both these different phenomena which have not only to be separated from each other in terms of time (what is very important) but also in their whole nature.


The period of the victory of the socialism in the world scale is primarily just different from the period of the victory of the socialism in a country by the fact that it liquidates the imperialism in all countries, the compulsion to subject other nations, as well as that it removes the fear of the danger of the national subjugation, undermines the national distrust and the national enmity radically, that unites the nations in a uniform system of a socialist world economy and therefore creates the real conditions, which are necessary for a gradual fusion of all nations to a whole” (Stalin, "the national question and the Leninism", 1929, free translation from the German text).


And the Comintern (ML) considers another "deep mistake", namely to believe that we are still in the epoch of the socialism in “one” country. Those who can't ( or are not willing!) differ both the periods of socialism can or will hardly recognize that we have already arrived at the threshold of the decline of the world imperialism thus at the threshold of the epoch of socialism that it is our task as Communists to work out the whole nature of the socialism in the world scale scientifically.


The victory of the socialism in a country and the liquidation of the imperialism in a country didn't mean the liquidation of the world imperialism , didn't mean the victory of the socialism in the world scale . The victory of socialism in a world scale is not possible by missing out a whole epoch.



The revisionists gave the world socialism away together with the world revolution. The capitalist restoration of socialism in “one” country is to be achieved easier and faster if the revolutionary delegations of foreign working classes are replaced by delegations of businessmen and corruptionist politicians of the capitalist countries. The revisionists frightened at the capitalist encirclement and its threatening danger of foreign assimilation and annexation. It was not that defence of socialism causing their anxiety. In reality it was only the covered anxiety to lose a bit of their own revisionist system of exploitation and oppression. But more terrifying was their nightmare about the disaster which would be due to the power of the world proletariat ! Isolating the working class from the world proletariat the revisionists threw socialism of “one” country to the world imperialist wolves and paved the way for world capitalist globalisation by the restoration of capitalism.


The revisionists were just burying the proletarian world revolution with the Comintern, too. They tried to suspend and to stall socialism in “one” country, to disconnect the next step from the first step. Thereby the revisionists changed the first epoch of socialism into the last one. This was the very revisionist betrayal at the Comintern. The process of the disconnection of both the periods of socialism – that `s the process of the restoration of capitalism: World proletariat – unite all countries against the danger of restoration of capitalism !” That is the genuine Marxist-Leninist formulae to encounter the disconnection and split of the two epochs of socialism. The world revolutionary class struggle of the socialist world against the capitalist world turned into the blocking by regarding the peaceful coexistence of the "capitalist and socialist camp" as the final stage of socialism instead of its unavoidable intermediate stage towards world socialism. The nature of the unavoidable stages of socialism `s development is their overcoming by the struggle for the next stage. If these unavoidable stages are always condemned to take on a life of their own then this is the death of any stage - it is doomed to be replaced by the previous one. The result of the peaceful coexistence of capitalism and socialism was therefore consequently the restoration of capitalism instead of world socialism.

The revisionists` paraphrase was that of a “case of exception", namely the abolition of the contradiction between a socialist and capitalist world by the effectiveness of a new relationship of its poles. They promised to solve the contradiction in the world scale by a gradual superseding of the relations of socialist production which would simultaneously lead to superseded relations of the capitalist production. But this was nothing but a declaration of capitulation towards Marxism-Leninism, towards the necessary world revolutionary removal of the capitalist relations of production in a world scale.

So, if the socialist world would have solved one non-antagonistical contradiction after another, this would eventually lead to a qualitative leap for the inevitable overcoming of all the antagonistical contradictions of the capitalist world. The revisionists argued that they could solve the antagonistical problems of capitalism by means of the solution of the non-antagonistical contradictions of the socialist society. The revisionists were the drivellers of the “theory” of “communism in one country” missing out the precondition of world socialism.

With other words: To create socialism in its first period the socialist revolution would be needed, however, once established there would be no more need for the socialist revolution. Socialism would pass the nations ` borders “peacefully” . The capitalist world would have to come clean without any socialist revolution, quasi in form of a “synthesis”, an “assimilation” - by a gradual process of adaptation from capitalist to socialist relations of production. Indeed, historically this was not at all the gradual assimilation of the capitalist system into the socialist system but just the opposite ! And this was the covered purpose of the revisionists. The competition of two-way infiltration led to the death of the socialist system and to the globalisation of the capitalist system. The transition from the first epoch of socialism into the second one is not at all of straight-line nature but utmost contradictory and comprising a whole transitional period performing a zig-zag movement of victories and defeats. The contradiction between capitalism and socialism are valid during the whole interims period of capitalism and communism thus the contradiction between the capitalist and the socialist world.

Concerning the struggle of both the world systems we have to consider two contrary, complementary dispositions which blur the objective regard of this contradiction:

At first there was the disposition to overestimate the possibilities of the prospering socialist system within its first epoch (“euphoria”) and at second the disposition to underestimate the possibilities after socialism `s defeats and downfalls (despondency, dejectedness, depressiveness). The main contradiction between socialism and capitalism is principally always the same but changing with ups and downs of the socialist as well as the capitalist development. We have to learn from our mistakes to avoid them in the coming second epoch of socialism. And we have the courage to give the advice to study capitalism coping with its own history of ups and downs. The key of studying the restoration of socialism is the study of the history of the capitalist restoration. Having the key of the socialism `s restoration you ` ll have the key for the dissolution of the contradiction between capitalism and socialism, too.

In the Moscow Declaration of 1957 was emphasized that the socialist camp presumed to have been much more powerful than the imperialist camp. Is this right historically? The socialist superiority is a phrase if it is not proved by hard class-struggle. As long as there is world imperialism actually ruling socialism is not superior. Let `s have a historical look at the date:

There were no Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin and with that no more Marxist-Leninist leadership of the socialist camp in 1957. How shall a leadershipless camp be more powerful than the imperialist camp which was commanded by a powerful USA imperialism at that time? And what about most of the other countries calling themselves “socialist countries”? We repeated several times that there weren't any really socialist countries apart from the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin and the Albania of Enver Hoxhas in the world – carefully examined by the criterion of Marxism-Leninism. In the strict sense one can only talk about a "socialist camp" beginning with socialist Albania and ending with the death of Stalin – at latest, however, with the revisionist XX. Party Congress of the CPSU in 1956. This was not a socialist camp “for itself” because it was embedded within a camp whose members had been revisionist at most . It was a “§socialist camp” In name only.

This does not mean that there were no efforts of Marxists-Leninist and Marxist-Leninist tendencies within the socialist camp. In the first line Albania waved the flag of Marxism-Leninism. However the so called “socialist camp” was a camp which waved the revisionist flag in 1957. So in reality the only socialist country, Albania, did n `t separate from the socialist camp but from the revisionist camp which was under Khrushchev `s thumb. Yugoslavia and China separated, however, as revisionist countries from the (Soviet) revisionist camp (The "polemics" published by the Chinese revisionists in 1963 is rotten to the core - (see detailed comment in: “general line” of the Comintern (ML).

Albania was the only socialist country in the world in 1957 and up to its own capitalist restoration in 1990 not a single socialist country could be added, so their was no socialist camp but only Albania which all alone represented the socialist world in that time. In our opinion the imperialist camp proved to be strong enough to force the socialist camp into capitulation by the corruption and subversion of the revisionist agents and liquidatory cooperation with the revisionist countries with the Soviet revisionists at the head. It is fact that imperialism ruined the future of world socialism by the help of revisionism at power. It is also fact that the revisionists grabbed the power before the socialist camp could developed. It is the history of the revisionist camp which hindered socialism to bring world imperialism to his knees.

All this has to be reason enough to recover the Marxist-Leninist solution of the contradiction between socialism and capitalism critically as well as self-critically. We have to purify this contradiction from its revisionist covers to find a new global revolutionary alternative for its solution. We are non-committal concerning the mandatory necessity of a possible socialist camp in future.

Proletarians of all countries - unite all your revolutionary forces for the protection of the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin! " - “Proletarians of all countries - unite all your revolutionary forces for the protection of the socialist Albania Enver Hoxhas!" These were the two correct formulae of proletarian internationalism in the world revolutionary fight against imperialism and revisionism at that time when the main contradiction between the capitalist and the socialist world was in force.


In the Chinese “Polemics” the solution of the countries ` contradictions is restricted on “revolutions of the people” . In the contrary “the revolutions of the proletarians” could never be found in the “Polemics” and more less anything about the proletarian revolution in the revisionist countries could be found there. The “theory” of the Three-Worlds is through and through an anti-Marxist-Leninist conception of the Chinese social imperialism written for the purpose to save world imperialism by the waving of the proletarians` world revolution:


The vision of the existence of three worlds or the tripartition of the world is based on a racist and metaphysical ideology – a spawn of world capitalism and reaction (Enver Hoxha, "imperialism and revolution", page 294, German edition, free editor `s translation).




The contradiction

between capitalism and communism ...


... hasn't disappeared by the fact that the last country of the socialism was restored by capitalism. This contradiction continues to have an effect as long as there is still the ideological influence of the world bourgeoisie and even in times of world socialism the class- struggle goes on. Even communism cannot delete old traces and birthmarks of capitalism absolutely.

Doubtlessly this contradiction continues to have an effect by the elimination of the last socialist country, Albania. The first epoch of the socialism "in one" country has been terminated violently by the world imperialist and social imperialist decline of the dictatorship of the proletariat by means of the Albanian revisionists who restored capitalism.

However, neither the imperialists nor the revisionists could discourage the proletariat to prove historically the breaking off the world imperialist chain, to prove a better life without capitalism in one `s own country.

It forced the capitalist countries to unite globally against socialism. Only one socialist country was binding all the global forces of the counter-revolution to snuff out socialism `s life and to bring under control the flame of the socialist world revolution which spreads across the capitalist-revisionist encirclement.

This worldwide imperialist alliance – once formed to encircle and to finish off the former “one” socialist country – is not dissolved but reorganised inevitably against the up coming world proletariat thus the global class who is able to upgrade socialism in “one” country to world socialism. The world proletariat performs unavoidably the transition period towards the second epoch of socialism by the world revolution. A single proletariat was not able to break through the global capitalist-revisionist encirclement and this would collide with the teachings of Marxism-Leninism, with the teachings of the proletarian internationalism.

This lethal ideological weapon of the world proletariat is the inalienable guide-post guaranteeing the lasting and unalterable victory over capitalism in the world scale.

The contradiction between capitalism and communism is therefore unremovable. The contradiction seems to be disappeared but in reality it needs time to prepare the appearance in a new form, in the global form thus in a higher form – thus in a form which comes nearer to the contradiction `s solution – thus the global form which replaces the national form.

The communist forces need their time to get rid of the traditional national forms of their development in the first period of socialism. Accordingly all the former communist (and anti-communist !) forces run through a changing process of their reunification as well in the world scale as in the countries – a reunification on a qualitatively higher level. And thus is expression of the changing process of the contradiction between capitalism and communism. Furthermore the communist and anti communist strengths are still both the confronting world armies but these armies are regrouped armies related to the globalisation of class-struggle.

The more capitalism is globalising world power the more it will remobilise the anti capitalist resistance in all countries unavoidably and the more the global contradiction between capitalism and communism shall come to a head.

Until now there was only one real anti capitalism – and this is still communism. And there will be also only one really global anti capitalism in future – this is world communism !

Today, the contradiction between capitalism and communism has already become a global form. The contradiction between world capitalism and world communism is only resolvable in the world scale, too. The world proletariat unites the strengths of the anti world capitalism, unites the strengths of the world communism against the world capitalism.


If we determined the contradiction between the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and the dictatorship of proletariat then we can determine the contradiction between the world dictatorship of both these global classes, too. However, while they share the same character of dictatorship over the class enemy in a national as well as in a global scale - namely that there can be only one at a time and not both con temporarily and that the one abolishes and removes the other - then the decisive difference of this contradiction in a national as well as in the world scale consists in the fact that the dictatorship of the world bourgeoisie is just abolished and removed by the new dictatorship of the world proletariat whereas the dictatorship of the world proletariat – in contrast to all the other proletarian dictatorships – is the only one which abolishes and removes at all any class dictatorship inclusively its inevitableness – forever and irretrievably.

This is the qualitative difference of the socialism in "one" country and the world socialism and simultaneously the base of the solution of the contradiction between capitalism and communism.

The bourgeoisie has openly declared that the contradiction between capitalism and communism is already “dissolved” by the restoration of capitalism. Certainly, the revisionists are not allowed to agree with this plump lie because they would lose their influence in the leftist movement. So they pledge their words for the re-establishment of the restorable socialism, for the first epoch of socialism, simply to misuse it against the class-struggle for the second period of socialism: socialism in “one” country against world socialism !

Whereas the Communists fight for the new socialism, for the world socialism on the base of the positive socialist elements which were achieved in the first period.

This is the contradiction between the world revolutionary strengths, which want to step forward from the first period to the second period of socialism and those world revisionist strengths which are too much afraid of entering the arena of the struggle for world socialism and which prefer to leave socialism at its first stage of development – safely enough to fall in the arms of capitalism. What the revisionists like is a socialism with a capitalist additional insurance.

In this respect we can speak about the fact that the camp of capitalism and the camp of communism will enlarge globally. The future of mankind depends on the success of the fight between the world capitalism and the world communism.

Those who can unite the strongest world strengths shall win this fight at long last. The strengths of the world Communists are still extremely weak but they already succeed in intellectual victories which herald their growing strength. The world strengths of communism will win over the world strengths of capitalism. Nobody but the world proletariat itself with the communists at the head can really solve the contradiction between capitalism and communism. May the capitalists and revisionists allege to be top dog – however we shall prove in history that they `ll get the short end of the stick !




Unification - that is to overcome divisive split !

Proletarians of all countries - unite!" and "World proletariat - unite all countries!" are both the matching formulae to overcome global split of the world proletariat and to overcome the split of the proletarians of all countries, too. At present it is the internationalist solution of the “social and national question” nationwide and worldwide:

Separating nations from each other is not our task, but to unify the workers of all countries” (Lenin: volume 19, page 545, German edition, free editor `s translation).

To practice Leninism that means to understand Leninism. If Lenin spoke about “separating nations” he did not mean to ignore the national question. Lenin taught that the international question cannot be solved in disregard of the national question and vice versa. And it is reasonable as well that the question of the internationalist unification of the world proletariat does not leave aside the fate of the nations. “Separating nations from each other” is actually a hindrance for the unification of the workers of all countries and this hindrance has to be ironed out. So what about reversing this citation ? To unify the workers of all countries we communists have to strive for iron out the hindrances of the nations ` separation. Unification of the world proletariat through overcoming nations ` separation: World proletariat – unite all countries !”


Today, the irreversible unification of the nations towards their socialist unity is a foregone conclusion based on the globalisation of capital. World capitalism itself abrogates nationalism, separatism and splits of nations. Globalisation cuts back the nationalist discordances as a matter of temporary nature (although this will be a matter of utmost painful processes!).

The more national conflicts and enmities, the stronger the internationalist will, the stronger the unity of the revolutionary movement to overcome divisive splits.

The “question of the nations ` unity” is the question of bursting both their nationalist and cosmopolitical chains which are chains of the national and world bourgeoisie. Only the proletariat can shake off the nations` yoke of world capitalism: World proletariat – unite all countries !”


The global unification question is a question applied to be solved practically and because it cannot be solved beyond the actual conditions of class struggle the question of unification has to be changed into a question of the overcoming of one `s own split thus by the usage of all forms of penetrating, splitting and subverting the antagonistic class enemy. The world proletariat needs its own strategy and tactics of antidote to pave the way for its own unification. With other words we are teaching the world proletariat how to beat the world bourgeoisie at their own game !

The bourgeoisie has known for over 150 years that globally united workers represent a devastating world power.

It is the counter strategy of self-preservation of every opposing class to destroy, to impede and inhibit all the unification processes of the opponent.

If antagonistic classes stand vis-à-vis then their life and death stand vis-à-vis, too. Class struggle shall be finally settled not until the united power of the class enemy is globally destroyed. So the global unification and defragmentation of the world proletariats comes along with the proletarians` systematic efforts to deepen and speed up the global split and fragmentation of the world bourgeoisie to make use of all the contradictions within the counter-revolutionary alliances of the class-enemy. By this the weapons of the class-enemies can be liquidated, in particular their political organisations.

The world proletariat cannot lead the global class-struggle successfully without adding global fuel to the class-enemies` disunity. The success of one `s own unification to obtain / to maintain class-power, respectively the reconquest or restoration of the formerly lost class-power depends on the crucial factor of the class-enemies` disunity. This is one of the well-known basic laws of antagonistic class struggle. Mastering this law is its newly-arranged global stage.

Undoubtedly both the proletariat and the bourgeoisie try hard to make use of this general class struggle law by their own strategy and tactics at most. The world proletariat is doomed if it relies passively on the spontaneous course of the unification of all countries and if waiting sporadically and accidentally for any occasional events in single countries. This can never lead to the success if the world proletariat does n `t actively fight against all those split and fragmentation attempts of the class opponent centralist, inter nationalistically with which the opponents paralyse and disable the unification will and the unification strength of the proletariat. Mostly, till now, the counter-revolutions didn't win,

" because they destroyed their enemy, but because the strengths were shattered, because the proletariat features a different maturity degree in the different countries. The united enemies of the working classes won by paying the price of the delay of the decision battle, however, in which that source was simultaneously enlarged and deepened – which increases the number of proletarians - maybe more slowly than it ought to be but unstoppable - and which fosters their association, toughens them in the fight and teaches them actions against the united enemy. This source is the capitalism " (Lenin, volume 15, page 465, German edition, free editor `s translation).


So the source for the adjustment of the different maturity degree of the proletarians of the different countries to the highest maturity degree of the united world proletariat is the globalised world capitalism today.

The socialist world revolution doesn't win because it destroys the whole world bourgeoisie at one blow but because the strengths of the national bourgeoisies are shattered by the world capital because the bourgeoisie features a different maturity degree in the different countries.


The united enemies of the world bourgeoisie win by paying the price of the delay of the decision battle between world capitalism and world socialism, however, in which that source will be simultaneously enlarged and deepened – which increases the number of Communists – maybe more slowly than it ought to be but unstoppable – and which fosters their association, toughens them in the fight and teaches them actions against the shattered enemy . This source is communism.


The ruinous competition of the capitalist world powers and their common fear for the socialist world revolution – these are the motive powers of the global counter-revolution. The unity of the proletarian powers and their common fearlessness for the world capitalism - these are the motive powers of the socialist world revolution: “World proletariat – unite all countries !”


If the split and fragmentation tactics of the world bourgeoisie (or the bourgeoisie in this or that country) would be always the same or at least always equally so the world proletariat (or the proletarians in this or that country) would suss it quickly and would counter the bourgeois tactic just by the same or at least equal tactics.

However, carrot and stick alternate the one time and some other time they intertwine as miscellaneous combinations due to the objective conditions of class-struggle and because of the contradictions in one `s own or in the adverse camp.

In this process all the zigzag courses of the bourgeois tactics of the proletarians` split and fragmentation always led to the strengthening of revisionism within the ranks of the labour movement. These revisionist fission fungi thrive and prosper among those representatives of the labour movement who allow themselves to be deceived, who are licked, who are duped, who take the bait, who are open to corruption and who are taken in by all the well-known revisionist false and dummy concessions. The historical experiences of all countries show that the workers were always the dupe when soever they trusted in the demagogic gossip about pseudo- “unity” of the reformists and revisionists ( unity for the sake of unity, reconciliatorish unity with the bourgeoisie etc.).

World proletariat - turn the spear over and this time the reformists and the revisionists will be duped !

As well as the class opponent runs its global agencies in the communist and labour movement, the world proletariat also shall learn to run its global agencies within the opponent class camp. The world proletariat must beat the bourgeois agencies within the labour movement with their own weapons as well.

Let `s take the revisionism as the most dangerous weapon of the class enemy in the rows of the communist and labour movement:

If the class opponent has managed the revisionism to beat the world proletariat with its own weapons, then the world proletariat must just aim those intellectual and material weapons of the revisionism at the revisionists, it must globally learn to turn over the revisionist guns of pseudo-”unity”!

The world proletariat may have neither shyness nor scruple carrying split and fragmentation into the enemies` unity – e.g. by Trojan Horses. The world proletariat must disintegrate and decompose the allies of the world capital from inside, must corrupt it.

How can this be done? Lenin teaches: Learn from the enemies!” Study and learn from the historical defeats and splits of the internationalist proletarian movement by studying and learning from the documents and writings of the class-enemy!

Who studies the splits and fragmentations of our movement as a history of the counter-revolution, who studies the weapons of the counter-revolution will learn how to turn over these weapons, how to beat counter-revolution with its own weapons. For short:

Nothing confirms more highly the explanation of the political nature of the split and fragmentation of our revolutionary movement than its own judgements of the class-enemies who conduct it. Lenin quotes an opportunist:


"And this opportunist gives away bourgeois secrets, reveals the truth and speaks frankly about the nature of the policy of the complete international bourgeoisie concerning the labour movement of the 20th century.

One cannot reject this movement as irrelevant and one cannot suppress it by brutal violence either any more. One must corrupt it from inside out, by buying over its upper elements" (Lenin, volume 21, page 453, German edition, free editor `s translation).


And just this way the bourgeoisie bred mischief and corrupted the Second International, corrupted the Third International, corrupted the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin, corrupted the socialist Albania of Enver Hoxha, corrupted the Marxist-Leninist movement nation- and worldwide, corrupted the whole first epoch of socialism. The whole secret of this deal simply consists of the subtlety and cunning of the method to let it never come into the open. One of the most perfidious and treacherous methods is cover-up through openness in order to hold duplicitousness in honour. It was definitively a revisionist deal: “Against the corruption of the labour movement of the 20th century (by buying over the labour aristocracy) in words, however corruption of the labour movement (by buying over the labour aristocracy) in deeds”.

The bourgeoisie has been able to generate the labour aristocracy by paying the price for that the masses won `t betray their socialist thoughts and ideals.

In a manner of speaking, the revisionism of the 20th century was nothing else but the corruption of the socialism by the bribery of the revisionist aristocracy. In the 21st century exactly the contrary will take place. Though the whole corruption won't be totally removed it will be administered against the bourgeoisie by that class which will remove even the inevitableness of any class-corruption for ever and ever. It is the ruling world proletariat which will hit the bourgeoisie with its own corruptive weapons. That is the whole point of the nature of the politics of the dictatorship of the world proletariat against the global capitalist restoration movement of the 21st century.


Notice the following three rules:


  1. Do not let the class enemies in on it; we don't allow our class opponents to penetrate into our closed room, by no means without any counter performances.

  2. Infiltration of double agents trained by the world proletariat as "opportunists" and "revisionists" within the counter revolutionary movement to ease the restoration of socialism this way and to paralyse and undermine the split and fragmentation on the part of the counter revolution. For the restoration of the socialism we `ll take advantage of our own proletarian agents within the camp of our opponent `s movement. And we shall prove that our proletarian agents are far better and more effective to restore socialism than those agents of the bourgeoisie who restored capitalism once.

  3. socialist internationalism must not corrupt itself - from inside out. Splits caused by ourselves are most dangerous and can end with a break down. This is the reason why our enemies try to “give us a hand” for such faults of our own or why they just allege a net of deceit.



All this will actually happen, will be carried out even more consistently namely the more the contradiction between world bourgeoisie and world proletariat shall be intensified by the globalization of the world capital.

Related to our two formulae of the proletarians` unification it is necessary for the bourgeois strategy and tactics to split the proletarians of all countries and to split the world proletariat: “Capitalists of all countries – split the unification forces of the world proletariat !” - “World capitalists – split the proletarian unification forces of all the countries !”

The whole secret of the bourgeoisie to stand the test of nearly two centuries is keeping the proletarian unification forces at arm `s length by means of split. Private property at the means of production stirs up social disunity and aggravates class-contradictions – Socialisation of the means of production generates social unity. However, the proletarians socialise all production means not until they socialise themselves. The unification forces of the proletariat gather strength not until the proletarians socialise their consciousness – socialising their consciousness strengthens the proletarians` class-consciousness - . To become conscious about the necessity of one `s own unity the proletarians have to become conscious about the necessity of overcoming their own disunity which is caused by the ideological influence of the bourgeoisie.


The class struggle shall have reached a point when the one class will be forced by the other one to transfer its struggle onto the terrain of opponent weapons and to still continue and finally succeed in class struggle under aggravated conditions.


So what does our duplicitous class opponent make?

Our class enemy enters the stage of the Marxist-Leninist World Movement like a “Marxist-Leninist”, like a “world revolutionary”, like a “socialist internationalist”, like a “global communist” or whatever is indicated - and once established on this stage continuing class struggle by snaffling both of our formulae with the purpose to direct them AGAINST us , against the world proletariat and “in the name” of the world proletariat! These subversive activities were once successfully used by the revisionists within the Comintern - for example the revisionist deformation of the popular front (united-front tactics).

The class enemy assumes the role of the “unifier” of the world proletariat and from this position he starts to attack us Communists as “those who split the movement” and therefore as those “elements of diversion” who must be liquidated in the name of the defence of “unity”. Thereby the class enemy avails himself of his own as well as our organisations in combination to feed each others lines.

The revisionists take possession of our Marxist-Leninist positions of politics, of our line, of our world revolutionary ideas to direct them all against us whereby they enter the stage of the ideological class struggle as the “true Marxists-Leninist” who “defend” Marxism-Leninism against us Marxists-Leninist by exposing us and calling us “enemies” of the world proletariat, “enemies” of the world revolution.

So there is a double deceit: 1. Our Marxist-Leninist line of unification is masked as a camouflage of the divisive line of our class enemy (carrying the divisive influence of the bourgeoisie into the world proletariat by misusing Marxist-Leninist unity as a Trojan Horse). 2. The “Stop thief!”- tactics is the famous method of our class enemy to “unmask” our Marxist-Leninist unity as “Anti-Marxist-Leninist” unity and simultaneously to mask his bourgeois divisive politics as “Marxist-Leninist”. For one tactics you slip into the role of the enemy to take over his power position and for the other tactics you “expose” and “denounce” your enemy in public to isolate him and to take over his power position. Often both these tactics are combined or exchanged depending on different conditions. Let `s go into detail:


Unification as a position going in division and split :

1) Unity with the class opponent for the purpose of obtaining one `s own superiority by succumbing unity to superior numbers with the result of forcing the enemy into a minority position (divisive unity achieved by the conquest- of- majorities tactics; unity as a catalyst of the splitting).

And then: fraction ism: clannish minorities unified as a (more or less monolith) block to obstruct the majority with the purpose to take over one `s own majority;

And then: Wearing down the splitters right up to their total liquidation (method of liquidation by means of the [smooth and gentle] unity for the purpose of its strangulation = unity `s liquidation based on the right-opportunist position. This method is preferred if the revolutionary situation increases in prosperity thus when the enemy is strong and the movement active.


2) Frustration of unity precipitated by the fission politics:

The fission-method is used for the purpose to avoid, to hinder or even to make the unification process impossible.

It is frequently used in non-revolutionary situations, in situations of the revolutionary low tide, in situations when the class opponent is not yet bounced back, when he is demoralised, when there is caused confusion in his own ranks, when the opponent is forced to rally his strength respectively when he is forced to renew or change his formation.

It is often used as a pseudo- counter method of the method 1).

You simulate as if you strive for a “principled unity” directed against the pseudo-unity, against unification ism, against unprincipled unity, against unity chaffer y etc.

organisations etc.

You start a dispute on ideological demarcations to justify the maintenance of disunity and split . You put out endless discussions on unity to make unifications complicated and even impossible.

For this purpose you resort to dogmatism and sectarianism. You over-estimate existing dissents about unity or disunity and raise an principle objection though the disagreements have no principle or antagonistic al character.

Hereby both the methods of Trojan Horses and “Stop thief!” are utilised.

The more split groups and the more diverse fractions are “installed” within the opponent camp the better for one `s own class politics and the more difficult for the class enemy to unite or reunite his split or shattered forces.

Both methods come to the success in combination. Notice that you adopt the one method as your primary and the other as your secondary method. In case of changing conditions and circumstances the exchange of major and minor method will be necessary to gain the best results.

So to speak, you must have two strings to your bow, must be quick on the draw and must beat your class-enemy to the punch. The unification of the world proletariat is an indispensable element of the global class struggle and has to be treated like a world revolutionary strategy used as an art of class- warfare which likes to be further developed, studied in theory and mastered in practice.

Our key-watchword for this strategy is : World proletariat – unite all countries!“

Unity with opportunism equals unification with the class-enemy and leaves nothing behind but a world revolution in shatters.


To avoid all the painful and sacrificial consequences of unprincipled and enslaving unity the world proletariat has to master the Marxist-Leninist strategy and tactics against opportunist unity: Marxist – Leninist unity is not unifiable with opportunist unity. They are both irreconcilable and are antagonistically contradictory! Opportunists strive to reconcile the irreconcilable unity – Marxists- Leninist strive for the irreconciliation against the reconciliators The one unity is a revolutionary unity, thus the unity of the proletariat and the other is counter revolutionary, thus the class-reconciling unity with the enemy ! To get rid of the world bourgeoisie we have to get rid of its divisive politics, doctrines and dogmas in the heads of the workers. Splitting begins in the heads of the workers and consequently the overcoming of splitting, too. Every step of splitting off the bourgeois ideology, of splitting off opportunism, is a step of the proletarians` unification.


Let `s keep in mind that all the various divisive methods of the bourgeoisie – the (right, reconciled) pseudo-unity-tactics as well as the (“left”, sectarian) pseudo-”principled” unity tactics - are combined and modified on all fields and at all fronts of class-struggle.

For example the leaders are split off the masses by this, theory is split off practice, strategy is split off tactics, party is split off class, class is split off masses, unity of the proletariat is split off the unification with the other exploited classes, national unification is split off global unification etc.


There are thousands of valuable experiences and teachings in the history of the anti-revisionist struggle for revolutionary unity to overcome all those harmful open splits and fragmentations of the communist and labour movement caused by the class enemies on the one hand and to overcome those harmful hidden pseudo-unity and pseudo-demarcations on the other hand.

And there are also thousands of valuable experiences and teachings about all the unavoidable and necessary splits and demarcations to get rid of class-strange elements, to purify the ranks of the proletarian united front. The world proletariat shall make many other important distinctions in future to achieve its own unity as well as its global unity with all the anti-world capitalist forces. And with the wisdom of hindsight the proletarians learn better by mistakes, defeats and disappointments than by their successes and victories. The world proletariat will be forces by the class-enemy to defend its unity against its split, will be forced to max out all the possibilities and opportunities to struggle against disunity and will be forced to make sacrifices and concessions for its unity (naturally not the unprincipled ones!) . There is no pure unity down-the-line.

In case of exhausted possibilities and if there is no other way out of committing the unavoidable split, we won `t be afraid to decide it in the interest of obtaining, maintaining or retaining the requested or necessary unity. there where all possibilities really are exhausted where the union is made impossible nevertheless, the split is unavoidable, one mustn't be afraid of this decision because the split is then only left as the only possibility to produce the necessary unity (again).

The world proletariat can be victorious not until it draws the anti-revisionist demarcation line, not until it has purified its own ranks from the revisionists because every revisionist influence within the communist and labour movement is advantageous for the world bourgeoisie and harmful for the world proletariat. In principle there is no unity between revisionism and Marxism-Leninism like there is principally no unity between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat.

Splits and unifications, fragmentations and de fragmentations aren't class neutrally. They are all advantageous for the one and disadvantageous for the other antagonistic al class. Splits and unifications can be harmful for every class which does not apply or combine these strategies and tactics of class-politics correctly.


So the world proletariat uses the unrestrained tactics of a stick and a carrot for its part against the world bourgeoisie as soon as the dictatorship of the world proletariat will be established. Unification and divisiveness of classes are two sides of a coin.

We must be conscious about the fact that unity and struggle form a dialectical unit. We must be conscious about another fact that the unit of unification and divisiveness means simultaneously the utmost sharpening of the class contradictions.


Harmonise the world proletarian class-unity with the divisiveness of the international bourgeoisie - and you `ll get the victory of the world revolution! This isn't without the objectively necessary conditions such as the world revolutionary situation or a world crisis which causes globally the outrage of the exploited and oppressed classes:


"To initialise the revolution it doesn't suffice that the exploited and suppressed masses become conscious about the impossibility to live on in a previous manner and that they are conscious about calling for a revolutionary change; to initialise the revolution it is necessary that the exploiters cannot live and rule in the previous manner any more " (Lenin, volume 31, page 71, German edition, free editor `s translation).


If the one class cannot yet succeed in preventing the opponent classes from their unification directly by its destructive interferences, then it is forced to influence their unification processes indirectly, firstly by avoiding lateral damages within one `s own class caused by the unification of the adversarial classes and secondly by exerting decisive and subversive influence on the unification of the adverse classes and rather by getting hold of the unification process so that the enemy is hoist by his own petard (for example: the socialist working class – being inducted by the revisionist leaders – unifying the revisionist camp for the purpose of world imperialist annexation).

The bourgeoisie splits the proletariat, destroys its unity by the policy of class reconciliation. So the consistent, firm-principled fight against the policy of the class reconciliation unites the proletariat in the fight against the bourgeoisie. The bourgeoisie covers the deep gulf between the antagonistic al classes with the purpose just to split the proletariat. The proletariat gives the masses a reality check about the depth of the gulf among the classes with the purpose just to unite them.

To combat and liquidate the world proletarian unity by veiling the disunity and split of the proletarians all over the world, by means of Marxism-Leninism – that is the revisionist method of the world bourgeoisie `s lackeys within the ranks of the communist and labour movement ! This has always to be kept in mind if revisionists open their mouth swearing: “unity”! That `s all revisionist brainwash. If revisionists talk about “unity” then they don `t tell the truth. They only want to mask their true intention by misuse of Marxism-Leninism just to damage proletarians` unity. They want to maintain the split and to paralyse and undermine unity. Unity with the bourgeoisie instead of unity against the bourgeoisie - that is the meaning of revisionist “unity”, that is the bourgeois expression of “unity” - covered by Marxist-Leninist phrases.



Unification - that is to overcome divisive split !



Proletarians of all countries - unite!" and "World proletariat - unite all countries!" are both the matching formulae to overcome global split of the world proletariat and to overcome the split of the proletarians of all countries, too. At present it is the internationalist solution of the “social and national question” nationwide and worldwide:

Separating nations from each other is not our task, but to unify the workers of all countries” (Lenin: volume 19, page 545, German edition, free editor `s translation).

To practice Leninism that means to understand Leninism. If Lenin spoke about “separating nations” he did not mean to ignore the national question. Lenin taught that the international question cannot be solved in disregard of the national question and vice versa. And it is reasonable as well that the question of the internationalist unification of the world proletariat does not leave aside the fate of the nations. “Separating nations from each other” is actually a hindrance for the unification of the workers of all countries and this hindrance has to be ironed out. So what about reversing this citation ? To unify the workers of all countries we communists have to strive for iron out the hindrances of the nations ` separation. Unification of the world proletariat through overcoming nations ` separation: World proletariat – unite all countries !”


Today, the irreversible unification of the nations towards their socialist unity is a foregone conclusion based on the globalisation of capital. World capitalism itself abrogates nationalism, separatism and splits of nations. Globalisation cuts back the nationalist discordances as a matter of temporary nature (although this will be a matter of utmost painful processes!).

The more national conflicts and enmities, the stronger the internationalist will, the stronger the unity of the revolutionary movement to overcome divisive splits.

The “question of the nations ` unity” is the question of bursting both their nationalist and cosmopolitical chains which are chains of the national and world bourgeoisie. Only the proletariat can shake off the nations` yoke of world capitalism: World proletariat – unite all countries !”


The global unification question is a question applied to be solved practically and because it cannot be solved beyond the actual conditions of class struggle the question of unification has to be changed into a question of the overcoming of one `s own split thus by the usage of all forms of penetrating, splitting and subverting the antagonistic class enemy. The world proletariat needs its own strategy and tactics of antidote to pave the way for its own unification. With other words we are teaching the world proletariat how to beat the world bourgeoisie at their own game !

The bourgeoisie has known for over 150 years that globally united workers represent a devastating world power.

It is the counter strategy of self-preservation of every opposing class to destroy, to impede and inhibit all the unification processes of the opponent.

If antagonistic classes stand vis-à-vis then their life and death stand vis-à-vis, too. Class struggle shall be finally settled not until the united power of the class enemy is globally destroyed. So the global unification and defragmentation of the world proletariats comes along with the proletarians` systematic efforts to deepen and speed up the global split and fragmentation of the world bourgeoisie to make use of all the contradictions within the counter-revolutionary alliances of the class-enemy. By this the weapons of the class-enemies can be liquidated, in particular their political organisations.

The world proletariat cannot lead the global class-struggle successfully without adding global fuel to the class-enemies` disunity. The success of one `s own unification to obtain / to maintain class-power, respectively the reconquest or restoration of the formerly lost class-power depends on the crucial factor of the class-enemies` disunity. This is one of the well-known basic laws of antagonistic class struggle. Mastering this law is its newly-arranged global stage.

Undoubtedly both the proletariat and the bourgeoisie try hard to make use of this general class struggle law by their own strategy and tactics at most. The world proletariat is doomed if it relies passively on the spontaneous course of the unification of all countries and if waiting sporadically and accidentally for any occasional events in single countries. This can never lead to the success if the world proletariat does n `t actively fight against all those split and fragmentation attempts of the class opponent centralist, internationalistically with which the opponents paralyse and disable the unification will and the unification strength of the proletariat. Mostly, till now, the counter-revolutions didn't win,

" because they destroyed their enemy, but because the strengths were shattered, because the proletariat features a different maturity degree in the different countries. The united enemies of the working classes won by paying the price of the delay of the decision battle, however, in which that source was simultaneously enlarged and deepened – which increases the number of proletarians - maybe more slowly than it ought to be but unstoppable - and which fosters their association, toughens them in the fight and teaches them actions against the united enemy. This source is the capitalism " (Lenin, volume 15, page 465, German edition, free editor `s translation).


So the source for the adjustment of the different maturity degree of the proletarians of the different countries to the highest maturity degree of the united world proletariat is the globalised world capitalism today.

The socialist world revolution doesn't win because it destroys the whole world bourgeoisie at one blow but because the strengths of the national bourgeoisies are shattered by the world capital because the bourgeoisie features a different maturity degree in the different countries.


The united enemies of the world bourgeoisie win by paying the price of the delay of the decision battle between world capitalism and world socialism, however, in which that source will be simultaneously enlarged and deepened – which increases the number of Communists – maybe more slowly than it ought to be but unstoppable – and which fosters their association, toughens them in the fight and teaches them actions against the shattered enemy . This source is communism.


The ruinous competition of the capitalist world powers and their common fear for the socialist world revolution – these are the motive powers of the global counter-revolution. The unity of the proletarian powers and their common fearlessness for the world capitalism - these are the motive powers of the socialist world revolution: “World proletariat – unite all countries !”


If the split and fragmentation tactics of the world bourgeoisie (or the bourgeoisie in this or that country) would be always the same or at least always equally so the world proletariat (or the proletarians in this or that country) would suss it quickly and would counter the bourgeois tactic just by the same or at least equal tactics.

However, carrot and stick alternate the one time and some other time they intertwine as miscellaneous combinations due to the objective conditions of class-struggle and because of the contradictions in one `s own or in the adverse camp.

In this process all the zigzag courses of the bourgeois tactics of the proletarians` split and fragmentation always led to the strengthening of revisionism within the ranks of the labour movement. These revisionist fission fungi thrive and prosper among those representatives of the labour movement who allow themselves to be deceived, who are licked, who are duped, who take the bait, who are open to corruption and who are taken in by all the well-known revisionist false and dummy concessions. The historical experiences of all countries show that the workers were always the dupe when soever they trusted in the demagogic gossip about pseudo- “unity” of the reformists and revisionists ( unity for the sake of unity, reconciliatorish unity with the bourgeoisie etc.).

World proletariat - turn the spear over and this time the reformists and the revisionists will be duped !

As well as the class opponent runs its global agencies in the communist and labour movement, the world proletariat also shall learn to run its global agencies within the opponent class camp. The world proletariat must beat the bourgeois agencies within the labour movement with their own weapons as well.

Let `s take the revisionism as the most dangerous weapon of the class enemy in the rows of the communist and labour movement:

If the class opponent has managed the revisionism to beat the world proletariat with its own weapons, then the world proletariat must just aim those intellectual and material weapons of the revisionism at the revisionists, it must globally learn to turn over the revisionist guns of pseudo-”unity”!

The world proletariat may have neither shyness nor scruple carrying split and fragmentation into the enemies` unity – e.g. by Trojan Horses. The world proletariat must disintegrate and decompose the allies of the world capital from inside, must corrupt it.

How can this be done? Lenin teaches: Learn from the enemies!” Study and learn from the historical defeats and splits of the internationalist proletarian movement by studying and learning from the documents and writings of the class-enemy!

Who studies the splits and fragmentations of our movement as a history of the counter-revolution, who studies the weapons of the counter-revolution will learn how to turn over these weapons, how to beat counter-revolution with its own weapons. For short:

Nothing confirms more highly the explanation of the political nature of the split and fragmentation of our revolutionary movement than its own judgements of the class-enemies who conduct it. Lenin quotes an opportunist:


"And this opportunist gives away bourgeois secrets, reveals the truth and speaks frankly about the nature of the policy of the complete international bourgeoisie concerning the labour movement of the 20th century.

One cannot reject this movement as irrelevant and one cannot suppress it by brutal violence either any more. One must corrupt it from inside out, by buying over its upper elements" (Lenin, volume 21, page 453, German edition, free editor `s translation).


And just this way the bourgeoisie bred mischief and corrupted the Second International, corrupted the Third International, corrupted the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin, corrupted the socialist Albania of Enver Hoxha, corrupted the Marxist-Leninist movement nation- and worldwide, corrupted the whole first epoch of socialism. The whole secret of this deal simply consists of the subtlety and cunning of the method to let it never come into the open. One of the most perfidious and treacherous methods is cover-up through openness in order to hold duplicitousness in honour. It was definitively a revisionist deal: “Against the corruption of the labour movement of the 20th century (by buying over the labour aristocracy) in words, however corruption of the labour movement (by buying over the labour aristocracy) in deeds”.

The bourgeoisie has been able to generate the labour aristocracy by paying the price for that the masses won `t betray their socialist thoughts and ideals.

In a manner of speaking, the revisionism of the 20th century was nothing else but the corruption of the socialism by the bribery of the revisionist aristocracy. In the 21st century exactly the contrary will take place. Though the whole corruption won't be totally removed it will be administered against the bourgeoisie by that class which will remove even the inevitableness of any class-corruption for ever and ever. It is the ruling world proletariat which will hit the bourgeoisie with its own corruptive weapons. That is the whole point of the nature of the politics of the dictatorship of the world proletariat against the global capitalist restoration movement of the 21st century.


Notice the following three rules:


  1. Do not let the class enemies in on it; we don't allow our class opponents to penetrate into our closed room, by no means without any counter performances.

  2. Infiltration of double agents trained by the world proletariat as "opportunists" and "revisionists" within the counter revolutionary movement to ease the restoration of socialism this way and to paralyse and undermine the split and fragmentation on the part of the counter revolution. For the restoration of the socialism we `ll take advantage of our own proletarian agents within the camp of our opponent `s movement. And we shall prove that our proletarian agents are far better and more effective to restore socialism than those agents of the bourgeoisie who restored capitalism once.

  3. socialist internationalism must not corrupt itself - from inside out. Splits caused by ourselves are most dangerous and can end with a break down. This is the reason why our enemies try to “give us a hand” for such faults of our own or why they just allege a net of deceit.



All this will actually happen, will be carried out even more consistently namely the more the contradiction between world bourgeoisie and world proletariat shall be intensified by the globalization of the world capital.

Related to our two formulae of the proletarians` unification it is necessary for the bourgeois strategy and tactics to split the proletarians of all countries and to split the world proletariat: “Capitalists of all countries – split the unification forces of the world proletariat !” - “World capitalists – split the proletarian unification forces of all the countries !”

The whole secret of the bourgeoisie to stand the test of nearly two centuries is keeping the proletarian unification forces at arm `s length by means of split. Private property at the means of production stirs up social disunity and aggravates class-contradictions – Socialisation of the means of production generates social unity. However, the proletarians socialise all production means not until they socialise themselves. The unification forces of the proletariat gather strength not until the proletarians socialise their consciousness – socialising their consciousness strengthens the proletarians` class-consciousness - . To become conscious about the necessity of one `s own unity the proletarians have to become conscious about the necessity of overcoming their own disunity which is caused by the ideological influence of the bourgeoisie.


The class struggle shall have reached a point when the one class will be forced by the other one to transfer its struggle onto the terrain of opponent weapons and to still continue and finally succeed in class struggle under aggravated conditions.


So what does our duplicitous class opponent make?

Our class enemy enters the stage of the Marxist-Leninist World Movement like a “Marxist-Leninist”, like a “world revolutionary”, like a “socialist internationalist”, like a “global communist” or whatever is indicated - and once established on this stage continuing class struggle by snaffling both of our formulae with the purpose to direct them AGAINST us , against the world proletariat and “in the name” of the world proletariat! These subversive activities were once successfully used by the revisionists within the Comintern - for example the revisionist deformation of the popular front (united-front tactics).

The class enemy assumes the role of the “unifier” of the world proletariat and from this position he starts to attack us Communists as “those who split the movement” and therefore as those “elements of diversion” who must be liquidated in the name of the defence of “unity”. Thereby the class enemy avails himself of his own as well as our organisations in combination to feed each others lines.

The revisionists take possession of our Marxist-Leninist positions of politics, of our line, of our world revolutionary ideas to direct them all against us whereby they enter the stage of the ideological class struggle as the “true Marxists-Leninist” who “defend” Marxism-Leninism against us Marxists-Leninist by exposing us and calling us “enemies” of the world proletariat, “enemies” of the world revolution.

So there is a double deceit: 1. Our Marxist-Leninist line of unification is masked as a camouflage of the divisive line of our class enemy (carrying the divisive influence of the bourgeoisie into the world proletariat by misusing Marxist-Leninist unity as a Trojan Horse). 2. The “Stop thief!”- tactics is the famous method of our class enemy to “unmask” our Marxist-Leninist unity as “Anti-Marxist-Leninist” unity and simultaneously to mask his bourgeois divisive politics as “Marxist-Leninist”. For one tactics you slip into the role of the enemy to take over his power position and for the other tactics you “expose” and “denounce” your enemy in public to isolate him and to take over his power position. Often both these tactics are combined or exchanged depending on different conditions. Let `s go into detail:


Unification as a position going in division and split :

1) Unity with the class opponent for the purpose of obtaining one `s own superiority by succumbing unity to superior numbers with the result of forcing the enemy into a minority position (divisive unity achieved by the conquest- of- majorities tactics; unity as a catalyst of the splitting).

And then: fraction ism: clannish minorities unified as a (more or less monolith) block to obstruct the majority with the purpose to take over one `s own majority;

And then: Wearing down the splitters right up to their total liquidation (method of liquidation by means of the [smooth and gentle] unity for the purpose of its strangulation = unity `s liquidation based on the right-opportunist position. This method is preferred if the revolutionary situation increases in prosperity thus when the enemy is strong and the movement active.


2) Frustration of unity precipitated by the fission politics:

The fission-method is used for the purpose to avoid, to hinder or even to make the unification process impossible.

It is frequently used in non-revolutionary situations, in situations of the revolutionary low tide, in situations when the class opponent is not yet bounced back, when he is demoralised, when there is caused confusion in his own ranks, when the opponent is forced to rally his strength respectively when he is forced to renew or change his formation.

It is often used as a pseudo- counter method of the method 1).

You simulate as if you strive for a “principled unity” directed against the pseudo-unity, against unification ism, against unprincipled unity, against unity chaffer y etc.

organisations etc.

You start a dispute on ideological demarcations to justify the maintenance of disunity and split . You put out endless discussions on unity to make unifications complicated and even impossible.

For this purpose you resort to dogmatism and sectarianism. You over-estimate existing dissents about unity or disunity and raise an principle objection though the disagreements have no principle or antagonistic al character.

Hereby both the methods of Trojan Horses and “Stop thief!” are utilised.

The more split groups and the more diverse fractions are “installed” within the opponent camp the better for one `s own class politics and the more difficult for the class enemy to unite or reunite his split or shattered forces.

Both methods come to the success in combination. Notice that you adopt the one method as your primary and the other as your secondary method. In case of changing conditions and circumstances the exchange of major and minor method will be necessary to gain the best results.

So to speak, you must have two strings to your bow, must be quick on the draw and must beat your class-enemy to the punch. The unification of the world proletariat is an indispensable element of the global class struggle and has to be treated like a world revolutionary strategy used as an art of class- warfare which likes to be further developed, studied in theory and mastered in practice.

Our key-watchword for this strategy is : World proletariat – unite all countries!“

Unity with opportunism equals unification with the class-enemy and leaves nothing behind but a world revolution in shatters.


To avoid all the painful and sacrificial consequences of unprincipled and enslaving unity the world proletariat has to master the Marxist-Leninist strategy and tactics against opportunist unity: Marxist – Leninist unity is not unifiable with opportunist unity. They are both irreconcilable and are antagonistically contradictory! Opportunists strive to reconcile the irreconcilable unity – Marxists- Leninist strive for the irreconciliation against the reconciliators The one unity is a revolutionary unity, thus the unity of the proletariat and the other is counter revolutionary, thus the class-reconciling unity with the enemy ! To get rid of the world bourgeoisie we have to get rid of its divisive politics, doctrines and dogmas in the heads of the workers. Splitting begins in the heads of the workers and consequently the overcoming of splitting, too. Every step of splitting off the bourgeois ideology, of splitting off opportunism, is a step of the proletarians` unification.


Let `s keep in mind that all the various divisive methods of the bourgeoisie – the (right, reconciled) pseudo-unity-tactics as well as the (“left”, sectarian) pseudo-”principled” unity tactics - are combined and modified on all fields and at all fronts of class-struggle.

For example the leaders are split off the masses by this, theory is split off practice, strategy is split off tactics, party is split off class, class is split off masses, unity of the proletariat is split off the unification with the other exploited classes, national unification is split off global unification etc.


There are thousands of valuable experiences and teachings in the history of the anti-revisionist struggle for revolutionary unity to overcome all those harmful open splits and fragmentations of the communist and labour movement caused by the class enemies on the one hand and to overcome those harmful hidden pseudo-unity and pseudo-demarcations on the other hand.

And there are also thousands of valuable experiences and teachings about all the unavoidable and necessary splits and demarcations to get rid of class-strange elements, to purify the ranks of the proletarian united front. The world proletariat shall make many other important distinctions in future to achieve its own unity as well as its global unity with all the anti-world capitalist forces. And with the wisdom of hindsight the proletarians learn better by mistakes, defeats and disappointments than by their successes and victories. The world proletariat will be forces by the class-enemy to defend its unity against its split, will be forced to max out all the possibilities and opportunities to struggle against disunity and will be forced to make sacrifices and concessions for its unity (naturally not the unprincipled ones!) . There is no pure unity down-the-line.

In case of exhausted possibilities and if there is no other way out of committing the unavoidable split, we won `t be afraid to decide it in the interest of obtaining, maintaining or retaining the requested or necessary unity. there where all possibilities really are exhausted where the union is made impossible nevertheless, the split is unavoidable, one mustn't be afraid of this decision because the split is then only left as the only possibility to produce the necessary unity (again).

The world proletariat can be victorious not until it draws the anti-revisionist demarcation line, not until it has purified its own ranks from the revisionists because every revisionist influence within the communist and labour movement is advantageous for the world bourgeoisie and harmful for the world proletariat. In principle there is no unity between revisionism and Marxism-Leninism like there is principally no unity between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat.

Splits and unifications, fragmentations and de fragmentations aren't class neutrally. They are all advantageous for the one and disadvantageous for the other antagonistic al class. Splits and unifications can be harmful for every class which does not apply or combine these strategies and tactics of class-politics correctly.


So the world proletariat uses the unrestrained tactics of a stick and a carrot for its part against the world bourgeoisie as soon as the dictatorship of the world proletariat will be established. Unification and divisiveness of classes are two sides of a coin.

We must be conscious about the fact that unity and struggle form a dialectical unit. We must be conscious about another fact that the unit of unification and divisiveness means simultaneously the utmost sharpening of the class contradictions.


Harmonise the world proletarian class-unity with the divisiveness of the international bourgeoisie - and you `ll get the victory of the world revolution! This isn't without the objectively necessary conditions such as the world revolutionary situation or a world crisis which causes globally the outrage of the exploited and oppressed classes:


"To initialise the revolution it doesn't suffice that the exploited and suppressed masses become conscious about the impossibility to live on in a previous manner and that they are conscious about calling for a revolutionary change; to initialise the revolution it is necessary that the exploiters cannot live and rule in the previous manner any more " (Lenin, volume 31, page 71, German edition, free editor `s translation).


If the one class cannot yet succeed in preventing the opponent classes from their unification directly by its destructive interferences, then it is forced to influence their unification processes indirectly, firstly by avoiding lateral damages within one `s own class caused by the unification of the adversarial classes and secondly by exerting decisive and subversive influence on the unification of the adverse classes and rather by getting hold of the unification process so that the enemy is hoist by his own petard (for example: the socialist working class – being inducted by the revisionist leaders – unifying the revisionist camp for the purpose of world imperialist annexation).

The bourgeoisie splits the proletariat, destroys its unity by the policy of class reconciliation. So the consistent, firm-principled fight against the policy of the class reconciliation unites the proletariat in the fight against the bourgeoisie. The bourgeoisie covers the deep gulf between the antagonistic al classes with the purpose just to split the proletariat. The proletariat gives the masses a reality check about the depth of the gulf among the classes with the purpose just to unite them.

To combat and liquidate the world proletarian unity by veiling the disunity and split of the proletarians all over the world, by means of Marxism-Leninism – that is the revisionist method of the world bourgeoisie `s lackeys within the ranks of the communist and labour movement ! This has always to be kept in mind if revisionists open their mouth swearing: “unity”! That `s all revisionist brainwash. If revisionists talk about “unity” then they don `t tell the truth. They only want to mask their true intention by misuse of Marxism-Leninism just to damage proletarians` unity. They want to maintain the split and to paralyse and undermine unity. Unity with the bourgeoisie instead of unity against the bourgeoisie - that is the meaning of revisionist “unity”, that is the bourgeois expression of “unity” - covered by Marxist-Leninist phrases.





Once again

on the famous Marxist-Leninist thesis:

"the removal of the weakest chain-link "

- under today's global conditions:




The question of the unification is solved by the overcoming of the split, subversion and undermining in the class camp of one's own and the split, subversion and undermining within the adverse class camp, at the same time. The strategy and tactics of the unification of the world proletariat is both the strategy and tactics of the overcoming of its split, subversion and undermining caused by the world bourgeoisie and the strategy and tactics for causing splits, subversion and undermining within the world bourgeoisie.


That `s why we must have a good look at this question, we must find the best solution, we must answer the question:


Where is the weakest chain-link in the split making and subversive degrading of the world bourgeoisie `s counter revolutionary chain?

The world bourgeoisie `s biggest problem is a monolith united and r evolutionarily organised world proletariat. Ergo: Facing the monolith unity of the world proletariat is indeed the weakest chain-link of the global counter-revolution.


If we have found this weakest chain-link then we can burst the Bourgeoisie `s chain of split making and therewith the capitalist-revisionist encirclement, the restoration of the capitalism etc.

Of course a global equalisation of the world productive forces has been carried out unavoidably by the reintegration of the restored capitalism in the first run, however the world productive forces cannot continue their mushroom growth in their further development unboundedly. They get in contradiction with the globalisation of the relations of production.

Of course this aggravates the old revolutionary tactics of the Marxists-Leninist to “break through” the weakest chain-link. This traditional form and tactics of the socialist revolution in “one” country is nearly impossible in its event of repetition and global conditions.

However, we may not have been mistaken about the globalization of the world capital.

Its growth, its refreshment - as we have seen - will always be on the world capital `s own behalf and therefore to the advantage of the socialist revolution in each country, but not just directly but indirectly - detouring globally.

The profit seeking doesn't intensify the contradictions only between world proletariat and world bourgeoisie but also the contradictions in the capitalist complete system itself especially its problem to maintain the disunity of the proletariat.

The capitalist contradictions of the globalisation overburden the whole world capitalist system, make the exploitation machinery weaker, more unstably, more vulnerable by using up its reserves, destroying productive resources, financing the management of crises and last not least by growing efforts to uphold the world proletarians ` disunity.

If one deals with the tactics of “breaking through the weakest chain-link”, so one mustn't disregard the decisive role of the world proletariat `s unity which makes the “breakthrough” possible only under global conditions. This is generally underestimated and unpardonably within the Marxist-Leninist world movement.

The Marxists-Leninist were always far too much focussed on the single country which has to be broken out of the imperialist chain. This is the reason why the Marxists-Leninist far too less turned the spotlight on the centralising process of the imperialist chain `s development under global conditions. Its cohesion is less based on the succession of the biggest capitalist countries but more and more on new, global, compound structures. The cohesion and uniformity of the world imperialist chain is anything but static, firmly established or rather immovable.

Over the course of globalisation the imperialist chain really changed, has powerfully got into movement by changing its chain-links ` relations, by degrading its links , by generating increasingly contradictions between chain and links. The strengthening of the chain takes place under the weakening of the links. The chain itself comes under fire, becomes the centre of the global class struggle , so that is not any more the weakening contradictions among the great powers which once enabled and initiated the breakthrough at the weakest link.


Something important was bound to happen to the imperialist chain sooner or later:

Under global conditions the imperialist chain-links were forced to close ranks. The crisis-ridden world imperialist system has to contract and to centralise all its forces by exhausting all the forces from its links. The chain-links themselves are not any longer able to settle neither their own problems nor their common problems. The only way open to the links is their global cohesion and this means their total dependence, the loss of their independence, their inability to cope with their own difficulties. And this is the weakest point of the imperialist chain today. Its strength is based on the de vitalisation of its links.

This is a quite important reason to reconsider the old tactics of “breaking through the weakest imperialist chain-link” critically and self-critically!


The centralization of the world capital causes the centralization of the socialist revolution. The capitalism turns into the global capitalism. The socialist revolution turns into the global socialist revolution - not directly by the socialist revolution in "one" country but over the "detour" of the globalised world capital.


What does this mean for the socialist revolution for “breaking through a weakest imperialist chain-link”?

In principle nothing has changed the necessity of breaking trough the weakest chain-link of the imperialist chain.

However, what changed is merely the globalised form in which the breakthrough will be put in motion.

So it is only about the denial of the former tactics how to break through and not the basic al denial of these tactics in itself.

The world revolutionary character of the socialist revolution in one country remains unchanged, but the form in which socialist revolutions shall take place in future.

The “breakout” assumes a global form and loses its nationally bounded cover, becomes a by-product of the revolutionary world process against the world capital.

Is the the “breakthrough”- theory of Lenin and Stalin disputable under global conditions of today?

We think that the prerequisites really have changed but the theory is in principle correct. So disputable is only the restricted question how this correct theory has to be practised under changing conditions and not the “breakthrough” – theory itself.

We cannot just copy the way how this theory was practised in times of Lenin and Stalin. If one, however, uses the old tactics unchanged and doesn't adapt them to changed conditions, then one still works for this theory in words but in deeds one perishes the effectiveness of this theory in the practice, one converts this valuable theory simply to a revolutionary phrase. And revolutionary phases have to be combated, have to be uncovered and exposed to defend the revolutionary spirit of the “breakthrough” theory of Lenin and Stalin. So what we combat is the phraseologisation of the “breakthrough”-theory and not the theory in itself.

Phrases sound good in one `s ears and this suffices to impress the proletariat, to play up to the proletariat and to curry favour with the proletariat but a fat lot of use that is to the proletariat. So this theory of Lenin and Stalin is defend able not until it is correctly applied to the new conditions ! The theory may not be left foozled by repeating it parrot-fashion. We Marxists-Leninist don `t walk into the revisionist trap transforming Marxist-Leninist teachings unrevised - which were worked out under conditions of the first epoch of socialism. We cannot simply copy the traditional teachings or adopt them easily as the teachings of the second epoch of socialism. Marxism-Leninism has to be further developed otherwise it would wither fall off and die off.

Many teachings of the first period of socialism turn out to be useful, can be taken over unchanged. Other teachings become useless in the second epoch of socialism and have just to be dropped without fail. Most of the useful teachings, however, cannot be taken over without critical and self-critical revisions, modifications and transformations. This has to be achieved unavoidably and as a stringent necessity by those Marxists-Leninist who live now in times of the beginning of the second period of socialism. It is not that the classics of Marxism-Leninism were wrong but the times have changed and Marxism-Leninism has to be changed from time to time – thus from the first to the second epoch of socialism !

The revolutionary striving for still more decided and new fight methods has been appreciated always fully by the international proletariat particularly under the conditions of the increase of the economic contradictions.

So we are certain about the sympathy of the workers to favour new international fight forms of class struggle against the world capital.

If we want to remain faithful to Lenin and Stalin, then we can and may not go out of the way of sincere analyses of changing conditions by acclamations of general phrases. The correct application of their teachings will decide on the world revolutionary question at last instance and finally. The complete tactics of the world proletariat depends on it and consequently that of the proletarians of all countries, too.

One may never insinuate or attribute any abstract considerations to a concrete world historical question.


The revolutionary proletariat of one country is still interested in its own socialist revolution to break through the imperialist chain and to build up socialism in its own country awaiting the internationalist support and sympathy of the world proletariat. The spirit of communism is the spirit of the revolutionary transformation of the world. Only in this spirit we can talk about the revolutionary transformation of one country. The revolutionary transformation of one country is not ending in itself but is - for its part - a further step towards the revolutionary transformation of all countries, of the whole world. To avoid any mechanicallist and metaphysical views of the world `s revolutionary transformation the socialism in “one” country cannot be narrowed by the views of the single country. They cannot be generalized to form the global view of the world proletariat. The proletariat of every country considers the upper global world revolutionary view of the world proletariat and derives and deduces its own views from it. There are two different approaches to the socialist views of single countries with just as different historical results. The one is well known as the restoration of capitalism and the other is that of the restoration of socialism.


The revisionists do not openly deny world socialism, so what we criticise is the revisionist way which does not lead to world socialism but back to world capitalism. To propagate the way towards world socialism by means of outdated methods of the first period of socialism results in bourgeois socialism and does not mean more than the backwardness of capitalist restoration, the capitalist restoration of socialism `s second period. This can only be considered as the last-ditch attempt to save world capitalism. The revisionists turned out to be unable to explicate the unity of the socialist world that emanates from the changeover of the first epoch to the second epoch of socialism. Socialist forms of the first period seem to them as unchangeable and everlasting forms. That kind of Socialism - once and for all restricted to its first period - does not comply to the basic internationalist spirit of Marxism-Leninism. In the contrary, Marxism – Leninism sees the single socialist country as a building block of the global movement and development of socialism. Marxism-Leninism is the ideology which overcomes the backwardness of all those metaphysical thoughts which tend to cut off the socialist development and which refuse to step to the second stage. The revisionists considered socialism in “one” country as to be “materialist” and complemented the lack of world socialism with idealism. With this idealism the revisionists felt superior to world capitalism. They pretended to convert world capitalism but in the contrary they converted socialism to capitalism because they ignored the teachings of Lenin and Stalin concerning the restricted possibilities of socialism within its first period. Marxism – Leninism is the fruits of the historical necessity of socialism to develop from the first epoch to the second epoch. Marxism – Leninism approves the temporary character of socialism, it `s coming to being and its ending – in particular the approval of the replacement of its first epoch by its second epoch (- to pave the way for socialism `s transition into communism) . Last not least the world proletariat could not be successful because the revisionist clung to the immutability of the first period. And therefore they proved to be unable and unwillingly to accept the necessity to leave the first period in support of the second. This is the reason why the Comintern became redundant and why it was dissolved before it could have worked out a comprehensive and deep Marxist-Leninist fundament for the further development towards world socialism, a scientific theory of its transition into the second period. Marxism – Leninism meets the requirements to be guide-line of world socialism by taking sides of the world proletariat, by taking up the position of the world proletariat. Marxism-Leninism develops by its continual process of improvements coming into being and going after they turned out to become needless, by its continual process of ascending from a lower to a higher stage. On a higher stage Marxism-Leninism becomes a monolith ideology of the world proletariat in compliance with the globalisation of the world society. Marxism-Leninism discovers the laws of the global development of socialism. Marxism-Leninism reflects and enlightens the global process of the communist movement. To deliver its judgement on global events and affairs Marxism-Leninism is forced to take the view of a global-type class, the view of the world proletariat. The idea of the globalised revolution can only be derived completely from the reality of globalised capitalism. Marxism – Leninism is the theoretical base of the highest stage of development of socialism. What does this mean, the highest stage ? If socialism changes in the course of its historical development – and the dialectical materialism does not accept any changelessness of socialism – then the following stage displaces the previous stage. Socialism cannot reach its second stage if it is unable or not ripe enough to leave its previous stage. The dialectical materialism teaches that a lower stager is replaced by an upper stage and this applies to socialism `s development, too. The replacement can only take place by unfolding global class-struggle which develops with the class which does it lead towards the world revolution. And this is again advantageous for the socialist revolution in the single countries.


The world capital unites the world proletariat in an enormous speed today. The world capital is faced by a steadily growing world proletariat whose general interest is not directly to support the “breakthrough” of the single country but the dis empowerment of the whole world capital – the destruction of the whole world capitalist chain. This is only possible by means of the socialist world revolution. If the question of the “breakthrough” will be immediately depend on the question of the destruction of the whole imperialist chain then the socialist revolution of a single country becomes a matter of the whole world proletariat and then the nationwide “breakthrough” will develop on a higher stage as a worldwide “breakthrough”. The national form of the “breakthrough” is not any longer the highest form and steps aside to pave the way for the global “breakthrough”. So what we have to do is raising the theory of Lenin and Stalin onto a high-level.

Either the one or the other, but the world proletariat cannot pursue both as its chief purpose simultaneously at the same time. First this, then that form of “breakthrough”.

So our new basic principle is:


At first the world proletariat chooses the formula: World proletariat - unite all countries!" exclusively for the satisfaction of its own world revolutionary (over-all ) interests, and only then the world proletariat chooses this formula for the satisfaction of the revolutionary interests of each single country.


From the world proletariat `s view the present victory of the socialist revolution in “one” country shall become the by-product and no more the main product as it was once the case in the first period of socialism. That is one of the most important changes of characteristics between the first and second period of socialism.

Today the breakout of the weakest chain-link is not the socialist revolution in “one” country any more but a result of the global class struggle of the whole world proletariat shattering the whole imperialist chain.

Once we assumed that the “breakout” of the weakest chain-link would spark off the socialist world revolution (or would ease its beginning at least). Today, the weakest chain-link breaks out by the centralised class-struggle of the world proletariat with the use of the formula:World proletariat – unite all countries!” This means nothing else that it is the socialist world revolution which which sparks off the socialist revolutions in the single countries ( at least which eases their beginning) - thus the other way round, because the world proletariat of the second period of socialism is not any more the world proletariat of the first period of socialism. ( All this is possible because the world crises are not mainly caused by this or that capitalist great power like once but by the global world capital itself – lower and upper stage of the development of world crises).

The world proletariat is now ripe enough to take over the position of the proletariat of “one” socialist country which once deputised and led the revolutionary movement of the proletariat all over the world.

The socialist proletariat of “one” country is not any longer in the revolutionary position of the base and lever of the over-all interests of the proletarians of all countries but the world proletariat itself becomes the sustainer of its own global interests under globalised conditions.

Does this mean that Lenin and Stalin were wrong?

Not at all, in the contrary, this confirms rather their thesis of “breaking out” the weakest chain-link and which is therefore still valid.

Their thesis fulfils itself on a higher stage, on the global stage thus by the globalisation of class-struggle. Last not least the historical existence of the socialism in “one” country and later on its capitalist restoration played a decisive role for the opening of possibility of breaking through the imperialist chain globally. The capitalist-revisionist encirclement did not go up in smoke but negated in new forms = transition of the capitalist-revisionist encirclement of socialism in “one” country into the global concentration and centralisation of the counter-revolution against the global world proletariat which opens new perspectives of the centralised and concentrated class- struggle of the world proletariat against the world capital.


For the most part it was the socialist country in the first epoch of socialism which pooled the anti-socialist forces of the capitalist camp which – on its part - concentrated and centralised world capital in form of the encirclement. The restoration of capitalism played a part in contributing to the globalisation and therefore to the unfolding of the world proletarians` revolutionary forces. To raise the world proletariat onto the world stage of history was last not least the merit of the first period of socialism. So the second epoch of socialism originates from the first one, they both interprenetate and merge into each other. Contra position of both the epochs is metaphysically and not Marxist-Leninist.

At that time, Lenin and Stalin couldn't foresee the globalisation and the situation after the first period of socialism. They had to cope with the two world camps which do not exist any more. We live in times of the restoration of socialism in a global capitalist-revisionist world.

That the revolution would continue automatically from the first country to one after another - this was by the way never the teaching of Lenin and Stalin. On the contrary, they have always fought this wrong opinion of the world revolution. That `s all.

Today, all these contradictions within the capitalist world system cannot any more rub against the socialist camp, cannot be influenced and used by the socialist country. The unity and the struggle of contradiction reached a global stage and can therefore only be solved globally by the world proletariat. So there is not that classical type of the weakest imperialist country any more which will be broken out by the weakening conflicts among the great powers but it is assumed that the we have to find out the weakest point of the allied global system itself. The chain-links changed by their subordinated position within the world system.


It is not the consecutive breaking of single links out of the imperialist chain what leads to the world revolution but vice versa the centralized international class struggle of the world proletariat against the world capital causes the breaking out of the single chain-links. This brings about the durable victory of the socialist revolution in every country because by this the capitalist-revisionist encirclement and the restoration of capitalism can be avoided.

The breakthrough of the imperialist chain was neither directly nor at once the road to the success of the world revolution. However, by the active intervention of the world proletariat against the world capital the breakthrough in the single countries will be eased and accelerated and finally crowned with success.

The world proletariat doesn't any more follow the country with the most revolutionarily developed proletariat. Vice versa, today all the proletarian detachments of the country shall follow the revolutionary world proletariat with its strongest detachment ahead. The subordination under the world proletariat decides on the success or defeat of the revolution in the own country. The success of the proletarian detachments of the countries is determined by the global success of the world proletariat.

If so the strength of the world imperialist chain is determined by the globalisation, the strengthening of the breaking out of the weakest chain-link must be determined globally, too.

If the world imperialist chain comes out to be still too strong, if the links have to be closer subordinated under the global interests of the world capital then the repetition of the breakthrough of the weakest link is aggravated. In this case the chain has to be treated and weakened on a global stage by the unification of the countries, by the centralisation and coordination of the global class struggle.

Once the breaking out of the weakest chain-link was a matter of a single, the strongest proletariat which was supported (more or less assisted) by the proletarians of other countries. The fate of socialism in “one” country was to be at odds with capitalist countries all around. The overcoming of revisionism took a whole period from the first to the second stage of socialism. We cannot foresee the course of the further development of the imperialist chain-links but just a simple repetition of history seems to be rather unlikely even if not impossible in a certain modified form. Nobody can nail us down to any ready receipts . Changing strategy and tactics are open and depend on opportunities which may arise out of a world revolutionary situation. Waiting of the world revolution means preparing and arranging the world revolution. The world revolution cannot be “made”, cannot be "constructed ". This is all well known.

However we can state for sure that we shall centralise our forces against all the centralised anti-forces of the world capital to - THEN - break out the weakest chain-link finely and smoothly as its own volition – by and after that global class struggle which will follow own characteristic antagonistical contradictions between world bourgeoisie and world proletariat. If these global contradictions come nearer to an end then the breakthrough causes not too much blood, damages. The establishment of socialist countries shall take place easier and at a forced rate in the second epoch of socialism. The collectively centralised solution of the worldwide contradictions shall ease the single solutions of the nationwide contradictions. The collectively centralised global breakthrough of the chain eases the breakthrough of each chain-link.

The weakest chain-link will not secede from outside, from a single country, but from inside of the united countries, secede by the conquest of the world proletarian `s political power. It is without saying that this coherent process of the global and the nationwide breakdown of the capitalist society does not need the same time gap like in times of socialism in “one” country which ended with socialism in its first stage. The break out of single countries begins as soon as the world capital is weakened enough by the whole world proletariat.

The lever of the centralised world proletarian forces has to apply from inside, while the proletarians of a single country can only apply the lever inside of its own country and impossibly from outside against the world capital. To break out the weakest chain-link the world proletariat could only take effect from outside the country. In a manner of speaking the proletarians from outside were more or less actively assisting and supporting the single revolutionary proletariat of a country who were lumbered with the whole imperialist world system ( whilst the socialist proletariat of the Red October was the third person who benefited from the disputes and conflicts of the imperialists).

To solve the contradiction of the breakthrough - which could not be solved under conditions of the first epoch of socialism - we need a new basic formula, and that is World proletariat – unite all countries!” This is indeed the breakthrough-theory of Lenin and Stalin applied to the epoch of world socialism. The first epoch of socialism has gone with pains and the second epoch of socialism shall come with pains. However, we are looking forward to the better times. Let us always have in mind that the first period of socialism was great. Though the first epoch has gone and the second is still not there – we Marxists-Leninist are the lively proof of those who support the final breakthrough of socialism, we know how great a socialist world society will be ! Socialism is not coming and capitalism is not going – this is the painful, incessant situation of today. But the process of its solution shall come to that point when the world society will be forced to decide whether to die together with world capitalism or to survive together with world socialism. The question is: Can the society survive together with capitalism ? The answer is: No, capitalism cannot save mankind in the contrary, capitalism destroys mankind. The time of world socialism begins as soon as the people all over the world will be forced to decide whether to get rid of the life of capitalism or to die together with capitalism. Without socialism both would die. The issue is survival. At first the people decide on their own life and death and at second they decide on life and death of political systems. Class struggle is being caused by the classes` necessity to survive. If the world proletarians cannot survive as long as there is the world bourgeoisie, then they shall stop fighting not until the world bourgeoisie is completely removed. If they are really conscious about the fact that the removal would be necessary to survive then they shall absolutely remove the world bourgeoisie. The world revolutionary situations are coming soon and we have to prepare the people fighting for the right way. The historical form of the socialist revolution in “one” country is exhausted but not the socialist revolution itself. It looks for other forms how to break out easier.

Absorbed by the socialist world revolution the elder spirit of the socialist revolution in “one” country is revived, is restored. It will die not until it has finally reached its higher, qualitative level of its own negation and this means to make way for giving birth to the world revolution.

And this greater strength of the restored socialist revolution is absolutely required because the socialist world revolution shall claim many national victims – much more victims than in times of the socialist revolution in “one” country. Once the socialist nation had to cope with the whole international bourgeoisie ( of course not without the support of the proletarians of all countries). Why are there far more victims ?

That `s why because the socialist world revolution challenges a thousand times more evoking powers of resistance of the global bourgeoisie than in comparison with even the amount of all counter-revolutionary forces in the first epoch of socialism.

All that unites the world proletariat on the one hand helps weakening the world imperialist chain on the other hand to (not before!) ease the break out of the weakest chain-link. Enabling the breakthrough of a single chain-link in one `s own country is possible not until the contradictions of world capital are ripe to be split, degraded and finally burst by the class-struggle of the world proletariat.


This shall happen only in the advanced course of the world revolutionary over-all process so to speak as a crowning completion of the world revolutionary process. This world revolutionary over-all process will grant the proletariat `s revolutionary liberation in every country even faster and more thoroughly and this all the more if the proletarians take part as a detachment of this over-all process of the world revolution actively and self-sacrificing!

So it isn't all about a couple of solidarity resolutions to the anonymous, abstract "world proletariat", it isn't done with the appeal put into solemn words of "proletarian inter nationalism" . With this all the Communist parties cannot invoke the world revolution. That `s not the end of that. At first all united communist forces have disciplined to act in concert ideologically, politically and organisationally.


Overthrow of the political power of the world bourgeoisie ! This is our political main enemy now. To wrestle this main enemy down – that `s the main task, that `s our common main task - not theoretically abstract but concretely. Victory or defeat of the socialist revolution depends mainly on it in every country today.

This is a hard piece of work which is not to be done by itself. But not unless this mainly global work is done the proletariat of a country can "afford the luxury" to care about socialism in its own country. At first, each for all - and then all for each! We must not make it harder as it it.


The successful participation in the socialist world revolution is (and the world proletariat won't be able to pay any compensation for a failed participation !) – so to speak - the input of the proletariat of every country which must be performed if the socialism shall not be endangered to disappear in the stomach of the capitalism once again. World capital does not allow any nationwide output without worldwide input of all the socialist forces. Is there another way?

Actually, the proletarians of all countries don't have any choice but to come together and to care commonly about the victory of the socialist world revolution because the world imperialism will otherwise thwart the proletarians` revolution even in the last country.


The way of the victory of the socialist revolution in one country leads at all events over the way of the victory of the socialist world revolution under today's concrete global conditions. It is a simple fact that the chain-link cannot secede by itself in a globalised world.

The socialist revolution in every country has become a global task.

In turn: related to today's concrete global conditions the way of the dictatorship the proletariat in one country leads only over the way of the establishment of the dictatorship the world proletariat. The dictatorship of the proletariat without the political power of the world proletariat is unlikely. That does not exclude but requires the necessity of the overthrow of the bourgeoisie in one `s own country by the proletariat. This revolutionary task will not be done by the world proletariat all alone.

The greatest nationwide victims which have to be expected by the socialist revolution of the proletarians in one country are the victims for the socialist world revolution as a start.



In the past, the international proletariat was simply only the "ally" of the revolutionary proletariat of one country. With their class struggle in the country of one's own the proletarians of the western capitalist countries tried to stop the imperialists to attack the comrades in Russia while the proletariat in the Soviet Union was the base and lever for the own revolutionary liberation in every capitalist country.

Also the national struggle for liberation of the suppressed nations benefited from this, which for their part made the fight easier in the metropolises of the imperialists and at the same time they became an important reserve for the socialist country in the fight against the capitalist-revisionist encirclement.

All this was caused by the victory of the October Revolution, with which the workers of one country broke out a piece from the imperialist world and therewith the Red October established the historical fact that capitalism was faced by a socialist world henceforth.

All these international class connections and class alliances, the whole international class struggle was in generally beginning in the capitalist nations and both in character and forms these nations left their mark on the proletarian internationalism before and within the first epoch of socialism.


Once talking about the “international proletariat” meant talking about the cooperation of English, French, German, American proletarian movement etc., talking about those proletarians who struggled commonly within the imperialist great powers and other capitalist countries. These labour movements can be traced back to the 19th century, thus back to the time when the bourgeois nations came into being. At that time the “international proletariat” had to cope with various nationalist ideologies which tried to creep into the ideology of proletarian internationalism. Even the socialist country was not untroubled by nationalist influence and until today we have to argue with various kinds of “globalising” nationalisms (“national Bolshevism”, “socialist nationalism”, social-fascism” etc.) which try to undermine and paralyse proletarian internationalism. It cannot be excluded that these fascist ideologists also try to capture our formula: World proletariat – unite all countries!” in this or that way.

The class-solidarity between the proletariat and the then(!) progressive bourgeoisie dates from the years of the bourgeois nations` childhood. There was really a historical period of a kind of “class-solidarity” for the purpose of bourgeois liberation from feudalism. The traditional roots of class reconciliation can be traced back to that time. And the workers were cheated by this especially in the epoch of imperialism. This formation of the labour movement which was stamped by the up coming of the bourgeois nations is over but the influence of bourgeois class-reconciliation is still existing for the purpose of dividing proletarian calls unity.


Today, one cannot talk about an "proletarian ally from this or that country" in its classic meaning any more.

The homogeneity of the class of the world proletariat is not determined by the uniform affiliation to the nations but by the uniform organization of the world production. The workers working place, ethnic roots, birth, culture, language, etc... are not decisive any more as it was in that time when the bourgeois nations played their decisive role in history before the period of globalisation.

Decisive isn't the old traditional national root of this or that communist and labour movement any more which once put the whole internationalist movement ahead even though for a limited historical period only. This nation `s leading position before all others was applicable until the end of the first period of socialism, however this will not work in the second period any more. Today, the tradition of the international communist and labour movement is not measurable against an amount of different, national flags. The former role of representatives of nations will be replaced gradually by the role of the representatives of the world proletariat `s own global organisations (with its own democratic centralism) and what does not at all harmony further necessary interactions between the worldwide and nationwide proletarian organisations (again with its own democratic centralism). This is due to the question of states, too.

The world proletariat lays claim to develop its own tradition of the communist and labour world movement independently from the former nationwide historical traditions of the communist and labour movements. For today's world proletariat it is at most important to support the heritage of the nationwide traditions of the communist and labour movements, to cultivate and share globally their treasures and to learn all the achievements from them, particularly from the socialist achievements of the first epoch of socialism, from the Soviet Union and Albania etc.

Just taking over and covering with the additive different traditions of the communist and labour movements of the countries this won `t serve the world proletariat `s turn as the sustainer of the world movement.

The world proletariat of today will stand out due to completely new traditions of the international labour movement, which arise from the overcoming of the national bounds of the countries` traditions.

To a greater degree the most important distinguishing characteristic will be a certain “extraneousness of national non-membership”. This term looks confusing and to get our drift we neither mean something “above the nations” and “a-nationally” nor some kind of “ national vacuum” or “cosmopolitanism“ but we do mean the genuine internationalist spirit of the global merger of the communist and labour movements of all the countries, the fusion of all the movements to such degree that single significant national elements shall disappear so that they can hardly be filtered out from the merged world movement. If the national elements merged then they lose their original identity and assume their new global identity. The merged world movement is not affected by this or that nation but by all the nations.

The world revolutionary distinctive mark of the future internationalist communist and labour movement will be its global self-determination thus an internationalist independence which is unattached from any national conditioning. Beyond doubt this is a quantum leap of proletarian internationalism – it is really getting a proletarian globalism. The internationalist world movement of the first epoch of socialism is in so far substantially different from the global world movement of the second epoch of socialism.

We don `t say-along this easily but this corresponds completely to the rules of the permanent further development of the internationalist nature of the working class, how the internationalist communist and labour movement changes its forms and qualities in different historical periods and how they shall still go on changing.


At first there were the new strong labour movements of the big capitalist nations which changed gradually into strong bourgeois reformist and revisionist labour movements in those nations, also. - primarily under the strong influence of the bourgeois cultural slavery.

And in future there will spread strong world proletarian movements all over the world thus always there, where the "strong" world capital is also spreading - and to be more precise beyond all national bounds - or, what is the same: under inclusion and under cooperation of more and more countries, of all countries. If the international labour movement developed in national frames on its first step, then it will develop by the overcoming of these national frames on its second step .


Who are the future world revolutionaries ?


What makes a world revolutionary different from all the other revolutionaries ? Is it because of the international division of labour, so to share both the global competences and affairs on the one hand and national (“residually lower”) affairs on the other hand ?

Only the uppish and so called “world revolutionaries” think and act like this. These arrogant guys only like to play with the world revolution and regard it as an adventure. To be a true world revolutionary is a serious matter.

If the international working class isn't divisible, the international proletarian revolution is indivisibly either and therefore the proletarian revolutionaries are not divisible either. Of course this doesn't mean that all revolutionaries of the world might not specialize, might not proceed under each other on the principle of the division of labour. On the contrary, today's world revolution presupposes a much bigger (an international) specialisation and division of labour than all previous revolutions put together!

The indivisibleness of the world revolution and its world revolutionaries, of which there is the talk of it , merely refers to their materialistic character of monism in in contrast to the dualism. There is not any dualism between the revolution in the national and international scale.

There isn't world revolution here and there the revolutions of the countries . The world revolution and the revolution in the countries are not quite incoherent values and cannot be delt arbitrarily with each other. They aren't dualistic, meaning: they are neither adverse nor equated. The world proletariat performs its revolution in a global scale and not in this or that country and vice versa the proletariat of one country performs its revolution in its own country and not in a global scale.

The one doesn't exclude the other but causes each other like "parts and a whole". So the ideology of the proletariat proceeds on the assumption of the monistic unity of the world revolution and not of the dualistic one - whereby the socialist revolutions and their manifoldness derive from it and are traceable to it -



- just as parts of a whole.




Its full strength and the whole intensity of its parts` movement comes into effect not until the whole is completed and matured. This intensity can never be achieved if the parts are on their own, if they are kept apart from the whole. To achieve the necessary intensity of its revolutionary movement the parts strive for its unification to become parts of and merge as a whole, to complete the formation of the whole. Vice versa all the parts share their strengths to enable the full strength and movement of the whole. Without its parts the whole is nothing and the whole is not a whole without its parts. Otherwise it would be impossible for the whole to serve as a basis and lever for all its parts.

Without the strength and the movement of the whole the strength and the movement of the parts would work blindly scattered and without the strength and the movement of the parts the whole would remain powerlessly and motionlessly.

So to avoid that this happens, the strengths and movements of the parts have to be brought into line and into accord so that they can harmonise finally. The optimal harmonisation of the whole with its parts – that's the whole secret of the world revolution `s success !


However, the essence of the socialist world revolution is not only the statement that parts and the whole interact at all ( for instance as a completed, non-recurring process) but the movement how they interact, namely the movement of the parts` transition into the whole by means of a qualitative leap, which again is starting-point for the movement of the whole `s transition into its parts to bind them closer to itself and therefore to bring them shelter - what is again completed by a qualitative leap (mergence).

So the nature of the transitions in the world revolutionary movement is writ large in the approach of the parts towards the whole – right up to their mergence.

But this doesn't take place in the abbreviated move of reversion.

In between there are the inevitable periods of time of the "revolutionary low tide" lie (change of low tide and high tide; see: Stalin).

So there is no standstill movement but time which is unavoidably needed to deal with issues of the previous movement. There is no qualitative leap if the previous process is still not ripe to be replaced. Transition of quality into a higher stage of quantity in the interim period: Once created the conditions have to be used to full capacity, must tap the full potential, have to get highest standards, have to be stabilised far-reaching and intensively - including all the efforts which are needed to cope with some unavoidable processes of degeneration and retrogression - and last not least the time is needed to divert, to accrue and to build up surplus forces – so to speak, necessary potentials for creating new conditions for the next qualitative leap ( towards a higher stage of the revolutionary development).

Any new world revolutionary movement (which consists of the innumerable revolutionary movements in the whole world) is product and result of all previous world revolutionary movements and requires not only the high tide of any previous world revolutionary movement but its low tide as well.

The socialist world revolution doesn't exhaust itself in its succession, not in the order of the previous revolutions, but presupposes it merely, maxes it out, overcomes its errors and weaknesses etc.


The essence of the socialist world revolution is the permanence of its movement, its transition to a higher and higher step of its development -

namely as long as and as far as its last transition step has changed into the last transition step from the capitalist countries to the world communism, as it got identically and consequently its historical existence, as its purpose is fulfilled, not needed any more and as it becomes redundant in the end.


Countries and world get identically by merging completely all parts to the whole – whereby the nature of the whole shall change essentially. Now the whole is completed and can exist without its parts, can do without them. And the whole has rather unavoidably to renounce it parts at all - just to be able to meet its higher stage of quality. And all this happened because of the parts which initially determined its growth. Without the parts the whole could not complete its development; voilà: the national question solved by the merge of the countries


Assumed that the capitalist countries could merge themselves, then all the socialist revolutions of the countries would be dispensable and we could get along with a “merged” - and maybe with one and only - world revolution. World imperialism would quickly find its death. But who would speak up for the poor in the manner of the prophets ?

We know for sure:

If – in general – labour unites and private property separates, then the world labour unites even more and the globalised private property separates the countries to the utmost namely in more and more poor and rich countries. The countries and their cohesion get destroyed by the increased struggle for profits.

According to this such a “unity and merging of the nations" on the basis of a capitalist property is definitely a fiction, a definite world deceit, definite world hypocrisy. Ideas of merging capitalist countries – merging the socialist world revolution - toing and froing – such conditions cannot be constructed – this is all production of the brain. We must observe the short-term rules of the game of that form of the socialist world revolution which are dictated to by the actually available conditions:


the way of the world revolution still leads across the way of the revolution of the countries as well as the way of the revolution of the countries still leads across the way of the world revolution.


Who doesn't understand this necessary unity doesn't understand the dialectic of the uniform world revolutionary process between the whole and its parts - as seen above. The same can by compared with the the general relationship of the proletarians of the countries and the world proletariat. And this is also valid concerning the general relationship of the international communist labour movement and the communist labour movement in the single ...


... and last not least this is applicable to the...




Solution of the question of the identity of the unification (see: the law of the unification)




the unification of all parts to the whole must absolutely be harmonised with the unification of all parts by the whole

= a perfect creation of the identity of the unification (rung by rung) !!

= “Proletarians of all countries - unite!” + (plus !!!!) "World proletariat - unite all countries "!


There is no unification raised on a higher level without this identicalness, without this accordance;


Without this unification on a higher level = neither victory of the socialist world revolution nor victory of the socialist revolution in a country.


Identicalness/ accordance on the highest level = merged unification = abolition of the unavoidableness of any class-unities (of course on a global stage)


The socialism in “one” country was main motive power of the socialist world revolution under capitalist conditions.

Under conditions of world socialism socialism in “one” country would be a brake shoe for the transition to world communism.


Consequently: Not the direct transition of the socialism in "one" country to communism was possible (and we do repeat this another hundred times that we understand the term of socialism in “one” country expressively as the conditions of socialism under the word rulership of capitalism!). The communist society emerges through the transition of world socialism necessarily.


Unification of the proletarians of all countries to attachments of the world proletariat for the purpose of the world imperialism `s overthrow;

Unification of the world proletariat `s countries for the purpose of creating world communism (at first and mainly the solution of the social one and finally the solution of national class question in the world scale (the national question of the countries as a lever to solve the social question - the social question as a lever to merge the nations – to abolish the nations).


Dissolving of the class character of the unification process = (divisiveness process), it `s getting antediluvian and unnecessary in the classless society.


Class unification as unity of contradictions as the motive power in the class society, however a brake shoe in the classless society.


If the necessity of the class unification – thus why the proletarians were forced to unify their worldwide class-struggle -

begins to be superfluously by its transition into the classless society, then the motive power of the class unification peters out and unification gets rid of its class-character to turn into its contrary – into a

brake shoe of the voluntary unification – the association - of the classless society.


The motive power of the classless society generates from the brake shoe of the class-unification.


From then on mankind enters finally the realm of the voluntary association of members of the society, from then on people are free to unify themselves.


The proletarian unification for the only purpose of overcoming the class society stops being an arduous, gruelling fight of the communism against the capitalism.


The communism can finally take off that straitjacket of being primarily the ideology of a class. In its future development Communism shall discontinue to be primarily a class- ideology and becomes a classless ideology finally, thus it was originally from the very beginning and thus what it will always be to all intents and purposes.

However without excluding the principle of unity and struggle of the communist development `s own further contradictions and this means: Compared with the struggle for the global socialisation of private property at the means of productions, compared with the struggle against capitalist restoration (with all the revisionist calamitous illusions about realising a “classless” society in the first period of socialism already!) the struggle for getting rid of the strait jacket of class-ideological narrowness will be much harder because there is no place for such communist forms of class-ideology in a classless communist society. In a classless society the class-ideology of the proletariat is obviously a dangerous brake shoe. The most difficult and hardest task of us Communists will then be to struggle against our own proletarian class-character ( we have unavoidably to use communism as the class-ideology of the proletariat because this is the only way left to establish a classless society where there is no exploitation and oppression of mankind any more). To make communist matters dispensable which were once indispensable – that is not easy however unavoidably necessary for the communist development of the society ( conversely it is not easy again to stick to principles which are n `t yet dispensable). So the permanent struggle against revisionism will never end because it is an ideology which shall survive its class-character to hinder the communist development of the society always “in the name of” the society `s further communist development. That means, if we would have succeeded to get rid of revisionisms class-character revisionism does not at all disappear by itself but shall go on struggling inescapably against communism – no matter what state it is in. If we Communists would not succeed in coping with this task, then we Communists ourselves would become our own enemy, moreover we Communists ourselves would erase Communism `s future and we would become our own revisionists. Criticism and self-criticism is a principle of Marxism-Leninism. It does not lose its meaning after the liberation from its class-character. In the contrary, this Marxist-Leninist principle – together with many others - gets a more important meaning in the Communist society namely as the method in the hands of the whole society to struggle against classless revisionism. Many Marxist-Leninist methods are valid forever. All that created by Communism in the previous periods of the Communist society – including the teachings of Marxism-Leninism - doesn't get lost. Only its class-character gets lost. Other than that pass over as a traditional treasure, as the Communist heritage which then can be used and applied by the whole society and not by only one class any more.


Of course, those who were always used to go ahead with class-struggle through the centuries will be unaccustomed to lead the struggle against one `s own former class-struggle-ideology. However, it is a dangerous illusion to believe that the transition into the classless society would be an easy matter of self-fulfilment. Nevertheless we have always been optimists and we are neither afraid of our enemies nor afraid of our own mistakes: If we mastered communism to get rid of capitalism, if we mastered the socialist transition into communism, then we shall certainly master communism with all its new forms of a classless science, too. The future of Communism is as great as non-terminating. It is strong because it is true, but it `s development is utmost contradictory in relation to its absolute truth. Last not least Communism itself is absolutely subjugated under its own dialectical principles of development which are waiting to be mastered by us Communists .

Communism shall reach such degree of its development that it would be strong and ripe enough to burst all its former characters of class-armours.


The whole thinking of mankind is liberated from its brake shoe – its class-character, leaves the realm of class-necessity to enter the realm of classless freedom. Without this Communism would fail to develop.


And finally the communism himself is the “last” who leaves the sinking ship of class-society. Communism leaves the realm of class-necessity and enters the realm of freedom - more precise in form of the liberated science of the liberated world society, as a free science of a free mankind.




The law of the world proletarian unity derives from the law of proletarian internationalism

What is a proletarian internationalism?


The definition isn't easy and has to take into consideration its historical dimension. Proletarian internationalism is as old as the proletariat itself and changed in the course of its development. Just as the proletarians developed their labour movement the proletarian internationalism developed by the 5 classics of Marxism-Leninism, too. Proletarian internationalism is the ideology of the world proletariat for the purpose to liberate from capitalism collectively and globally. Proletarian internationalism is the key to make world socialism and communism accessible to the world proletariat. Proletarian Internationalism is a cornerstone of Marxism-Leninism. Proletarian internationalism was worked out by Marx and Engels scientifically. Proletarian internationalism was expressed by their co-formula: Proletarians of all countries - unite!" Moreover proletarian internationalism expresses Marxism-Leninism `s internationalist nature. Finally proletarian internationalism was worked out scientifically as a separate Marxist-Leninist branch of science. This branch of science was further developed by Lenin, Stalin and finally by Hoxha. The Comintern (ML) continues the further development of proletarian internationalism at present.

So one can say that proletarian internationalism is one of the most essential components of the teachings of the 5 classics. The discovery of the internationalist roots of the proletarian class struggle is important in the capitalist society. Proletarian internationalism is the theoretical reflection of the cohesion of all class struggle experiences of all proletarians all over the world, the generalisation and systematic draft for the Marxist Leninist teachings of the international class solidarity of the world proletariat in the fight for the overthrow of world capitalism and for the establishment of socialism in all capitalist countries.


In the beginning of the germinal proletarian internationalism there was only the solidary feeling of international togetherness which brought the proletarians together sharing their equal destitution and supporting each other beyond all bonds. In this situation the proletarians of various countries in Europe and North-America created their internationalist self consciousness, their common hopes, convictions and strengths and their courage to resist all pains of their proletarian being. The national influence on the social situation of the proletarians was more significant in that time. The mutual internationalist help was immediately and concretely and very often contained personal fortune of proletarian families and relatives, emigrations, and life in exile. It lasted for a while until the proletarians could organise their struggle against the capitalists beyond national borders and finally to develop their common political fight against their governments . So at the beginning proletarian internationalism was the ideological banner of the solidarity of the workers against their capitalist countries which exploited and suppressed the proletarians (of course connected with the ultimate goal of communism). This was the era of the First International (when the "Communist Manifesto" was translated into different European languages and when the ideas of proletarian internationalism could not be proclaimed in public but mainly exchanged in certain kinds of workman `s clubs and associations). The proletarians of several countries read the ideas of proletarian internationalism in several ways but in general the communist and labour movement of several countries were all inspired by proletarian internationalism and led off the fight against dividing nationalist and anarchist influences within the Labour Parties in their country and finally within the First International itself. In this ideological fight proletarian internationalism could be further developed and prosper especially by the activities of Marx and Engels.

When imperialism came up proletarian internationalism developed on a higher stage. The international capital involved all the people in the colonialised countries as allies of the proletarians in the capitalist countries. This was the time of the Second International. This was the time of struggling against the division of the proletarians in the capitalist countries and the people of the exploited and suppressed colonies.

A further increase of the proletarian internationalism `s prosperity took place resulting from the victory of the Red October thus the beginning of the first epoch of socialism, the establishment of socialism in “one” country and the division of the world into two antagonistic camps. The proletarian internationalism reached its highest standard with the beginning of the Third International.

When socialism was established in “one” country the definition of proletarian internationalism referred to the mutual solidary support and strengthening of the proletariat of the socialist country on the one hand and the class-struggle of the world proletariat and the anti-imperialist struggle of the peoples of the colonialised countries on the other hand to break through the capitalist-revisionist encirclement of world imperialism from inside and outside the socialist country.


Today when the Comintern (ML) was founded proletarian internationalism develops globally with new global forms of class solidarity, forms which will be created by the world proletariat itself and “for itself”. Proletarian internationalism develops as the ideology of the world proletariat to lead its own class-struggle against the global world capital by uniting the proletarians of all countries and trooping up all the anti-imperialist world forces for the coming global battles of the socialist world revolution, the overthrow of the whole world capitalist system of exploitation and oppression.


In connection with the socialist world revolution one should anticipate with the definition in the future.

The definition of proletarian internationalism then would be directed to the unity of the thinking and action of the proletarians of all countries for the common establishment and strengthening of the dictatorship of the world proletariat which serves the liberation not only of the world proletariat but the global liberation of all suppressed classes all over the world.


Lenin `s definition of proletarian internationalism was valid in the first period of socialism. Then the world proletariat just consisted only of the sum of the proletarians of all countries led by the Comintern. Their internationalist fight was marked by the world imperialist situation at that time. At that time, the world proletariat still didn't exist as an uniform globalised and monolith class. With other words: The world proletariat goes through a change of its development from a class "of itself" to a class "for itself." Today, the world proletariat grows up for the second epoch of socialism, as a world socialist class.


In the period of socialism in “one” country the nature of proletarian internationalism consisted of the mutual solidary support of the proletarians of all countries without exception to establish the dictatorship of the proletariat in every single capitalist country in general and in particular to support solidarily the socialist countries. Today the world proletarian internationalism is faced by the world bourgeois internationalism.

Compared with the proletarian internationalism of the first epoch of socialism the proletarian globalism of today consists of the global struggle for the world dictatorship of the proletariat which is solidarily supported by the detachments of the proletariat in every single country – without exception. Coming into power the world proletariat supports unconditionally and without exception the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat in every single country.


Compared with the nature of socialism in “one” country the nature of world socialism consists of the fact that the one is built up by the proletariat of the socialist country with the help of the proletarians of all countries and the other is built up by the world proletariat with the help of each country. It is the world proletariat which educates and teaches the proletarian internationalism in the second period of socialism. In the first period the world proletariat learnt from the socialist proletariat of “one” country. And in the second period the proletarians in the single countries learn from the world proletariat.


As can be seen Leninism of proletarian internationalism in the first period of socialism is quite different from the Leninism of the coming second one – that `an inter-period of nearly a hundred years. Both these periods may not be mixed up. If one really wants to defend the Leninism, one must develop further proletarian internationalism otherwise we would kill Lenin `s definition which would not serve the communism any more. In the contrary our proletarian internationalism would be sacrificed to the revisionism inevitably, becomes a world imperialistic weapon against proletarian inter nationalism itself. We set against the definition of old proletarian inter nationalism the definition.

Lenin `s definition was worked out in 1917:

"There is only one actual internationalism: the devoted work on the development of the revolutionary movement and the revolutionary fight in the country of one's own, the support (by propagandas by moral and material help) of such a fight, of such a line and only such one in unanimously all countries."

The Leninist definition of 2007 could be ( 90 years later):

"There is only one actual internationalism: the devoted work on the development of the world revolutionary movement and the world revolutionary fight of the world proletariat, the support (by propagandas by moral and material help) of such a fight, of such a line and only such one in unanimously every country."


If one generalizes the whole historical development of proletarian internationalism now, one could define proletarian internationalism perhaps as follows:


The teaching of proletarian internationalism is (spoken very generally) the internationalist teaching of the world proletariat on the solidary class struggle of the unified proletarians of all countries against the capitalist and every other exploitation and oppression in the whole world and for a socialist world.


Very general -- as well [ and admittedly a little bit confusing ]-


only those prove to be genuine proletarian internationalists, who ....


perceive, recognise and understand the global causes of exploitation and oppression,

who are guided by Marxism-Leninism in the daily class-struggle,

who unite all social and national forces under the leadership of the world proletariat,

who organise the overthrow of the capitalist world system nationwide and worldwide

who struggle for the dictatorship of the world proletariat and who...


... fight always against every exploitation and oppression – no matter where and in which situation ever.


more exact:


Proletarian inter nationalism is ...

"... the unity of the thinking and acting of the proletariat of every country in particular and the world proletariat generally (Enver Hoxha, report on the 7th party convention of the PAA, 1977, Ger. version, page 242).




The principle of the proletarian identity


The principle of the proletarian identity is the principle of the absolute coincidence, accordance of the one unity of the proletarians to enforce their revolutionary interests in every single country and the other unity of the world proletariat to enforce its global interests.


The way to the victorious liberation of the proletariat ( in one country as well as in the world scale ) is only possible if this principle of the proletarian identity, if the proletarian internationalism, is observed and completely and correctly applied by the proletariat.

Use this principle means to bring the necessary fight for the unconditional accordance of the unification of the proletarians of every country with the unification of the world proletariat to an end. It is here an objective law, which can neither be abrogated just like that nor considered as nihilism which would condemn the proletarians to its spontaneous subjugation. It is a law in the hands of the proletarians to so ease their unity. The laws of the unification of the proletariat to an international class take place as a process of the capitalist class society, reflect these and take place independently of the will of the proletariat. We can discover, recognize this law merely but use it also with a political expertise in the interest of the socialist world revolution. Adopting, controlling and mastering this law means supporting, spreading and deepening the consciousness of proletarian internationalism. To control this law masterly is only able a world proletarian class organization which is guided by the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Hoxha thus the Communist International (Marxists-Leninist) and to be more precise with the help of its sections, the Marxist-Leninist parties in every country, and this only by mastering the method of the democratic centralism.

The basic tactics which must be used by the world proletariat for the effective development of the law of the proletarian unity today are: World proletariat - unite all countries!"


The purpose of the application of the law of the proletarian unity is the capture and establishment of the international dictatorship the proletariat by the overthrow and the elimination of the international dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. The expedient is the unification of all countries for the socialist world revolution.

The whole point of the nature of proletarians internationalism is that of the formula of the historical mission of the world proletariat:


"World proletariat - unite the socialist revolutions of all countries - unite all countries to the socialist world revolution!"



This is the concrete watchword for the effective development of the law of proletarian internationalism under today's conditions of the world domination of the globalised capitalism.




What is the Marxist-Leninist method for the transition of proletarian internationalism ?

How applying to the formula World proletariat – unite all countries” ?


It is Lenin `s "tactics for everyone". It is the tactics of world Bolshevism!

Which criteria have to be fulfilled?


1st organisational independence


The world proletariat needs its unity and therefore the unity of its class organisations. Lenin taught us that the world proletariat doesn't own another weapon for coming into world power than the weapon of its international organisation, the globally centralised organisations of all countries. The world proletariat must reorganize all its class forces on a global stage. There is no world revolutionary organisation, if the world proletariat is not guided by the Marxist-Leninist theory, if the world proletariat is not armed with the internationalist consciousness and knowledge about the principles of building up one `s own global class-organisations.

Today, the task of the world revolutionaries consists therefore in developing proletarian self-consciousness, communist class-conscious, consists in the systematic organisation of passing on the knowledge of all the necessary Marxist-Leninist organisationalising, consists in helping the world proletariat to protect all its own class-organisations from being undermined, split and degenerated by revisionism, opportunism and other bourgeois influences, consists of teaching how to organise self-contained and independently the coming socialist world revolution, to prepare the taking over of its political power and the establishment of its dictatorship. This doesn't go without:


a) establishment and build up of the highest form of its class unification - namely the construction of the Communist International (Marxists-Leninist). The world proletariat needs absolutely its vanguard `s operational headquarters to unify all countries for the world revolution. Without their political world party the proletarians of the countries would not be able to throw over world capitalism. To do without the world proletariat `s leadership means giving the proletarian class organisations to the world bourgeoisie and its lackeys on a plate. So the world proletariat forges its revolutionary avant-garde of world revolutionaries to support and to accelerate the unification of the avant-garde of the proletarians of all countries. The unity of the world proletariat only can be made come true by a uniform and centralised international organisation whose decisions will be carried out by all communist parties in all conscience. Advising a question, expressing and listening to the different opinions, finding the view of the majority of the organized sections out, expressing this view in a resolution, carrying out this resolution conscientiously – all this can be described as an expression of global unity of the proletariat. And such a unity is infinitely valuably, infinitely important and indispensable to the world proletariat. Shattered communist parties of the countries are powerlessly destructive, can `t be helped without their unified centre. Unifying the countries - is all:

"Comintern (ML) - unite the Communist parties of all countries!"


b) The Communist International is destined to lead all forms of internationalist proletarian unifications, in which all the proletarians of the countries are united.


2nd theoretical independence


The proletarians of all countries cannot deploy all their unity, are unable to build up strong, independent, class-organisations if they are n `t pervaded by the world revolutionary spirit of an uniform, monolithic theory, by common convictions and opinions and an unrelentingly will of iron. The uniformity by word and deed is impossible without its ideological base. The success of the organisational unification of the socialist world proletariat depends on the unity of its revolutionary ideology. The organisational independence of the world proletariat presupposes its theoretical ideological independence. The fight for the self-dependence is always a fight against any influences of strange class elements within the international labour movement, within its class organisations, within its class ideology.

Just this makes up the character of the Bolshevism, namely that the unification process of the proletarians can be pushed ahead not until the proletarians organise their autonomous and self-sustaining struggle against division and splitting, against revisionist “unity-making”, against “fraction-making” and “bloc-making”, against “class-reconciliatorish coalitioning” - primarily at the ideological front of class-struggle.

If the world proletariat sustains a loss of its theoretical strength, of its unity and compactness it shall lose its organisational strength, unity and compactness as well, what means nothing else but to run a risk of being taken in tow of the class-enemies.



3rd the watchword: World proletariat – unite all countries!"


... must not be misused as a hollow formula, must not be mixed up or equated with the other watchword: Proletarians of all countries - unite!" The one cannot be reduced, divided or absorbed by the other. In certain circumstances it could be necessary to modify the watchword by new evaluations, so that it is always a result of sincere and thorough analysis of all concrete situations of the revolutionary movements in the countries in particular and of the world revolutionary movement in general.

The formula is valid for a rather long historical period and therefore it will go through many changes in the course of time. It shall take shape in different ways whereby the global forms shall become more important and the nationwide forms shall develop modestly in the long run.

No matter in which current state the development of the proletarian world revolution would ever be - the watchword: "World proletariat - unite all countries! " has always to ensure the maximum possible output of what is achievable for the world proletariat to develop, to support, to lead the revolution in one country, in every country, in all countries.


4th it is necessary that the Communist International (Marxists-Leninist) always proves the correctness of the watchword: “World proletariat - unite all countries!" in the fire of the fight of the world revolutionary labour movement.




In which forms does the socialist world revolution appear?

How do the world revolutionaries form up ?



Manifoldness of the socialist world revolution,

expressed in every single socialist revolution of all countries ,

that is the manifestation of its uniform whole.


The versatility of the socialist world revolutionaries which is expressed in their common fight for every single socialist revolution in all countries, is the characteristic course of action of their uniform, world revolutionary practice.




with other words:

To steer socialist world revolution into the desired, required, uniformly close direction the world revolutionaries have to proceed not uniformly but differently in the socialist revolutions of the different countries since the world revolutionary conditions are different in every country and at every time (for example: Identity of the revolutionary situation of a country with the world revolutionary situation = to ease and to accelerate their coincidence, conformance, identicalness by cognisance and application according to the principles of their development)!



The idealistic monism ...

a)

( at the utmost! ) - ... accepts the materialistic base of the socialist revolution in "one" country but only for the one reason to misuse it as a mask for hiding its damnation of the socialist world revolution. Idealistic monism gives reason to the revolution in “one” country as an untrustworthy starting point to replace the idea of world revolution by idealism. Quasi the socialist revolution of the proletariat of “one” country “anointed” by the idealist spirit of the socialist world revolution; quasi the virtual equation of nationwide and worldwide socialist revolutions; quasi depressing the level of the world revolution to the level of the revolution in “one” country; quasi the replacement of the socialist world revolution by the socialist revolution in “one” country; quasi to make the socialist revolution in “one” country into an absolute one; quasi the vulgarisation of the socialist revolution in “one” country etc. All this can be exemplarily compared with Dimitrov `s right-opportunist line of the unity-front politics (popular front) beginning with the VII. World Congress of the Comintern.


or b)

(at the utmost! )- ... accepts the materialistic base of the socialist world revolution but only for the one reason to misuse it as a mask for hiding its damnation of the possibility of the socialism in "one" country. Idealist monism gives reason to the world revolution as an untrustworthy starting point to replace the idea of the socialism in “one” country by idealism ( absolute generalisation, vulgarisation of the socialist world revolution etc. All this can exemplarily compared with Trotskyism.


It is the nature of the bourgeois monism to neutralise, to play down and finally to wipe out the contradiction of materialist and idealist monism within the scientific ideology of the proletariat in general and within the science of the socialist world revolution in particular. This points to the tribute to the principles of the socialist revolution in “one” country and simultaneously and expressively to the disavowal of the socialist world revolution. Again this points as well to the contrary as to its same result.

Everything else can be derived from this standpoint of view, for instance the tribute to the existence of the working class in “one” country and simultaneously and expressively to the disavowal of the existence of the world proletariat, etc.


And the world revisionists finally tribute to the materialistic monism of the socialist world revolution in words but they deny it in deeds.


Eclecticism differs "scarcely visible" from the line of the world revolutionary ship until the course deviation can be hardly corrected so that the ship gets lurching from side to side and therefore out of control by too much counter-steering. The eclecticists then curry favour with “helping” the ship to return to revisionist port, to arrange “necessary” ( eclectic!) repairs.


The neo-revisionists, however, pretend to evade the manoeuvres of the revisionists but in deeds they steer the world revolutionary ship to the revisionist quagmire.


This small insight into the ideological "log book" of the world revolutionary dangers of navigation shall suffice to make clear that captains of the world revolution must have the guts. They must always be careful and watchful when steering the ship of the world proletariat safely to the port of world socialism in spite of all the reef, shallows and all possible obstacles all over the global sea of class struggle. They must be experienced sailors and captains, experienced and approved both on all oceans and seas and on all rivers and lakes.


They primarily have to use a perfected compass to align the map of world socialism, to redetermine the steadily changing bearing – the Marxism-Leninism.

To be bearing literate of: World proletariat - unite all countries!" , the steering wheel mustn't handed over control otherwise this watchword doesn't lead to the victory but straight into the defeat.

The more clearly and more simply the watchword, the more easily and sweepingly it can be carried and converted by the masses but the bigger is the danger to be consciously misinterpreted and misled!

It is an active and dynamic watchword and this means that it must always be adapted to the respective changes of the conditions of a relatively long period of its working .

Since the socialist world revolution doesn't go straightly some setbacks and defeats in its development process shall be unavoidable. World revolutionaries have to take them into account by adapting the watchword appropriately elastically and by avoiding both of dogmatism and opportunism which attempt to reduce its world communist character by easing its replacement by a world bourgeois character.


So it is the world revolution which determines the heartbeat of the world revolutionaries in every country, which makes the world to their revolutionary centre which makes every country to their "home" where they get the all the right and necessary revolutionary constituent elements which they need for the erection of the proletarian world building with whose help they then will deliver 100 constituent elements in turn to every country for the erection of the country buildings, and reversely getting back 1000 constituent elements for the development of the proletarian world building etc.

Metaphorically speaking, this is the simplified core of our world revolutionary position.


From the world proletariat `s point of view world policy is the “domestic” policy, the world proletarians policy in the single countries is their “foreign” policy.

Conversely, from the point of view of the single countries the policy of their proletarians is domestic policy and the policy beyond their borders foreign policy.

It is the world proletariat which raises that proletarian internationalism of the proletariat of every country on a higher qualitative stage and which harmoniously connects the overall interests of proletarian internationalism with the single interests of proletarian internationalism in each country. And also the overall interests of the world dictatorship of the proletariat is harmonised with the dictatorship of the proletariat in each country by the world proletariat and by using the method of the democratic centralism.

A proletariat isolated from the world proletarian overall process, respectively split off by the class enemy, a proletariat busy with its own breakthrough of the imperialist chain and simply hoping to await the “support” of the world proletariat from outside, will be disappointed because – today – it is unable to lead the world proletarian process of the socialist revolution in its own country to success in this narrow-minded way. That proletariat cannot guarantee any victory if it is not integrated or if it will not be integrated in the world proletarian overall process.

However, if that proletariat leaves no stone unturned to realise the formula World proletariat – unite all countries!” under the leadership of the world proletariat

then it is much easier to break through the imperialist chain and therefore much easier for all breakthroughs, for the break-up of the whole imperialist chain. The own breakthrough of single countries has to be brought into line with the break-up of the whole chain. That `s the clue of the Marxist-Leninist breakthrough-theory. Once broken through the isolated socialist country by itself turned out to be historically unable initialising the breakthrough of all the other countries.

The common, mutual removal of the imperialist chain by ALL the proletarians in the world – that is the AIM. And the breakthrough of the single chain-link (probably beginning with the weakest one) is left as the designated RESULT of the world revolutionary transition.

The world revolutionary overall interests determine the revolutionary interests of every country thus the world revolutionary overall process determines the world revolutionary process in every single country thus the world revolutionary overall process determines the breakout of the weakest imperialist chain-link. The breakthrough has become the matter of the world proletariat and not the matter of any other proletariat.

The overall interests of the proletarian global party determines the overall interests of the communist parties in every country. The Communist World party transforms all Communist parties of the countries into its detachments, into its sections. In the first epoch of socialism the world party was the outpost of the Communist parties with the socialist country at the top. However, in the second epoch of socialism the Communist parties of the countries change into outposts of the proletarians` world party. The “International” changes – so to speak - into the “Global”. In so far the Comintern (ML) is actually the Communist Global (ML), the first global Communist party in the history of Communism.


There is no unity of the proletarians all over the world, there is no unity of the world proletariat, there is no unity of the proletariat of the countries, there is no unity of the socialist revolutions if there is no subordination of the part under the whole, if there is no subordination of the minority under the majority, if there is no subordination of the proletariat of a country under the world proletariat, no subordination of the socialist revolutions of the single countries and the world revolution, no subordination of the Communist parties under the world party etc.

The democratic centralism itself changes its character. and. So there is not alone the changing by it quantitative globalisation but the democratic centralism gets a quite new quality in the hands of the world proletariat. And though democratic centralism loses its class-character within the Communist society it will be then still valid as an everlasting principle of Marxism-Leninism.


The democratic centralism globally established helps to overcome the splitting as well in the countries as in the world and strengthens the proletarian unity nationwide and world wide. Adopting globally the democratic centralism helps to overcome the splits of the Marxist-Leninist World movement as well as the movement in the countries, helped to overcome splits in the world party as well as in the countries` parties, helps to overcome the split of the world revolution.

This is the correct application of the teachings of Lenin and Stalin related to today's global class struggle conditions against the world capital. International dictatorship the proletariat means globally centralised leadership in the struggle against world imperialism. In the world scale this international unification task cannot be handled without iron will and self sacrifice, without discipline and centralization.

Last not least the strength of the world proletariat lies in the weak side of its opponent by the increase of the contradictions and splits in the hostile camp.

Considered from a class point of view contradictions and splits take place between the big and small capitalists, between the different ranks of the bourgeoisie and also between the bourgeoisie and the petty bourgeoisie as well as the contradictions between the few petty bourgeois who advance to the bourgeoisie by the globalisation and last not least the contradictions with most of the petty bourgeoisies who are pushed into the proletariat. There is an overall contradictory class movement beyond all national bonds.

The increase and broadening of the global class contradictions have to be observed carefully to utilise them for the own unification and for the diversion and split within the adversary camp as well as for certain, possible, temporary alliances.

The bigger and sharper the conflicts of class interests in the adversary camp the more it is tied up to spend all energy for solving its own problems instead of struggling against the world proletariat. Splitting the world proletariat is much more difficult for the bourgeoisie if it is split within itself. Splitting energies within the capitalist camp is unification energy in the camp of the world proletariat.

The capitalist camp does not only decrease absolutely by losing split and separated forces but also relatively because all these lost class forces devolve to the world proletariat as its strongest class opponent.

The capitalist camp does not only become smaller but also weaker because the split and separated class forces cannot be directed against the world proletariat any more. These new class forces who fill up the ranks of the world proletariat strengthen the world proletariat in the struggle against the exploiting and oppressing classes. That `s why we Communists always document and uncover their class conflicts of interests politically: at first, to lead the world revolutionary camp to take advantages from it to strengthen the own unification forces and at second to lead the neutralised class forces from the capitalist camp to direct themselves against the world bourgeoisie ( to convince them, to force them etc.).

The appropriate tactics of the Communists must consist in utilising the advecting and proletarianising elements instead of ignoring them. Most of the elements have to be assimilated and the leftovers repelled.

To assimilate suitable elements requires concessions to the moment if these elements turn to the world proletariat in a positive sense. At the same time the fight has consequently to be directed against those elements who change sides to the world bourgeoisie.

This is not alone a complicated and strenuous but also a time consuming and lasting process which cannot be forced but which demand a great deal of pertinacious patience and manoeuvrable negotiating skill.

So the tactics consist of utilising the weaknesses of the opponent classes for one `s own strengthening – world politically utilising !

What was valid to the social contradictions is also valid to the national contradictions of the classes. National contradictions have their class roots and the world proletariat shall not ignore them but utilise them in the way we referred above.





Historical development of the obstruction, thwarting and infiltration

of the proletarians` unification endeavours

on the part of the capitalists and the exploitation - and oppression apparatus of the bourgeoisie:



Even then the factory was the highest form of the capitalist cooperation which united and disciplined the proletariat and in which they began to organise themselves. The factory workers therefore were at the top of all proletarian progressive ranks from the very beginning. The factory had not only the exploitative but also its side of the place where resistance is organised (and thus inevitably also its disorganising and divisive side) since the beginning. And in the world factories of today the world proletariat organises itself. There will be world factories when the world proletariat has long dissolved. However the principles of organising and unifying will be still valid, because every society is determined to produces its own reproduction – according to the teaching of Marxism-Leninism. Even if the principles of organising and unifying lose their class-character they are still valid for every society and the Communist society makes no exception and thus do all the hindrances of organising and unifying.


From the very beginning the capitalists tried to tighten measures of pitting the proletarians against each other and to make mischief within the factories. The capitalists fuelled the worker ` competition among each other by different pay, by different skills, between men and women, young and old, between different nationalities, between different qualifications, between different hours of working, between the organised and not organised workers, between the confessions, between different working places and working conditions etc. “Mobbing” is a modern type of more perfidious methods to control the shop floor.

The bourgeoisie incites the workers of one nation against another to separate, to split , to assimilate or to annex and occupy them. There weren't scarcely ever single competitive situations or positions of the workers which were not used as split opportunities of the capitalists. To aggravate the fight of the workers for the improvement in their pay and working conditions in the factories, the manufacturers established regularizing work orders, factory laws etc. They were supported by the governments who for their part took ruthless actions against the workers and their organisation in the factories, against their meetings and actions. The worker was disenfranchised and condemned to be wage slaveries. Standing up for the workers` rights was criminalized and forbidden. The method "a stick and a carrot" was used by the capitalists first in their factories. There were neither liberty of speech and of press nor organisational and political liberty for the workers.

Those workers who tried to withstand the violations in the factory life got punishments with all sorts of harassments, were punished with a fine, were under notice to leave, were confined to prison, were banished, tortured or even put to death.

In their history the workers have had to make countless sacrifices for their unification. The workers` blood was shed and will be shed for the purpose of their unification. The unification can neither be forbidden and banned nor be stopped by any reprisals.

If the capitalists didn't have sufficient strikebreakers from the rows of one's own, then agencies which made their profit with the renting of strikebreakers were engaged by them.

There also were laws with which foreign workers being on strike were expelled from the country, a particularly brutal form of the split of the strike front. Every colleague got to know what lock-out really means. Lock-out means increase of the strike fight.

The world capitalists won't spare no efforts to use the lock-out as an international fight remedy against global strikes to split and shatter the international strike front even by nationwide lock-outs. However new, even bigger, even more international strikes will follow the international lock-outs inevitably.

The decisive matter is not only the globally and quantitatively broadening but primarily the qualitatively higher development of the workers` resistance against global lock-outs. The economic globalisation of the economic struggles leads unavoidably to new and higher forms of political struggles. This will come to a point when the political unification shall influence and finally determine the economic unification of the world proletariat.

At first the capitalists had recruited their own spies and informers in the factories under the workers who betrayed the interests of the workers for a blood money.

Also the lumpen proletariat helped the capitalists and later on the police, too, to carry out their subversive instructions to find out where the workers meet and prepare their actions and primarily to spy out their ringleaders. They had a whole informer net in the working-class areas and natural in all sorts of working men's associations later, too. By now, the world bourgeoisie has its global, branched and differentiated information net and well-organised means to control all labour movements all over the world. If it then came to actions, then they mingled the strikers, infiltrated the actions, revolts, mutinies, rebellions of the workers to undermine and subvert them from inside. They instigated subversions and provoked attacks by "agent troublemaker" to get get hold of those workers more easily who had "gone along with that." They blackmailed and threatened the worker families to make the worker silent or incapable of action in this way. The police thugs already were with her weapons in the ambush to arrest or shoot down the workers being on strike. The workers of a factory tried for their part to find the traitor in their own ranks. Unleashing their hatred they let them run the gauntlet, took the law into their own hands and assassinated the traitors.

To prevent the workers from holding their independent or illegal meetings, the capitalists and their governments finally organised their own legal "worker meetings" to control the movement of the workers this way. Union of the workers – yes - but legally regularized by the authorities. Of course the workers made use of these arranged (capitalist) "worker meetings" for themselves to make the most of it but the capitalist finally could put sufficient pressure (for example dismissals).

Only a worker union which united workers of many factories and many places removed this dependence of the worker “representations” of the single manufacturers. Only the worker union ensured all those fight means which were possible in the capitalist society at all. However, these worker unions became only more rights when the workers started to fight for their political liberties because all forms of worker unions only proved to be a pitiful deceit without these political liberties.

The political liberties don't remove the class struggle, they on the contrary always involve more and more masses of workers, and helped them to unite as a political class. The workers could fight politically only as an organized class. This did not grow from the trees but was achieved only by hardest class struggle.


Lenin:

"How has man learned to unite? First by the guild, then according to professions. When the proletariat had changed into a class it got so strong that it took the complete state machine into its hand itself, declared the war on the whole world and won the victory. Under these circumstances guilds and professional organizations already become a little reactionary. There was a time also in the capitalism where the workers united in guilds and according to professions. This was a progressive appearance at that time. The proletariat couldn't unite otherwise. It would have to be absurdly claimed the proletariat could have immediately organized itself as a class. This lasted for decades. Nobody has fought toward such short-sighted opinions like Marx. The class develops under capitalist conditions and, if the suitable time is coming for the revolution, it seizes the authority of the state and all guilds and professional unions will become outdated appearances. They embody some backwardness, they hold us back not therefore because any bad people would sit there but because bad people and opponents of the communism there find a base for their propaganda” (Lenin, volume 30, page 505-506, German edition, free editor `s translation).


"From the beginning of the development of the capitalism the labour unions as a transition of the fragmentation and helplessness of the workers to the beginnings of a class union meant a gigantic progress for the working class. When the highest form of class unification of the proletariat began to take shape, thus the revolutionary party of the proletariat ( which does n `t deserves its name as long as it had not learnt to connect the leaders with the class and the masses to a whole, to something inseparably connected) then the labour unions began to unbosom certain reactionary traces unavoidably, a certain narrowness of guild-habits, a certain addiction to political indifference, a certain stagnation etc.

However without labour unions and their co-operation with the party of the working class the development of the proletariat took place nowhere in the world and could not take place either “ (Lenin, Volume 31, page 35, German edition, editor `s free translation).


Why did the class struggle of the proletariat in the imperialist countries (Russia remained as the only exception until today) not lead to success, not to victory? Because the proletariat has remained in disunity in the imperialist countries. Because the proletariat not only was divided and scattered with the means of brutal violence of the police power and reactionary class judiciary but also by taking the bait of bribery, flattery, convincing the “ peaceful moderates” with little posts, by creating ranks of labour aristocracy, because the proletariat had to cope with a wage slavery combined with cultural slavery of bourgeois ideology which dangled out (socialist) hopes of the proletariat, especially the reformist and revisionist ideology ( Stalin called it guild socialism. And indeed socialism in one country degenerated to a certain amount to guild socialism, to bourgeois socialism. And again we shall have to take care about related traces of guild world socialism (globally revisionist traces) in the period of the transition to world communism).


The main point is that I myself get maximum wage, I don't give a damn about the others!" Self-estrangement, egoisms and arousing envy that `s how the bourgeoisie alienates the worker to make him growing apart from his class, from his class-consciousness. Split and divisive activities paid by money squeezed out from the colonies and the dependent, undeveloped countries !

That `s why there came up the labour aristocracy bribed by the bourgeoisie to corrupt the class-consciousness of the proletarians by the ideology of the capital to maintain exploitation both in the capitalist and colonised countries.

he world capital rules over the working masses in all the countries with the help of a renew global labour aristocracy today.


The working masses can overcome their global split, their worldwide fragmentation, only globally organised by uniting the countries against the new global labour aristocracy: World proletariat – unite all countries against the global labour aristocracy!”


The enmity among the working masses and among the progressive forces stirred up by the labour aristocracy (assisted by the reactionary, petty bourgeois clerisy) has its divisive source in the ideology of the world bourgeoisie. Only by its global liberation from strange class-ideologies the world proletariat will be able to overcome its own split and fragmentation on a global stage.

The global wage labourer who is conscious about the global capitalist roots of his split and division and who unites in the global struggle for the liberation of the world proletariat has marked the beginning of ceasing his life of a global wage labourer because the unification is the only source of strength of his victorious revolutionary uprising.


Therefore the bourgeois drubs his divisive ideology into the worker: "Well, you `re welcome to fight for the improvement in your situation as a slave labourer but regard any thought on the elimination of the slavery as a harmful utopia. Unite and form your own organisations – even your global organisations - to fight for the improvement of your life but regard your global organisation for liberating from the inevitableness of world wage slavery as the utmost harmful one of all your utopian dreams!”

From the very beginning the bourgeoisie tries with thousands of tricks to deflect from the purpose of the proletarians ` unity of their economic and political struggle against the class-enemy by sweeping the crying needs and burning issues under the rug and simultaneously to rivet on questions which are far away from the purpose to unify such as natural disasters, illnesses, religions, bread and circuses, amusement, distractions, addictions etc... ... short:

The more the brains of the workers will be covered over with rubbish - the better!"

By means of more and more cunning forms of modern opiates and narcotics the brains of the working masses are globally and systematically to be drugged, are to be besotted and cheated to do not strike the idea for thinking about oneself and to take direct control of the proletarian matter, to do not listen to the Communists, that is to say: to liberate revolutionary from the slavery life by unification. The fragmentation of the proletarian strengths - this is the reactionary policy of the bourgeoisie of the beginning and this is further more carried on by revisionism within the Communist and Labour movement.




The national and colonial question is subordinated to the social question. It is to be solved in the world scale.

( on the interrelation between the global and national unification)




Neither in a nationwide scale nor still less in a world scale the national question can be solved by the bourgeoisie. The national question can only be solved by the proletariat namely both in a nationwide and in a world wide scale.


Even the national bourgeoisies would like to put their nationalist carts before the world proletarian global horse to fend the infiltration of world capital off as the competing big “foreign rule” - but please, let “our own” nationwide exploitation and oppression apparatus untouched which is indispensably needed for the domestic proletariat. However no proletariat would neither settle for the struggle against “foreign” world capital nor against any other “foreign” capital. The global nature of the proletariat is to remove every rule and all rules of capital and this means that it never would ( and could ! ) quit removing all remaining national forms of capital even the one in one `s own country. You cannot fight against world capital aligning yourself with any national capital. You can only take advantage of the contradictions between themselves for the purpose to remove capital at all. The world proletariat keeps clearly in mind that world capital once sprung from national capital. And coming to the defence of national capital means nothing else than the further renewal and strengthening of the world capital and therewith the return of the national crises of capital, too. The world proletariat will not wait for the world revolution until the capital has finished its transition of all national capital into world capital. And the world proletariat cannot struggle against world capital successfully if the proletarians of the countries do not struggle for the socialisation of all national means of production: World proletariat – unite all countries against any national forms of capitalism!”

The world proletariat don `t want to be split and involved in both the cosmopolitan front of the world bourgeoisie (the front of the “foreign capital”) and the nationalist, self-supporting (shut-off) front of the domestic capital. And the proletariat of the countries will not be split and involved in the front “against” the world capital just to protect national capital, in the front of the domestic capitalists against the global capitalists etc. Both the world proletariat and the proletariat of a single country protect commonly their own interests – the removal of capital at all.

The proletariat is - as it is well known – is an international class and can therefore not stab their class brothers in the back – for example those in the neighbouring country - because every defence of the domestic capital is simultaneously a hostile "outside capital" for the proletarians of the other country which exploits and suppresses them, which takes their jobs off etc. This means splitting the world proletariat at long last.


For example, the world proletariat cannot struggle for secure jobs in this or that country if there are involved losses of jobs in other countries. This would stoke up the ruinous competition on the labour markets and is therefore not a good idea to lead the proletarians out of the trap of pay dumping. There will be no solidarity of the workers in the neighbourhood for the loss of employments in another country if it would cost the loss of their own jobs.

As long as the world capital is ruling it takes the capital of the national bourgeoisies in tow and in so far also the proletariat in the single countries – unless the proletarians refuse to be taken in tow, unless they form a detachment of the world proletariat in the world revolutionary struggle against world capital and so against the national capital in one `s own country, in all capitalist countries.

To so fight for job security in one `s own country the proletariat doesn't have only to ally itself to the proletarians of other countries, which fight for the same purpose on their part. The proletariat of every single country does n `t only expand its fight beyond national bonds. Internationalism is thinking outside the own country. Federalism among proletarians of all countries is not acceptable for the proletariat as a growing global class. We would be no Marxists-Leninist if we would not keep our word as proletarian internationalists if we would not keep on centralising the international class struggle. There is no proletarian internationalism without democratic centralism. The world proletariat is centralist not federalist. The world proletariat determines international relations of the proletarians of single countries from a centralist point of view. If the world proletariat grows then grows also its vital centralist necessity of the interrelation of the proletarians of different countries. Unavoidably some thoughts of internationality created and developed in single countries become a little bit antiquated and suffer under traces of national narrowness.

The Marxist-Leninist term of “international” is determined historically, which means nothing else than that it is subordinated to the changes of its own developing process. “International” in times of the Comintern has therefore not the same kind of meaning like in our times. If the nations develop and change then their interrelations develop and change, too, ineluctably. And so does proletarian internationalism. Originally the term “international” means something between (inter) national states, relating to, or involving two or more nations, cross-functional, reaching across, nation-spanning, extending across or transcending national boundaries etc. “International” is a term which developed on its basic stage of the horizontal interrelation of states (international, not-centralised, decentralised quantity). In fact we Marxists-Leninist are interested in the further development of the international horizontal towards the international vertical as its higher developed stage (global quality). We turn the interests of the world proletariat to the interrelation of the single country and the globe, the interrelation between the single part and the whole. This is different from the interrelation between parts and other parts (independently from the whole, without the whole). If there is a world proletariat coming up then the proletarians of the single countries change as its detachments and that means that the international class struggle is not any longer horizontally but vertically, a vertical unification and organisation of the proletarians of the single countries, a centralised unification and organisation.


The worker of today globalises his internationalist class struggle to that effect that he upgrades lower forms to higher forms. Achieving its new global quality means: centralising international class struggle top down and democratising bottom-up.


Today, the class struggle of the proletarians in a single countries emerges from the international class struggle of the proletarians of all countries, arises from the centralised struggle of the world proletariat.


In this international class struggle the proletarians of all countries merge to one and only global class, to the world proletariat – the highest form of the proletarian class which features the highest form of proletarian class-consciousness by its vanguard – the internationalist, world socialist, world communist class-consciousness.

We Marxists-Leninist help the proletariat to understand that the world capital determines about the destiny of every job in every country of the world at long last.

The worker can only decide on the destiny of his job at long last when he determines himself about the destiny of the world capital. However this cannot be done any longer staying as the worker of the class of his country. He can do this only globally - by becoming an inseparable part of the world proletariat in his country.

Organising his class struggle vertically the worker reaches eye-level with the quality of the world capital which developed actually not different from world labour.

Without world labour no capital - without world capital no world labour.

If the capital strives for its reproduction on a global stage then the worker strives for the reproduction of his job on a global stage, too.

This is the globalised self-preservation fight in the capitalist society.

Self-preserving the capital has to destroy and to remove jobs of workers ( needlessly to say that we do not mean the world proletariat as the whole class because world capital cannot reproduce itself without this class and as it reproduces the world proletariat inclusively its unavoidable blood letting of jobs) in the same way as the worker on his part has to destroy and to remove the world capital self-preserving.

If the worker must fight for his job in a global scale, if he – no matter in which country – runs across the predominant world `s labour market everywhere and to any time on which the workers of all countries are forced to meet and to compete then the predominant worker of every country becomes a world labourer and then he is not a worker reproducing his country but the globe then every single country as well as all countries reproduce world capital to reproduce themselves, then no worker can reproduce himself without reproducing world capital.

It seems so as if the once self-contained class struggle in the single countries shall remain as the strongest factor. And indeed: This factor even still grows because the pressure of the exploitation of every country intensifies in addition by the pressure of the world capital into every country. But class-struggle in the countries increases through this by becoming an incitement factor of the complete world proletariat.


"The political, social and cultural conditions of its fight cannot be unimportant to the proletariat, consequently the destiny of its own country cannot be unimportant either. However the countries ` history is only important in so far as it does concern its class struggle” (Lenin, Volume 15, 1908, German edition, free editor `s translation). This was written a hundred years ago and is still valid. Perhaps we could add to does concern its class-struggle” - its international class-struggle.

Although the class struggle in the country of one's own keeps special and different national forms today the contents is not the same any longer (as in times of Lenin when he wrote this) because the class-struggle will be determined by less inner nationwide conditions but more and more by outer, economic, political, social and cultural conditions thus by the global conditions.

Which conclusions would Lenin draw from it today?

Lenin wouldn't give up the further necessary forms of the national class struggle with regard to the over-all interests of the world proletariat. In the contrary, he would strengthen these forms by filling them with world revolutionary contents.

How so? The political, social and cultural conditions of the fight of the proletarians of all other countries cannot be unimportant to the proletariat who leads the class-struggle in one `s own country, consequently the fortune of all the other countries cannot be unimportant either.

However, the proletariat of a single country is only in so far interested in the fortune of other countries as it does concern the international class-struggle in one `s own country.

The political, social and cultural conditions of the fight of his proletarian detachments in all countries cannot be unimportant for the world proletariat who leads the international class-struggle. The fortune of all countries of the world consequently cannot be unimportant for the world proletariat.

However, the world proletariat is only interested in their fortune in so far as it does concern the global class-struggle.

This means that the world proletariat utilises the formula: "Class struggle in one `s own country!” in an internationalist way , namely as the formula: "World proletariat unite the class-struggle in all countries!"

So it is: things which seem to appear now may not appear till eternity necessarily.

A bigger and bigger proportion of the proletariat of a country gets internationalised by the world capital. The proletarians are not only transferred from one country to another, but to many other countries, all countries all over the world and the domestic proletarians on their part work more and more for the world capital instead of working for the capital in one `s own country – not for periods of generations, not for a life-time, not for decades, not for a couple of years, not for one year, but utmost for months, weeks and even for days and hours.

With other words: World capital itself equips and arms the workers of the single countries with global weapons of class-struggle in their own country, helps them to get rid of national chains (although for the purpose to tie the global chains up more easily !), provide them involuntarily their world view beyond the edge of the nationwide plates, paves the way for the proletarians global self- awareness about their coming world revolutionary power, indirectly :

There was no fatherland of the so called “” in the 19th century. The “unpatriotic bunch” of the 20th century had a socialist fatherland at least, although not yet the whole world of socialist fatherlands. The globalised (so called) “unpatriotic bunch” of today will get to work on it. However, what will the “unpatriotic bunch” do for tomorrow? The “unpatriotic bunch” of tomorrow shall liberate the world from fatherlands at all, from patriotic wars for creating the stateless, peaceful world of tomorrow, makes out of all nations a world without nations.

This is the historically pre-marked march of the "unpatriotic bunch" across their centuries, the communist way of the proletarians of tomorrow: World proletariat unite all nations for the world without nations!" A lot of water is going to flow under the bridge of the countries until there is no country left over.

In the meantime, the countries still need themselves and the world needs the countries still either. As to us Communists, we are the last ones who would like to “steal" the world `s countries ! However the one who steals countries, who destroys nations and their unity, who snaffles a whole lot of states and who is the biggest enemy of the nations – that is the world capital, is the world bourgeoisie and neither the world proletariat nor us Communists. That `s why the world proletariat and us Communists unite and defend the nations in their struggle against the hostile world capital.


"As long as there are national and state differences between the peoples and countries – these differences shall last for a very long period even after the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat all over the world - the homogeneity of the international tactics of the Communist labour movement of all countries requires not the removal of manifoldness, not the repeal of national differences (...) but such a usage of basic principles of Communism ( Soviet power and the dictatorship of the proletariat), with which these principles will be modified in detail and correctly adapted to the national and nation-state varieties” ( editor `s free translation of Lenin `s writing: „Der ´Radikalismus` , die Kinderkrankheit im Kommunismus“).


Till now it looks like workers who edge towards the big industrial states forced by unemployment, low pay, political persecution, political discrimination etc. or emigrants who finance from there the return to their domestic countries which they once had to leave because of the fear of losing the means of their existence.


Under the conditions of the globalisation the world bourgeoisie takes advantage of the nationalist movement as a tool of class struggle against the world proletariat. The world bourgeoisie is not afraid of putting national movements on the base of socialism formally. It has remained the old aim to turn the proletarians of every country away of their great international tasks by entanglements in national and racist fights, against foreigners etc.

The bourgeois nationalism in the hand of the world bourgeoisie is to betraying the proletarians of the country into splitting off both the proletarians of other countries and the world proletariat - exactly in the divisive interest of the world capital. One cannot put on a level bourgeois nationalism in the hands of the national bourgeois in previous periods with the present bourgeois nationalism in the hands of the world bourgeoisie who force through the interests of world capital by means of the national bourgeoisies as the detachments of the world bourgeoisie. This means that one cannot either put on a level the proletarian internationalism in the hand of single countries in previous periods with the present proletarian internationalism in the hand of the world proletariat who forces through socialism by means of the proletarians of the single countries as the detachments of the world proletariat.


In the past it always was like this: the workers were cheated. Even in the first period of socialism the bourgeoisie destructed socialism and restored capitalism.

The world bourgeoisie has this ruse of class war in petto and hopes to be successful in cunning the world proletariat twice in the row. In regard of the second period of socialism the world bourgeoisie schemes in secret the struggle against world socialism, the struggle for the restoration of world capitalism by all means. The world bourgeoisie is on to every dodge to cheat socialism for a second time. The world bourgeoisie leaves nothing untried to adopt our formula : World proletariat – unite all countries!” as her own to exchange its world revolutionary contents for the poison of bourgeois (revisionist, “socialist”) nationalism with the purpose to bring the workers to lose faith in their own power of the unity of the proletarians in all countries and to give up their struggling for world socialism.

If the world proletariat would have decided to struggle for the aims of world socialism finally then the world bourgeoisie would certainly raise a hue and cry, would launch howls such as : ”Oh what a crime, stirring up the world revolution for the destruction of the democratic civilisation `s world order - do you want the world fascism?” ( according to the well-known bourgeois argument of equating left wing and right wing, world socialism and world fascism etc. By this the world proletariat should be prevented from being driven into extremism – no matter whether it would be about the right or the left one!). However, the world proletariat sees through all these cunning bourgeois dodges which really answer the purpose for misusing our world revolutionary formula: World proletariat – unite all countries!” The world proletariat is interested in increasing globally the class conflicts instead of blunting them by class reconciliation in the privacy of one `s own domestic country. Class reconciliation between bourgeoisie and proletariat in single countries – that `s to the world capital `s liking in its struggle against the world revolution and the world proletariat. It is world capital which pretends to defend the interests of the countries but indeed world capital is the biggest extremist against the countries, an extremist who covers his exploitation of the countries behind “a heart of gold for the countries”.

And the national bourgeoisie? Of course she prefers to praise such (naturally, to split the unity of the world proletariat!). For its nature socialism is internationalist. There is no reconciliation between internationalism and nationalism neither in the national nor in the international scale. Proletarian internationalism is the ideology of the proletariat and proletarian nationalism is – in the contrary - a bourgeois ideology. The form of socialism was national but the content was internationalist in the first epoch of socialism. Socialism had neither in its first epoch nor has it in its second epoch any kind of national character because the proletariat is a global internationalist class.

Those so called "Communists", who don `t want to know anything about the world revolution are welcome to equivocate about the socialist revolution in their own country to cover their enmity against the socialist world revolution (by reconciliation with the bourgeois ideology of “socialist” nationalism). The true purpose is obviously the misuse of the proletariat for saving the bourgeois ` ass. The bourgeoisie of the countries fear to be engulfed by the world capital, but the bourgeoisie is all the more afraid of the executioner `s axe of the world proletariat. That `s why the bourgeoisie seeks refuge in all kind of “socialisms “ (other than the world proletarian socialism!) which declare to be reconciliatory within the countries and hostile towards any foreign threats (for example that of the world proletariat).

By dissociating from such "Communists" and by fighting against such "Communists", we don't split our rows but dam back the infiltration of the bourgeois-revisionist ideology and we consolidate, deepen and enlarge our unity.

Without homogeneity in the basic questions of global communism, without homogeneity at the global application of the Marxism- Leninism on the permanently changing conditions the world revolutionary proletariat cannot fulfil its historical mission.


The defence of the “national culture” (in inverted commas because the bourgeoisie does actually not defend any more but betrays and degenerates the culture of the nations. In this case we don `t mean the culture of a socialist country but that of capitalist nations - once commanded by the national bourgeoisie and now by the world bourgeoisie who pretends to represent the culture of all “civilised” countries with the purpose to split, degenerate and liquidate the culture of the [proletarians of the] countries) is the proved means of the bourgeoisies of all nations with the aim to split and shatter the world proletariat and its developing global culture in all countries of the world.

The proletarians of all countries only can guarantee their international culture in their own country, this means the internationalist culture of the labour movement and the socialism in their country if they follow the watchword of the world proletariat: "World proletariat - unite the national cultures of all countries!" This can only be taken for granted by the global merge of the proletarian culture of all countries and by unfolding the own international culture all over the world on one `own part. Only the world proletariat in power will be that force which guarantees the prosperity of the internationalist proletarian culture in every single country.

Just as in times of Lenin when there were still elements of working and exploited masses within the cultural life of every country – even in low developed countries – who tended spontaneously to proletarian culture unavoidably, respectively whose life conditions made them susceptible to proletarian culture, there are also such elements in the countries who are attracted to new global forms of culture – even in low developed countries - who do not only produce globally material goods but also ideas of global proletarian culture and who feel called upon the effect that a new global type of internationalist global world proletarian culture will prosper.

We talk about international elements of the socialist culture which are globally faced with the ruling class-culture of the world bourgeoisie by means of the national bourgeoisies as the detachments of the world capital in every country.

There is neither a national nor a world culture above the classes because both are product and result of their dictatorship in the particular class society. The class struggle between the world proletariat and the world bourgeoisie is quasi a class struggle between both their cultures, too. They can coexist impossibly. This was only possible and unavoidable in times of the first epoch of socialism. There is either the dominance of the culture of the world bourgeoisie or that of the world proletariat. Historically the culture of the world bourgeoisie will be once removed by the victorious world proletariat irreversibly. The concept of the culture is a class concept. Today, the ruling culture in every country is always the culture of the ruling exploiter and oppressor classes with the world bourgeoisie on top.


The culture of the working classes of every country is the culture of proletarian internationalism. It is internationalist according to its contents and formally national whereby the national forms will disappear in favour of internationalist forms, however this will take place step by step within a longer period and not completely. There will still remain certain national elements which cannot and ought not be rubbed out totally.


"This is the general human culture on the way to socialism: proletarian is its content and national is its forms. The proletarian culture doesn't annul the national culture, it rather provides the contents of the national culture. And reversibly: the national culture does not rub out the proletarian culture but provides its national form to be able to develop. The watchword of the national culture was a bourgeois watchword as long as the bourgeoisie was at the power and as the consolidation of the nations began to take place under the aegis of the Soviet power.

Who hasn't understood this principle difference between the two different situations, this one will ever understand neither the Leninism nor the nature of the national question" (Stalin "About the political tasks of the university of the east peoples", May 18th, 1925, German edition, free editor `s translation).


The culture of the world proletariat is the world culture of proletarian internationalism. It is both internationalist according to the contents and the form - on the final stage. But this is not yet possible in the period when world socialism removes world capitalism, thus on its primary stage. In the beginning world socialism cannot skip its first period. On its initial stage world socialism cannot do without socialist nations hence without the culture of the socialist nations. In the contrary, the development of the culture of the socialist nations is basically a precondition for that subsequent period of world socialism when the nations die away by their gradual merging and when the world socialist culture begins to develop a new, higher quality without the socialist nations. Therefore the world socialist culture is interested in supporting the development of the internationalist culture in every single country. And reversibly:

The socialist culture of the nations does not hinder the development of world proletarian culture but they provide the forms for its content, enrich world proletarian culture, are complementary. The national forms of the proletarian culture change gradually into international forms until they finally completely dissolve themselves in the classless global society. They shall pave the way for new global cultural forms.


The working class is interested in the contradictions between the ruling world culture and the ruling national cultures of the bourgeoisie only in so far as they ease the international cultural war of the world proletariat by merging the proletarian culture in every country with the aim, firstly to destroy the cultural power of the world bourgeoisie and thus the culture power of the bourgeoisies of the countries and secondly to establish the cultural power of the world proletariat and thus the cultural power of the proletarians in the countries.

We fight for the world culture of the socialist world proletariat just as we are also fighting for the socialist culture of the proletariat of every country which enriches its global culture. However we don `t do this neither by subordinating other cultures violently nor by burying them with the own privileged culture as the world bourgeoisie is practising this today. We do this by sharing the proletarian culture of our own country with the proletarian cultures of all the other countries solidly. We do this by taking a more and more active role in the process of mutual cooperation, protection and prosperity with the aim to create commonly the proletarian world culture.

The international culture of the world proletariat doesn't conflict with the national culture of the workers of all countries, it rather presupposes these because the international culture of the world proletariat is nothing else but the unification, the fusion of the worker cultures of all countries on a qualitatively higher step ladder.

The socialist world revolution counts on the internationalist, proletarian culture in every nation and supports every proletarian culture to become the ruling culture of the nations.


The world capital has created its own bourgeois internationalism in the course of its globalisation with which proletarian internationalism is confronted irreconcilably and hostilely at present.

Internationalism has historical class character (internationalism = striving for an inter-state association: A) striving for a socialist inter-state association and B) striving for a capitalist inter-state association).

We approach proletarian internationalism with historical and dialectical methods and therefore we cannot ignore that there is not only the proletarian but also the bourgeois internationalism under conditions of globalisation. The bourgeois nationalism is not a static and immovable item.

Bourgeois nationalism changed under the conditions of the class struggle, under the conditions of the development of the world capital, under the conditions of the developing world bourgeoisie as an international class, has become a weapon of the world bourgeoisie. The world capital cannot develop freely if it cannot count on the national bourgeoisies. The world capital always demotes the national bourgeoisies to henchmen of the world bourgeoisie, exchanges them if they don't do what the world capital wants.

For the concentration and centralization of the world capital a certain (controlled) autonomy (independence) of the single bourgeois states remains formally indispensable despite increasing trend of global state-rationalisations and this is one of the facts why the national conflicts caused by the world capital are unsolvable for the capital – with the consequence of the further globally increasing enslavement of the peoples.

Globalisation of capital has caused the irreconcilable contradiction between the process of the economic unification of the peoples and the rigid world imperialist methods of this unification. The globalisation of capital revealed the world bourgeoisie `s total bankruptcy of solving the national question.

The opposite trend does n `t fail to appear namely the trend to revolt against globalised capitalist forms imposed violently by the centralisation and concentration of world capital. It is an unavoidable and inappeasable anti-capitalist struggle of everybody who is taken in by world capitalism. And we make no secret of the ignorance of world capital unable to smooth the ghosts which it has invoked once. World capital is the parting of the nations` ways.

Once established by capitalism the nations` freedom can only be guaranteed by the overthrow of capitalism. World socialism guarantees the solution of the national question by solving the social question globally.

A continuance of global capitalism is impossible without exploiting and suppressing the nations just like the continuance of world socialism which is inconceivable without the liberation of the nations, without national freedom in a world scale.

Every movement of separating from world capitalism, every movement which weakens the world capitalism will strengthen the world proletariat and has to be supported in the favour of the world revolution.

The movement of the single nation `s separation from the world capitalist system globalises the front of all exploited and suppressed nations.

If the world proletariat has succeeded to lead the struggle for the overthrow of world imperialism victoriously then the peoples liberated from their yoke will certainly support the establishment of world socialism. This is the way of the fusion of the national liberation movements and the proletarian movement under the conditions of the fight against the globalising world capitalism.

The inevitableness of the national liberation movements is removed by the fall of the world bourgeoisie who suppresses and exploits the nations and who is therefore the cause of the national liberation movements.

Just as the destiny of the capitalist nations is closely related to the destiny of the world capital, the destiny of every national liberation movement is also connected with the destruction of the world capitalism. That `s why the national liberation movements get a global dimension and therefore a lever of the world revolution on their part. A subsiding of the national liberation movement definitely is possible only with the fall of the world bourgeoisie.

The national liberation movements aren't aimed at this or that imperialist “great” power, against this or that national exploitation and suppression, but against the whole exploitation and suppression system of all allies of world imperialism any more: World proletariat – unite all national liberation movements against world imperialism!”

Concerning the globalised liberation struggle of all anti-imperialist forces of all nations it is again the globalised world capitalism itself which attracts , merges, antagonises , centralises against itself all its counteracting powers. By merging a united, and anti-imperialist world front closed in itself the national question gets a global connectivity and is therefore ready for the approach of the global solution of the international question. World proletariat - unite all nations to solve their national question!”

It `s the globalised world capitalism which brings the liberation movements of the countries and the proletarian movements of the countries together and which consequently meets requirements for the victory of the socialist world revolution.

The national question will be solved by the victory of the socialist world revolution in a world scale for long and the national question cannot be solved differently than than by the fall of the world bourgeoisie either.

In the first period of socialism the national question of the single socialist country was solved temporarily, but finally it can only be solved globally by the mutual support of all countries – thus in the second epoch of socialism.

The dictatorship of the world proletariat does not only cause and seal but also guarantee the solution of the national question in the world scale and in the perpetuity thus for each of the nations.

The bourgeoisie failed to solve the national question for over hundred years. The bourgeoisie shattered and destroyed the nations by countless wars and two world wars, fuelled enmities and conflicts among each other and is still unable to turn around national crises. Us Communists shall solve this question within a couple of years after having consolidated the socialist world revolution – and all this by peaceful agitation and propaganda. This shall take place unavoidably because we have removed the antagonistic contradictions by the global establishment of world socialism.

Who separates the particular national question from the world question which is an inseparably linked component of the question of the general socialist world revolution separates it from becoming solved, restores the national question, smuggles in bourgeois nationalism.


Who wants to see the growing difference between bourgeois nationalism under the aegis of the single national bourgeoisie and under the centralized aegis of the world bourgeoisie is just as little a Marxist - Leninist as people who don't want to admit the difference of proletarian internationalism under the aegis of the dictatorship of the proletariat in "one" country and under the centralized aegis of the dictatorship of the world proletariat.

Denying the admission of this fault would endanger and harm the socialist world revolution seriously. With this fault the victory of the proletarian world revolution would be questioned completely. If the national question changed under conditions of globalisation then the solution of the national question changes as well.

Entering the global stage the world proletariat gets its own outlook of the solution of the national question such as the working class in the “one” socialist country has had its own opinion about it. The nature of the solution is still the same but the way of the solution is not the same because of the two different periods.

It is still difficult for many a Communist to accept the dialectics of the changing national question.

The solution of the national question is inseparably bound to the solution of the question of the socialist world revolution today. Firstly this is a principal question which has to be fought through and carried into the Marxist-Leninist world movement. And secondly It has become a question which must be solved practically by the proletariat.

In organizational regard the national question of the world proletariat can only be solved with the help of the centralised proletarian world party and not federally, thus by the lose alliance of the parties in single countries which pretend to advocate the world party but who are neither willing nor able to subordinate under the Marxist-Leninist principles of the world party.

If one would confine oneself to the former type of socialism in “one” country as the last and finally closed stage of socialism, if one would renounce the global stage of socialism, if one would not bother to enter the second epoch of socialism – then one won `t need the world revolution, then one won `t need the world party. Besides Lenin and Stalin, the leaders of the world proletariat did never think and act like this. In the contrary, they led the Marxist-Leninist struggle against these revisionist thoughts. In first line they were internationalist and centralist leaders of the world proletariat, of the world revolution and leaders of the Comintern. In second line they were the leaders of their own beloved socialist fatherland. Lenin and Stalin struggled for a strong socialist Soviet Union to serve the world revolution of the world proletariat and not the other way round.

The VII. World Congress of the Comintern opened the revisionist about-turn. Following this revisionist line led unavoidably to the dissolution of the Comintern. This was the leave-taking of the world revolution. From then on the solution of the national question was wrest from the world proletariat and the single Communist Parties were left to their own devices - unable to uphold their close formation as sections of the world party. What followed was the revisionists coming into power by social-fascism and social-imperialism. The new formation of the Marxist-Leninist movement derived from the struggle against modern revisionism. In the year 2000 the solution of the national question returned to the world proletariat due to the foundation of the Comintern (ML).

One cannot leave the solution of the national question to single Communist parties because the proletariat of every country has to deal with the political domination of the world bourgeoisie who plays with the destiny of the nations.

The national question therefore became a matter of the world proletariat who struggles against the world bourgeoisie dominating the nations. To solve the national question on an nationwide stage the proletariat has to disempower the world bourgeoisie on a worldwide stage. There is no other way out to solve the national question.

Every nation has undoubtedly the right to decide freely on its own destiny as far as it doesn't curtail the same right of all other nations, no matter whether it is a bourgeois or proletarian nation. It is also uncontentious that every Communist party must decide on the solution of its own national question but this matter of a course is not the point.

The point is that the final solution of the national question can be guaranteed not until the world proletariat comes into political power, not until the world bourgeoisie is disempowered, nut until the nations are liberated from world capitalism. Left on their own the proletarians of a single country are neither able to liberate from world capitalism nor to solve their national question. Neither the world revolution nor the revolution in one `s own country, neither the solution of the social nor the national question lead to success single-handedly. If all these questions become global questions they cannot be solved but globally.


"Thus the principle of the international combination of the workers as an inevitable point at the solution of the national question” (Stalin, volume 2, page 333, German edition, free editor `s translation).


Proletarian internationalism is an instrument of the class struggle of the whole world proletariat - thus a class instrument in the hand of one class.

Bourgeois nationalism was the decisive instrument against proletarian internationalism in the first epoch of socialism thus at times of Lenin and Stalin. Proletarian internationalism `s lever and base was then the dictatorship of the proletariat in "one" country.

Bourgeois nationalism and proletarian internationalism were the two predominant instruments of the two world camps, that of the capitalism and the socialism.

In the second epoch of the socialism -that is under today's conditions – bourgeois internationalism is an instrument of the world bourgeoisie against world socialism. Proletarian internationalism is fought by bourgeois internationalism to prevent the socialist world revolution.

Such as bourgeois nationalism is used for the split and division of the working class of the countries, bourgeois internationalism is used for the split and division of the world proletariat. The class struggle around the national question generates more and more international forms in times of globalisation.

So it is not a matter of the existence of the nation at all, not a matter of the form of the nation (= retaining unchanged) but a matter of the nation `s class contents, a matter of changing the capitalist nations into socialist nations.


On the ruins of the old, bourgeois nations the new, socialist nations arise and develop which are much more merged than any bourgeois nation because they are free from antagonistic class contradictions which erode the bourgeois nations. A socialist nation represents much more the whole people than any bourgeois nation” (Stalin, “The national question and the Leninism”, 1929, German edition, free editor `s translation).


At long last, it no longer only deals with the single nation in itself but with its inter-state association. The question is whether the nations remain in the hands of the world bourgeoisie or change hands to the world proletariat. More and more it deals with the mutual, united liberation from the foreign rule of capital, which hinders and destroys the social and national life in all countries. Because of this the decisive, common step of the revolution is the fall of the world capital.


To liberate from both the "own" one and the "foreign" bourgeoisie, from both the national and the world bourgeoisie, the anti imperialist strengths of all countries must unite under the leadership of the world proletariat if they will win.

So bourgeois internationalism grows out of bourgeois nationalism by the globalisation of world capital. Not this or that “civilised” nation struggles against this or that “terrorism” but the whole “civilised” world struggles against worldwide “terrorism”. The nations take part in this worldwide struggle not under their own leadership but they share the leadership of the world bourgeoisie.

If fatherland `s defence is an expression of bourgeois nationalism then the defence of the “civilised” world expresses bourgeois internationalism.

Single interests of national bourgeoisies are subordinated under the over-all interests of the world bourgeoisie just as bourgeois nationalism is subordinated under the bourgeois internationalism – national cultural slavery paves the way for world cultural slavery without abdicating by some reactionary “rebel” of neo-nationalism and neo-fascism.

There is no doubt about the interaction of bourgeois internationalism on the one hand and of world proletarian internationalism on the other hand. The polarising struggle between bourgeois and proletarian internationalism decides over the solution of national question.


Now there are two watchwords of internationalism which face each other antagonistically:


The internationalism of the world proletariat who moves up the global ladder and the internationalism of the world bourgeoisie who redescends . At the time of Lenin the nationalism of the imperialist “Great” powers predominated all the other nationalisms and now it is the nationalisms of the “Great” powers which have grown together and integrated themselves by their over-all world capitalist interests. However, the nature of the bourgeois ideology is both the same, so that we can still assume what Lenin taught about

both the big class camps of the whole capitalist world (...) and both the kinds of policies (rather: both the world ideologies) on the national question” (Lenin, Volume 20, page 11, "critical remarks on the national question", free editor `s translation).


Lenin talked with good reason about the two tendencies of capitalism which form together the world principle of the capitalism", namely:


"The first tendency: Awakening of the national life and the national movements, fight against every national oppression, forming of nation-states. The second tendency: Development and multiplication of the miscellaneous relations of the nations, pulling down national borders, forming of the international uniformity of the capital, the business life at all, the politics, science etc., " (Lenin, ibid page 12, free editor `s translation).


And due to the objective conditions of the principally further developing society `s order the global order of the world bourgeoisie will be replaced by the global order of the world proletariat , not because the world proletariat will “make it better” than the world bourgeoisie, not because the world proletariat is “more clever” or “shrewd”, not because of the “majorities” of the masses etc., but because global capitalism of the world bourgeoisie ( inclusively all the capitalist nations) shall collapse due to the unsolvable contradictions which are self-produced by maintaining the thriving for maximum-profits. The self- destruction of capitalism takes place in spite of and independently from the will of every capitalist order of the society. And the ideology of the bourgeoisie shall follow the downfall of its class. In so far the destiny of the national question is equal to the destiny of world capitalism. The solution of the national question is brought about the collapse of world capitalism.

Today's watchword of proletarian internationalism: World proletariat - unite all countries against the world bourgeoisie!" is faced by the world bourgeois watchword: World bourgeoisie - `unite´ all countries (rather: assimilate them by the world capital !) against the world proletariat!"


The transition of the capitalist nations into socialist nations is a question of the struggle for or against their assimilation by the world capital.


Lenin taught: There will remain the one world historical tendency of capitalism (...) namely blurring the national differences and assimilating the nations which emerge more and more powerfully, and which form the greatest motive powers of the transition from capitalism into socialism” (Lenin, ibid page 13, free editor `s translation).


The class struggle of both these two watchwords for the establishment of socialist respectively for the maintenance of capitalist countries is a fight for the international solution of the national question, is the fight for the solution of the international social question, is a fight for or against the socialist world revolution, is a fight for or against world socialism.

Today, the assimilation of the nations is one of the greatest motive powers which transform the world capitalism to world socialism .

The awakening of counter motive powers as a consequence of the assimilation policy of the world capital was correctly foreseen by Lenin.

Being forced by global assimilation policy of the world capital provokes the world revolutionary resistance of the nations, wings their hopes and will to fight for their national freedom.

If we would slip up to capitalist assimilation policies, if we would force the merge of socialist nations by violence, this would drive them into capitalism `s arms. Stalin spoke out on assimilation policy:


"It is, of course known that the policy of the assimilation is hostile to the people, is a counter revolutionary policy, a corruptive policy which has to be excluded absolutely from the armoury of Marxism - Leninism " (Stalin, " the national question and the Leninism, 1929, German edition, free editor `s translation).


The point is to free the assimilation policy from its imperialist and social-imperialist chains. Assimilation in the hands of the imperialists is reactionary however in the hands of the proletariat it is revolutionary because it improves the prosperity of the single socialist country as well as the prosperity of the whole World Union of all socialist countries ( see the last Lenin quotation above). From proletarian assimilation benefits the single nation as well as the whole world socialist system. Proletarian assimilation is based on voluntariness to become a motive power of world socialism. Assimilation policy in the hands of social imperialists is counter revolutionary either. The assimilation policy of the revisionist Soviet Union was a social imperialist, chauvinist assimilation policy to subdue all the other Soviet countries.

To certain degree we can speak about the restoration of capitalism as a special form of the world capital `s assimilation policy. In this sense the restoration of socialism cannot be the same assimilation policy to establish world socialism.


If the international dictatorship of the proletariat has freed the suppressed countries, then these will have to recover from their yoke of capitalist slavery. And therefore they need some time for themselves to relieve suspiciousness towards the dictatorship of the world proletariat.

All this isn't settled with any decrees but takes a whole period of the nations` rebirth (“rebirth” - here not meant as a new edition of nations of the 19th century but understood as the nations` process of transition from dying capitalist nations giving birth to the socialist nations). There isn't any nation which is to one half capitalist and to the other half socialist. In the period of world socialism there are no capitalist or “half-capitalist” countries, not any “interstage,” but only socialist nations which are more or less advanced. Anything else is “socialist” castles in the air! The first epoch of socialism was the epoch of the interstage, the co-existence, of socialist and capitalist countries. The second epoch of socialism is the epoch without any capitalist nations.

The development of the second epoch of socialism is not at all straightly but subordinated under its own contradictory principles of growing. However these contradictions are not antagonistically any more. Well, there are a lot of remains and relict of bourgeois nationalism, there are contradictions among the new socialist nations which have to be overcome by class-struggle against those reactionary forces who are dreaming of the restoration of the capitalist world namely the revisionists. These developing problems cannot be solved just by resolutions.

This requires the further development of Marxism-Leninism, requires a higher quality of the proletarian internationalism, requires the advancement of socialist internationalism. Socialist internationalism is advanced proletarian internationalism, is the internationalism of the socialist nations in the second epoch of socialism. Socialist internationalism is the motive power of the socialist world proletariat to merge the union of socialist nations for the purpose of creating a one and only socialist world nation.

These are future theoretical tasks which we have to carry out if we want to convince the world proletariat of the advantages of world socialism. The world proletariat wants to know everything about the aim and purpose of the future world order. The world proletariat will not be contented with just destroying the capitalist world order. The world proletariat likes to know how to establish a better world , how to improve the world according to one `s own wishes and demands.

The world proletariat will remove the national oppression in the world scale. The world proletariat wrecks the national privileges of nations opposite other nations. The world proletariat supports the unity of the economic and political interests of all nations.

However, this doesn't mean yet that we abolish the national differences, the national languages, cultures, life-forms etc.. One cannot abolish them. They die away like the classes. We should have in mind that nations at all, no matter if they are capitalist or socialist , have basically class character. If one wants to remove the inevitability of the nations ` class character, the national differences and contradictions etc., then one has to remove the nations at all. However one can neither force the abolishment of the differences and contradictions among the nations nor the replacement of nations at all.

On the contrary, the free development of the national cultures under the conditions of the dictatorship the world proletariat is the only revolutionary watchword of the world socialist nations. For its merging a socialist nation must be ripe enough.

What is a fusion in its pre-mature, immature stage worth for world socialism, worth for the single socialist nation? This would cause the motive powers of merging to change into its own stumbling blocks and at least aggravate and complicate the merging process and stop it at the worst. Nobody is served with that but the restoration of the capitalism. The removal of the world capitalism is the first prerequisite for the fusion of socialist nations but the completion of the whole fusion process lasts for a longer historical period. This depends on the single nations themselves last not least and on the solidary support of the whole socialist world community .


"It seems almost incredible that we are both supporters of the future fusion of national cultures to a common culture (both in form and content) with a common language and simultaneously supporters of the prosperity of national cultures at this moment, in the period of the dictatorship of the proletariat. However, this is n `t an odd thing at all. The national cultures have to get the opportunity to unfold and to develop and to tap their full potential to level the playing-field of merging to a common culture with a common language in the period of the victory of socialism in a global scale. The blossoming of cultures – nationally formal and socialist in contents - under the conditions of the dictatorship of the proletariat in ONE country for the purpose of their merging to a common ( both in forms and contents) socialist culture with a common language, when the proletariat was victorious in a world scale and when socialism is adjusted to everyday domestic life – this entails the dialectics of Lenin `s questioning about national culture” (Stalin, On the deviation of the national question, 27th of June, 1930, German edition, free editor `s translation).


Stalin differed both the two epochs of socialism and struggled for the completion of the first epoch in preparation of the second period. That `s , what `s all about it: World proletariat – unite all nations for world socialism!” - “World proletariat unite all national cultures and languages!”


If everybody is equipped with all those means of communication which allow to use and exchange all languages of the world ( and this is easily conceivable in our era of communication) then the world speaks in one language which means that the world enables the countries to communicate with every language. So to speak the global language is neither communicating in any exclusively one national language (as the over-all language) nor in an eclectically contrived language ( al language which would be a mix of all languages) but in a global system of communication which settled the technical problems of global translations. Speaking the global language means to be able to solve the translation problems from any language into any other by global equipments of communication technology which can be used by everyone and all. The pre-condition of the common language of the world is the technical solution of translating any language into any other language. Philosophically speaking we shall reach the accordance of the common global language with every single native language. One language – this would not mean: one of all the single national languages but the one language which can be used as one for all of them, for their common usage. This one is not meant as one part in itself but as such one whole which unites all parts to be used universally. One language means letting all languages ( and even not only the national ones but actually all usable languages at all). Communication with all languages so that the world understands itself as well as the nations understand the world better than from the edge of the national plate. The identity of the common and the single language opens the entrance to the realm of the freedom and emancipation of all languages, the emancipation of the common world language. In this way the native language is not bound to the understanding among natives themselves any longer but usable for the understanding of the whole world community and reversibly the world community gets a better understanding of any native speaker and thus of everybody. To speak in one global language is applicable to live in one global community – at first with all united nations then with merged nations thus with one big global nation - or more precisely without any nations. The new world language will be a homogeneous product of the world community itself – independently from the nations` different languages, independently from classes etc. This is what Stalin meant with tapping the nations`full potential to level the playing-field of merging to a common (...) language in the period of the victory of socialism in a global scale.”

The coherence and cohesion of parts and the whole concerning the nations and their languages can be generalised in terms of the “individual” and the “society”:

The individual plays a part in contributing to liberate the society such as the society plays a part to liberate the individual. This way the individual liberates from the society and reversibly the society liberates from the individual. By their mutual liberation they can both liberate from themselves if they commonly succeeded to get rid of their class character. This is the way to the absolute liberation of both the individual and the society. This does not mean at all that their coherence and cohesion will get lost. In the contrary, this means that they can unfold both their further development on a higher stage. The point is that only such forms of interdependence shall disappear which forced them to be involved in struggles of classes, in struggles of survival etc. With the mutual removal of all these forcing inherent necessities their interactions can then be based on both their own free will. There will be co-operation of their own accord. It `s up to them to decide whether to unite or to separate. The individual can move about freely and the society can move about freely either.


If the world capital comes to the point where even the last individual of the world is involved in it then this last individual of the world will come to the point of the removal of world capital. Making the last individual “happy” means the “happy-end” of world capital.




We are enemies of the bourgeoisie `s national and world “culture”. We distance ourselves from any “culture” of exploiters and suppressors. We fight against all of them because they try to prevent the world proletariat from bursting one `s slavery chains of culture . In principle there is no difference of being kept on nationwide or world wide cultural leading – strings. That `s why both the whole world proletariat and the proletariat of every country has to stand in a common front against those people who try to construct any “contradictions” between nationwide and worldwide bourgeois “cultures” just to divide and split the globally united cultural front against the bourgeoisie more easily. You cannot support the struggle against the “culture” of the world bourgeoisie by supporting the “culture” of this or that national bourgeoisie and vice versa. The world proletariat relies on its own independent culture to lead the global cultural front against the bourgeoisie.


The separation and renunciation from world capitalism and merging for world socialism is not the same step for the nations, this needs time and cannot be achieved in the same breath.

But if we bear a helping hand for the breakthrough and finally the removal of world capitalism then we bear a helping hand to unite and merge the socialist countries in the socialist World Union, too. This way the world proletariat shall approach all its unification tasks.

To clear the way for getting rid of bourgeois influences the world proletariat will need a whole period of world socialism. The world proletariat has to gain its own experience before its unification under the banner of world communism can be realised.

You can join communism not until you departed from capitalism completely. The proletariat unites for the purpose to secede from capitalism. The proletariat secedes from capitalism for the purpose to unite in socialism. The proletariat goes a long way round the world before it arrives in one `s own socialist country: Breaking through the structure of the nation, overcoming the national barriers, uniting globally, building up own global structures and from there turning back to the removal of the bourgeois national structures and then to the up building of socialist structures in one `s own country. The proletariat of a single country unavoidably has to pass through its global, dialectical metamorphosis before it is able to move from its capitalist nation into its socialist nation. That `s the proletarian metamorphosis of the first into the second epoch of socialism, the metamorphosis of the socialist revolution.


" `Separation for the purpose of unification`. This may hardly be conceived. This sounds downright paradoxically: Whilst this `contradictory` formula reflects that vital truth of the Marxian dialectic which gives the Bolsheviks the possibility of storming the most unconquerable fortresses in the field of the national question” (Stalin, "about the deviations in the national question, June 27th, 1930) .


So the unification process of the world proletariat is a process full of contradictions, a process of two sides which have an effect on each other and - only by being able to have an effect on each other they actually lead to the unification.

The national bourgeoisie always endeavours to separate the workers of her country from the workers of the "foreign" country to split them. Whilst the proletariat of this country always endeavours to overcome its split of the proletariat of another country.

The fight of the proletarians of every country against the national bourgeoisie is the essential content of the same internationalist struggle for unification of the world proletariat both in the suppressed nation and in the suppressing nation, however, formally this struggle of unification cannot be the same under conditions of globalised world imperialism.

The unification of the proletarians in the imperialist countries will be eased under the conditions of the globalisation, for example the unification process of the proletarians of the countries within the European Union.

At the same time the unification process with the proletarians of those countries will be aggravated which will be increasingly suppressed, exploited and split by the imperialist European Union. Therefore it is indispensable to unite both the unification processes in the suppressing and suppressed countries. For the example of the European Union the proletarians within the European Union have to unite commonly with the proletarians of those countries, who are increasingly exploited and suppresses by the advancing imperialist European Union. And the proletarians of all involved countries have to unite commonly against the united European imperialism.

The world proletariat may not be misled that there would be “no use” of fighting against national suppression solely because world capital pulls down all national barriers by itself. There is no polar opposite between national and international division of class struggle against national and international suppression and exploitation. It is impossible to let the proletarians of their country fight against their own national suppression on the one side and to let the world proletariat fight against its “own” global suppression on the other side.

It is a naive fallacy that the struggle against national exploitation and suppression would serve the world capitalists allegedly who thereby could force the national bourgeoisies to defend their “rights” still more vehemently. By this the “own” proletariat would be brutally exploited and suppressed under the pressure of the world capital and therewith the unification process of the proletarians of all countries would be aggravated. This would result in a class pact with the national bourgeoisie and therefore in the neutralisation of the influence of the world proletariat in its struggle against world capital in a national scale.

The world imperialism has won over the socialism, why it would be “useless” to give some thought to political world democracy – that `s what the “economists of globalisation” are talking about.

In the contrary, just because the global monopoly capitalism negates the nations` struggle for democracy the global struggle for and against world democracy shall meet with its enormous sharpening in every country, shall meet with world revolutionary importance.

To ignore, negate or underestimate the struggle for world democracy in every single country borders on committing a crime against the socialist world revolution.

If one stops fighting for global democracy only because world imperialism does abuse this as a deceit at the world, one has already stopped fighting for world socialism. If one stops fighting against the national oppression only because world imperialism abuses the national oppression as a justification to invade any country, then one has stopped fighting against world imperialism.


If world imperialism rambles on the "defence of the civilized world" by robbing and murdering the peoples with force of arms, this is then deceit. However, if one really defends the civilized world against the barbarism of the so called “civilised world”, whether against the modern barbarism of the world imperialists or the medieval barbarism of the reactionary rulers in any country, this is not at all a deceit then. We do not play neither into the hands of the world capital nor into the hands of the reactionary capitalist nation if we call for the real democracy of nations which world imperialism misuses to mask its modern, globalised colonialism.

The fight against any national oppression is an internationalist duty of the world proletariat if this serves the revolutionary fall of any foreign rule.

If the masses of a nation fight against any aggression and rapine of a foreign regime then it is progressively, it is to be supported solidarily and unconditionally - then it is a (global ) defence of this fatherland because the defence of any fatherland suppressed by another country, by an alliance of countries or even by the “civilized world” itself, serves also to all the other suppressed nations, serves to their common freedom. This globalised national liberation struggle serves to the world revolution of the proletariat. Therefore the necessary international alliance of the suppressed countries against the international alliance of the suppressing countries to strengthen the class warfare of the world proletariat against the world bourgeoisie, therefore our formula: World proletariat - unite all countries!"

If the masses of any nation try to free themselves from their own bloodsuckers , then this again is also progressive and has to be supported solidarily and unconditionally by the masses all over the world. And finally, if the masses of any nation try to free themselves both from their inner and outer bloodsuckers then this has to be supported by the masses of other nations and last not least by the world masses themselves solidarily and unconditionally.

But the masses of any nation can neither take shelter from foreign bloodsuckers to get rid of one `s own bloodsuckers and more less this can be done by the masses of another nation who support them.

That `s why the nations need to give themselves a helping hand to get rid of both their inner and outer bloodsuckers: World proletariat - unite all countries!" The world proletariat shall support the socialist reorganisation of every country in which it was victorious (step by step)


In the heroic fight of every single suppressed nation against the complete world alliance of the world capital the proletarians of the whole world shall form the united front of all nations in the spirit of proletarian internationalism.


The ancient imperialist split of the world proletariat by the privileged proletarians in the suppressing countries and the underprivileged proletarians in the suppressed countries shall fall by globalised labour slavery and pennilessness. One of the most important brake shoes of the unification of the proletarians of all countries falls by world capital itself. The conditions of the ripening of the world revolution converge in a world scale. We mentioned already that this is a case of objective processes, because world capital strives for the world capitalist development in all countries, i.e., for the power of world capitalism in every single country by the replacement of its ancient capitalist structures in favour of global structures to submissively obey as world capital `s national detachments.


The world proletariat cannot defeat the world imperialism not until the solidarity of the proletarians of the imperialist countries will be organised together with the proletarians of the suppressed countries (and reversibly the solidarity of the proletarians of these countries is needed for the common fight against world imperialism).

The world bourgeoisie `s proclaiming of globally equal rights of all nations and the removal of all antagonistical differences between the suppressing and the suppressed nations went bust.

For the world proletariat it is, however, a really just demand, the world proletariat fights therefore for winning over all the nations to make easier and accelerate this demand, the world proletariat unites all nations for this demand!

The victory of the socialist world revolution over the world bourgeoisie, the victory over the global suppression of world imperialism is completely impossible not until any unequal treatment of nations, any national suppression, any privileges of nations, exploitation of nations will be removed. The world dictatorship of the proletariat is a great dream not until the world proletariat grows up as a self-independent, revolutionary class, not until the world proletariat has formed its detachments in all countries. Otherwise the world bourgeoisie maintains, renews, reconquers or restores world power.


The world proletariat will be able to cause the connection of the proletarian detachment of every country only to such degree as it manages to convince this department to do not remain as the world capitalist detachment. Convincing the workers of a country of the proletarian world revolution means to convince them of the necessity of changing all the nations from world capitalist detachments into detachments of the world proletariat.





We have started with forcing the revisionists to act against our world revolutionary formula.

We `ve got them off the starting blocks, have forced them to appear on OUR battle field of anti-revisionists struggles for the purpose to smash the revisionist.

Unavoidably the revisionists have to revise our formula on the formal bottom of Marxism-Leninism and to exchange its world revolutionary spirit by bourgeois contents.

They have to refute our formula by effecting quite the reverse.

It is now up to them to direct our formula against ourselves and to split the world proletariat.

We will even more successfully aim their intentions against themselves ! We fight revisionist fire with revisionist fire!


Now then ! Take up your revisionist arms ! You'll get them readily defined:

World proletariat - unite all countries!" in words, split all countries against the revolutionary world proletariat in deeds!

Communist International - unite the Communist parties of all countries!" in words – split all Communist parties of the countries against the Communist International in deeds!


From now on we have to fight against both these revisionist formulae by all means !

World proletariat – unite all countries against revisionism !

If we have seized control from the revisionist weapons of the world bourgeoisie then this will ease the unification process of the world revolutionary proletariat in all countries and then the world revolution will not be too long from now.

The victory of socialism in the world scale will be a victory over revisionism in the world scale, too !


Arise ye workers from your slumbers
Arise ye prisoners of want
For reason in revolt now thunders
And at last ends the age of cant.
Away with all your superstitions
Servile masses arise, arise
We'll change henceforth the old tradition
And spurn the dust to win the prize.

Refrain:
So comrades, come rally
And the last fight let us face


No more deluded by reaction
On tyrants only we'll make war
The soldiers too will take strike action
They'll break ranks and fight no more
And if those cannibals keep trying
To sacrifice us to their pride
They soon shall hear the bullets flying
We'll shoot the generals on our own side.

No saviour from on high delivers
No faith have we in prince or peer
Our own right hand the chains must shiver
Chains of hatred, greed and fear
E'er the thieves will out with their booty
And give to all a happier lot.
Each at the forge must do their duty
And we'll strike while the iron is hot.



World proletariat - unite the socialist revolutions of all countries, unite all countries to the socialist world revolution !

The world communism will triumph !



Long live the socialist world revolution !

Long lives the international dictatorship of the proletariat !

Long live Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Hoxha!

Long live the Communist International (Marxists-Leninist) !



Executive Committee of the Comintern (ML)

31st 12th 2006

(Wolfgang Eggers)