Long live Comrade Stalin!

5th of March, 1953

On the occasion of the 50th Death Day

the Comintern (Marxist-Leninists)

sends revolutionary salutations

to the Sections,

to all the Marxists-Leninists

and to the friends

of comrade Stalin

all over the world.





Advance notice:

It is planned to publish an article to honour Stalin`s merits

as the greatest proletarian internationalist and leader of the world proletariat,

as the best leader of the Comintern together with comrade Lenin,

the leader of the center of the world revolution - the Soviet Union

On the German language web site we published an article

on occasion of the 50th Death Day of comrade Stalin:

How Comrade Enver Hoxha defended Comrade Stalin

against Mao tsetung

and the Chinese revisionism (in German language)





Beforehand the Comintern-ML selected an excerpt of Stalin`s work that are rather timely:



Excerpt from: „Results of the July Plenum of the C.C. C.P.S.U. [B]“

I .The Comintern

1. MAJOR PROBLEMS OF THE SIXTH CONGRESS OF THE COMINTERN

(„Leningradskaja pravda“ No. 162, June 14, 1928)



„The danger on new imperialist wars and intervention is the main question of the day



What are the major problems which confront the Sixth Congress of the Comintern at the present time?

If one looks at the stage passed through between the Fifth and Sixth Congress, it is necessary first of all to consider the contradictions which have ripened in this interval within the imperialist camp.

What are these contradictions?

At the time of the Fifth Congress very little was said about the Anglo-American contradiction as the principal one. It was even the custom at that time to speak of an Anglo-American alliance. On the other hand quite a lot was said about contradictions between Britain and France, between America and Japan, between the victors and the vanquished. The difference between that period and the present period ist that. of the contradictions in the capitalist camp, that between American capitalism and British capitalism has become the principal one. Whether you take the question of oil, which is of decisive importance both for the development of the capitalist economy and for purposes of war; whether you take the question of markets, which are of the utmost importance for the life and development of world capitalism, because goods cannot be produced, if there is no assured sale for them; whether you take the question of spheres of capital export, which is one of the most characteristic features of the imperialist stage; or whether, lastly, you take the question of the lines of communication with markets or sources of raw material - you will find that all these main questions drive towards one principal problem, the struggle between Britain and America for world hegemony. Wherever America, a country where capitalism is growing gigantically, tries to butt in - whether it be China, the colonies, South America, or Africa - everywhere she encounters formidable obstacles in the shape of Britain`s firmly established positions.

This, of course, does not do away with the other contradictions in the capitalist camp: between America and Japan, Britain and France, France and Italy, Germany and France and so on. But it does mean that these contradictions are linked in one way or another with the principal contradiction, that between capitalist Britain, whose star is declining, and capitalist America, whose star is rising.

With what is this principal contradiction fraught?

It is very likely fraught with war. When two giants come into collision, when they find the earth too small for both of them, they strive to cross swords in order to decide their dispute over world hegemony by war.

That is the first thing to bear in mind.



A second contradiction is that between imperialism and the colonies. This contradiction existed at the time of the Fifth Congress, too. But only now has it assumed an acute character. We did not at that time have such a powerful development of the revolutionary movement in China, such a powerful shaking up of the vast masses of Chinese workers and peasants as occured a year ago and as is ocurring now. And that is not all. We did not at that time, at the time of the Fifth Congress of the Comintern, have that powerful stirring of the labour movement and the national-liberation struggle in India which we have now. These two major facts bring squarely to the force the question of the colonies and semicolonies.

With what is the growth of this contradiction fraught? It is fraught with national wars of liberation in the colonies and with intervention on the part of imperialism.

This circumstances also must be borne in mind.

There is, lastly, a third contradiction - that between the capitalist world and the U.S.S.R, one that is growing not less but more acute. Whereas at the time of the Fifth Congress of the Comintern it could be said that a certain equilibrium, unstable, it is true, but more or less prolonged, had been established between the two worlds, the two antipodes, the world of Soviets and the worl of capitalism, now we have every ground for affirming that the days of this equlibrium are drawing to a close.

It goes without saying that the growth of this contradiction cannot fail to be fraught with the danger of armed intervention.

It is to be presumed that the Sixth Congress will take this circumstance also into consideration.



Thus all these contradictions inevitably lead to one principal danger - the danger of new imperialist wars and intervention. Therefore, the danger on new imperialist wars and intervention is the main question of the day.

The most widespread method of lulling the working class and of diverting it from the struggle against the danger of war is present-day bourgeois pacifism, with its League of Nations, its preaching of `peace` , its `prohabition` of war, its talk of `disarmament` and so forth.

Many think that imperialist pacifism is an instrument of peace. That is absolutely wrong. Imperialist pacifism is an instrument for the preparation of war and for disguising this preparation by hypocratical talk of peace. Without this pacifism and its instruments, the League of Nations, preparation for war in the condition of today would be impossible.

There are naive people who think that since there is imperialist pacifism, there will be no war. That is quite untrue. On the contrary, whoever wishes to get at the truth must reverse this proposition and say: since imperialist pacifism and its League of Nations are flourishing, new imperialist wars and intervention are certain.

An the most important thing in all this is that Social-Democracy is the main channel of imperialist pacifism within the working class - consequently, it is capitalism`s main support among the working class in preparing for new wars and intervention.

But for the preparation of new wars pacifism alone is not enough, even if it is supported by so serious a force as Social-Democracy. For this, certain means of suppressing the masses in the imperialist centres are also needed. It is impossible to wage war for imperialism unless the rear of imperialism is strengthened. It is impossible to strengthen the rear of imperialism, without supressing the workers. And that is what fascism is for.

Hence the growing acuteness of the inherent contradictions in the capitalist countries, the contradiction between labour and capital.

On the one hand, preaching of pacifism through the mouths of the Social-Democrats in order more effectively to prepare for new wars; on the other hand, supression of the working class in the rear, of the Communist Parties in the rear, by the use of fascist methods, in order then to conduct war and intervention more effectively - such are the ways of preparing for new wars.

Hence the task of the Communist Parties:

Firstly, to wage an unceasing struggle against Social-Democratism in all spheres - in the economic and in the political sphere, including in the latter the exposure of bourgeois pacifism with the task of winning the majority of the working class for communism.

Secondly, to form a united front of the workers of the advanced countries and the labouring masses of the colonies in order to stave off the danger of war, or, if war breaks out, to vonvert imperialist war into civil war, smash fascism, overthrow capitalism, establish Soviet power, emancipate the colonies from slavery, and organize all-round defence of the first Soviet Republic in the world.