1921 - 2011
Long live the 90th anniversary of the Portuguese Communist Party – PCP !
Long live the 35th anniversary of the Portuguese Communist Party (Reconstructed) - PCP ( R ) !
of communists from Portugal:
Let us found a new Stalinist-Hoxhaist Party
guided by the teachings of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism
and learning from the experiences of the PCP (R) !
In October of 1917, the Great Socialist Revolution erupted in Russia. This was a major event which not only inspired the struggle for people’s liberation all over the world, but also opened the path to a higher stage of the human society – the socialist and later communist society.
It was in the aftermath of this immense victory for the world proletariat and the oppressed masses that the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) was born, in 1921. At that time, the Portuguese political and economical context was explosive. A bourgeois-democratic coup against the monarchy had happened in 1910. Despite the fact that it was inspired by progressive principles, the new republican bourgeoisie was unable to alleviate social discontentment derived from Portugal’s participation in the First World War which caused a deep economical crisis. The truth is that the republican bourgeoisie could not satisfy people’s demands because it continued to be a bourgeoisie interested in the perpetuation of the capitalist system, no matter how “progressive”. When the news about the October Revolution reached Portugal, the republican “democratic” bourgeoisie accentuated the oppression of the workers’ movement. Therefore, the first years of the PCP’s life were passed under intense surveillance and repression by the “liberal” bourgeoisie. In the beginning, the PCP was a very small party which was internally divided into various currents, including anarchist and Trotskyite tendencies. Despite the claim that it was inspired in the October Revolution, the truth is that the PCP was far from being an authentic party of the Bolshevist type.
In its first years, the PCP had a lot of difficulties not only in the application of the essential principles of democratic centralism, but also in making Marxism-Leninism the predominant ideology inside the party. Furthermore, external obstacles were added to the internal ones. The Portuguese monopolists, the great landowners and the powerful Catholic hierarchy were becoming nervous because of the numerous strikes and popular demanding which gained a new breath with the example of the Bolshevist Revolution. Thus, in 1926, seeing that the bourgeois illusionist “democracy” no longer served them as a capitalist form of regime, the Portuguese bourgeoisie imposed a rightist and traditionalist dictatorship which had so many similarities with Italian fascism that we can certainly talk about a Portuguese type of fascism that lasted until 1974. Like all the other varieties of fascism, one of the main characteristics of the Portuguese fascism was its intense anti-communism and, although small, the PCP was one of the main targets. In the middle 30’s, the PCP was almost completely liquidated. The fascist agents were implacable with the Portuguese communists, having imprisoned and killed great numbers of party members (the first general-secretary of the PCP was murdered by the torture of the fascist secret police, and there were many others like him).
The following decades would be decades in which the PCP went underground because of the fascist anti-communist reign of terror. However, after the first blow of repression, the PCP started a process of internal reorganization with the aim of becoming a genuine Leninist party. In this, the Portuguese communists were helped by the fraternal Soviet Union of Comrade Stalin and it was also during this stage that Alvaro Cunhal (one of the most know Portuguese communists which later became one of the most known Portuguese social-fascists) and his group started to lead the PCP. All this took place in a time when the PCP was an active section of the Communist International of Lenin and Stalin. The International Communist gave essential support for the PCP’s struggle against fascism not only in the European part of the Portuguese colonial empire, but also in the African colonies which were subjected to the most ferocious colonial barbarism. Even when Portuguese fascism was at its maximum strength, the PCP organized strikes, intense underground activity and propagated Marxism-Leninism among Portuguese working masses. For example, when Portugal supported the clerical-fascist forces of Franco during the Spanish Civil War and provided them with food and weapons, the PCP supported the anti-fascist forces in that war through propaganda, material aid and also through the sabotage of the transport of weapons from the fascist Portugal to Franco’s forces. Portuguese communists worked under very difficult conditions, constantly risking their own lives. In one second, they could be captured by the fascist police, being tortured or even killed. Until the revisionist takeover in the Soviet Union, the PCP was a very fiery and brave party, even because the conditions of clandestinity and repression imposed by fascism sharpened its members’ astuteness, audacity and ideological firmness (a similar phenomenon, but in an even higher degree, occurred with the Communist Parties of Spain, of Italy and of Germany, for instance).
During the Second World War, the Portuguese regime was ideologically identified with the Axis and only the extremely severe economical crisis which affected Portugal as well as the bad shape of the country’s army avoided its participation in the war on the Axis’ side. However, the Portuguese fascists decided to help their ideological partners in another manner. Under the guise of fake “neutrality”, they took huge quantities of cereals and food from the country’s depots in order to provide the Axis with them. This caused a severe hunger in the country, especially in the rural areas. In this situation, the PCP launched a campaign against the hidden support that the Portuguese fascists were giving the Axis, thus denouncing what was the real cause of the shortage of cereals. Besides this, the PCP also unmasked fascist lies about the Soviet Union of Comrade Stalin and united the Portuguese people in solidarity with the heroic struggle of the Red Army against Nazi-fascist forces. The “Avante” nº 56 in June of 1944 (the newspaper “Avante” is the most important informative organ of the PCP) illustrates this campaign very well.
The defeat of the Axis was a heavy blow for the Portuguese fascist regime. It lost its main external references and was faced with the overwhelming popularity of the victorious Soviet Union and of the emergent popular democracies. With this, the PCP multiplied its forces and promoted strikes and demonstrations all over the country to celebrate the overthrowing of Nazi-fascism.
It was also immediately after the end of the Second World War that some sections of the Portuguese bourgeoisie started to defend the abolition of the open fascist dictatorship and its replacement by a bourgeois “democracy” of the British model. The PCP defined that it would be correct to work with this bourgeoisie with the aim of overthrowing the fascist regime, while maintaining the party’s ideological and organizational independence towards bourgeoisie and assuming its future role in the transformation of the democratic anti-fascist revolution into a socialist revolution.
However, the fascist regime, now backed by Anglo-American imperialism, launched a new wave of repression over the Portuguese communists; in 1949, the main leaders of the PCP, including Cunhal himself, were arrested and imprisoned by the fascist police. These leaders were to remain in prison during the entire 50’s and while they were incarcerated in the fascist dungeons, the world communist movement knew drastic changes and defeats. In 1953, Comrade Stalin died, after which the Khrushchevite revisionism took power and started the capitalist restoration in the Soviet Union. The Portuguese communist leaders were incommunicable in prison and only knew about these changes many months (or even years) after their occurrence. However, the revisionist spirit which would pollute the entire party was already present. For example, in July of 1956 the “Avante” states that:
“The XX Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union which took place last February represents a new stage in the creative development of Marxism-Leninism, which is of great importance for all communists, for the international workers’ movement and for all peoples around the world.” (“Avante”, nº 217, July 1956, translated from Portuguese).
They even dare to say that:
“The XX Congress of the CPSU is living proof of the impetuous march of the great soviet people towards Communism.” (“Avante”, nº 217, July 1956, translated from Portuguese).
“The denunciation of Stalin’s personality cult reveals the Leninist way in which Soviet leaders put their trust in Soviet people and in the worker’s international movement. It restored collective guidance within the CPSU (…) A party which acts which such degree of honesty and confidence in the working masses can only be a genuine Marxist-Leninist party which is guided by experienced and honored leaders.” (“Avante”, nº 217, July 1956, translated from Portuguese).
So, for the Portuguese revisionists, the Khrushchevite bandits which were leading the SU were “honorable” people!
And they go further with their revisionist and treacherous line:
“The crucial victories in what respects socialist edification and defense against international reaction were unjustly attributed to Stalin, thus erasing the Party’s deeds and the people’s accomplishments. Stalin was not a modest communist and he promoted the personality cult around himself. Stalin affronted the teachings of Marx, Engels and Lenin (…).”
“The wrong theory developed by Stalin according to which class struggle would intensify in the period after the proletarian revolution led to the use of terror against the reactionary classes that were already too weakened to represent credible menace to the Revolution, it led to the unjust and severe punishment of many innocent people, (…) and the annihilation of good communist militants and honored soviet citizens. Stalin broke the rules of democratic centralism and of socialist legality (…).” (“Avante” nº 217, July 1956, translated from Portuguese).
So, the Portuguese revisionists plainly deny the necessity of the continuation of the class struggle after the victory of the proletarian revolution and falsely consider that “the reactionary classes were too weakened to represent credible menace to the Revolution” in Soviet Union. This is obvious proof of their espousal of Khrushchevite revisionism. In fact, after the proletarian revolution and during the proletarian dictatorship, the class struggle doesn’t stop. On the contrary, it can even increase its intensity, because the reactionary forces get desperate and launch the most lethal attacks against the new proletarian power.
“The proletarian dictatorship doesn’t mean the end of the class struggle; on the contrary, it continues through new ways. The proletarian dictatorship is the victorious class struggle of the proletariat which overthrew bourgeois political power. The bourgeoisie is defeated, but not destroyed nor extinct and continues not only to resist, but also to increase that resistance.” (Lenin, cited by Stalin in The Questions of Leninism, 1931, translated from the French edition).
Of course, the proletarian dictatorship is not only some kind of abstract ideological victory over the bourgeoisie. No. The proletarian dictatorship can only grant the edification of socialism and the “superior organization of the productive work” (Lenin) through the effective elimination of the imperialist-capitalist order. Every Marxist-Leninist knows that until the day that communist society is assured and that the danger of capitalist restoration is totally surpassed is always necessary to strengthen the proletarian dictatorship in order to smash the bourgeoisie and to totally destroy the foundations of the capitalist socio-economical system. It’s crystal clear that this process cannot advance without the use of revolutionary violence by the proletariat against reactionary forces.
“Scientifically speaking, the dictatorship (of the proletariat) is a power which is not limited by law (…) and which is directly based on violence.” (Lenin, cited by Stalin in The Questions of Leninism, 1931, translated from the French edition).
To affirm the contrary means to defend capitulationism and anti-communism, means to defend the Khrushchevite thesis according to which “socialism is irreversible”. This thesis only defends capitalism’s interests because it weakens the proletarian dictatorship and permits the penetration of bourgeois influences inside communists’ ranks.
As Comrade Enver Hoxha correctly observed:
“In the political field Khrushchev and his group besmirched and discarded the Marxist-Leninist theory and practice about the class struggle and the dictatorship of the proletariat, calling it a "Stalinist distortion" and proclaiming the whole historic period of Stalin's leadership a "dark, anti-democratic period, a period of violations of socialist legality, of terror and murders, of prisons and concentration camps." The road was thus opened for the liquidation of the dictatorship of the proletariat and for its replacement with the bureaucratic and counter-revolutionary dictatorship of the new "socialist" aristocracy which was born and was developing, all this being covered with the deceptive slogans of "democratisation" and of "restoration of freedom and socialist justice" allegedly "lost and now regained." (Enver Hoxha, The Demagogy of the Soviet Revisionists Cannot Conceal Their Traitorous Countenance, 1969, edition in English).
As if all this was not enough, the Portuguese communists even qualify all those criminals who tempted against the glorious Soviet Proletarian Revolution and tried to hinder the Liberation of Mankind in favor of the bloody and exploitative capitalist system as “innocent people” and “good communist militants” who received “unjust punishments”!!!
Furthermore: “The struggle against Stalin’s personal tyranny was very difficult because Stalin’s prestige was so strong that any attempt to take him out of power would have been misunderstood by the soviet people and by the workers’ international movement.” (“Avante” nº 217, July 1956, translated from Portuguese).
So, according to the Portuguese revisionists, the soviet people and the workers’ international movement were some kind of idiots who were incapable to see the “great evils” that Stalin was making and even dared to see him with “prestige”. Without wanting to do so, the Portuguese revisionists said the truth. Stalin had really a great prestige among world proletariat. But it was more than that. More than prestige, Stalin was loved by the world proletariat. And that’s why the revisionists needed all their lies and fabrications in order to deceive the oppressed peoples and to obliterate the great esteem that Stalin enjoyed among those peoples.
Stalin was a great man, he is the fourth Classic of Marxism-Leninism, he is one of the greatest proletarian leaders. As Comrade Enver Hoxha affirmed:
“It is a crime to attack the great work of the Comintern and the Marxist-Leninist authority of Stalin, which played a major role in the creation and in the organizational, political and ideological consolidation of the communist and workers’ parties of the world. For its part, the Bolshevik Party was a powerful aid for those parties, and the Soviet Union, with Stalin at the head, was a great potential in support of the revolution in the international arena.” (Enver Hoxha, The Khrushchevites, Tirana, 1980, edition in English).
As a direct consequence of its adoption of Soviet revisionism, the PCP adopted a capitulationist and opportunist stand towards the united fronts with other political forces. In August 1956, in an article entitled “For the united electoral front” it’s said that:
“We, communists, (…) don’t want to be the leading force behind the unified anti-fascist movement (…) because the direction of this movement belongs to all the anti-fascist forces, and communists are among those forces.” (“Avante” nº 218, August 1956, translated from Portuguese).
These conceptions of the strategies and tactics in the context of common fronts with non-communist parties are opposed to those indicated by Comrade Enver Hoxha:
“The Marxist-Leninist party is not and in principle cannot be against collaboration or common fronts with other political parties and forces, when the interests of the cause of the revolution require this and the situation makes it necessary. However, the Marxist-Leninist party never sees this as a coalition of chieftains and as an aim in itself, but as a means to unite and arouse the masses in struggle. The important thing is that in these common fronts the proletarian party must never for a moment lose sight of the class interests of the proletariat and the final aim of its struggle, must not merge itself in the front, but must preserve its ideological individuality and its political, organizational, and military independence there, must fight to secure the leading role in the front and to implement a revolutionary policy there.” (Enver Hoxha, Imperialism and the Revolution, Tirana, 1979, edition in English).
But let’s return to the PCP’s historical trajectory. In January 1960, the PCP’s leaders managed to escape from prison and, after that, they went to Moscow, where they participated at the Meeting of 81 Communist and Workers' Parties in Moscow in November 16, 1960. This was the historical Meeting in which Comrade Enver Hoxha openly and fiercely unmasked Soviet revisionism. However, the PCP’s leaders preferred to accommodate themselves to the new Soviet leadership and fully embraced revisionism, opposing the correct Leninist positions of the Albanian Comrades. When reporting that remarkable Meeting, they affirm:
“The Meeting confirmed not only the strength and the internal cohesion (?!!) of the Socialist Camp, but also the strength and the internal unity of the international communist movement.” (“Avante”, nº 296, January 1961, translated form Portuguese).
Shortly after, it became known that the Portuguese revisionist leaders had unanimously approved and ratified the conclusions of the Meeting of 81 Communist and Workers' Parties.
Concluding, the Portuguese revisionist leaders don’t even mention the Party of Labour of Albania’s disagreement, giving the wrong idea that everything was “pacific” and in agreement with the Khrushchevite treacherous line. They didn’t even try to criticize Albanian Marxist-Leninists for having refused the revisionist and social-imperialist line which the PCP was following. In fact, since the revisionist takeover in the Soviet Union, the PCP completely ignored Socialist Albania. For the Portuguese revisionists, the anti-revisionist struggle of the Party of Labour of Albania never existed.
And today? Who fills the revisionist shoes? The neo-revisionist ICMPLO! In fact, since the revisionist takeover in Socialist Albania, the ICMLPO completely ignored the merit of comrade Enver Hoxha. The ICMLPO allegedly “defend” the merits of comrade Stalin, however, this is totally impossible without defending the merits of comrade Enver Hoxha, the best Stalinist ever, the 5th Classic of Marxism-Leninism. For the ICMLPO, too, the anti-revisionist struggle of the Party of Labour of Albania never existed.
Nowadays, when faced with these proofs of revisionism and treason, the Portuguese revisionists claim that at the time of the XX Congress of the CPSU the main leaders were in prison, had few contacts with the exterior world and because of that they could not properly analyze the conclusions of that Congress. However, this argument doesn’t hold water because, as we shall see, all the actions that the Cunhal group undertook after its escape from prison were in accordance with the revisionist “theories” of the XX Congress of the CPSU, were directed against Marxism-Leninism and in favor of Soviet social-imperialism.
Despite the fact that the Cunhal group claimed to fight against rightist opportunism within the party, the truth is that the PCP leadership was infected by Krushchevite revisionism. Some years later, Cunhal tried to apologize himself for having betrayed communism by saying that he disliked Khrushchev and considered that he “had weakened the Socialist camp”.
However, the truth is that the PCP’s leaders were unable to denounce Krushchevite betrayal, were unable to honor the name of their party. In doing this, they condemned the PCP to be nothing more than an instrument of the Soviet social-fascism which exploited and oppressed the world peoples. They also deceived Portuguese people’s struggle against fascism, because one cannot fight against classical fascism while supporting a fascism of another kind. They covered the Portuguese communist movement with shame.
During the 60’s and the beginning of the 70’s, the Portuguese revisionists fully embraced social-imperialism. In 1964, the Portuguese revisionists with Cunhal at their head published a “communiqué on the situation of the international communist movement”, in which they promise to do “everything possible to defend the unity of the international communist movement” against the “divisional activities” of the CP of China. This was nothing more than a clear sign of the most abject resignation yo revisionism. The P “C” P leaders not only refused to defend Marxism-Leninism against Khrushchevite revisionism, but also tried to hide their treason behind the lie of the “struggle for unity”. The Portuguese revisionists loved to say that: “we are always for the unity inside the world communist movement.” But unity with whom? In the case of the P “C”P, it was certainly not unity with the genuine Marxist-Leninist forces. On the contrary, it was unity with the Soviet social-imperialism. The Portuguese revisionists were deeply anti-communist because they desired the liquidation of the international communist movement by defending its submission to the dominant rule of the Soviet revisionist leadership.
In that same year, Álvaro Cunhal wrote an answer to a letter of the CPSU entitled “A timely initiative”, in which he openly exposes his party’s commitment to the treacherous line of the CPSU and expresses his total agreement with the intentions of the Soviet revisionists of condemning the CP of China, the PLA, etc.
We must note that the year 1964 was crucial for the Portuguese revisionists. The essential content of their opportunist policies during the 60’s and the 70’s was inspired in the consultations which took place that year.
In the following year, the soviet revisionists celebrated the 30th anniversary of the 7th Congress of the Comintern. The decisions of this 7th Congress (which were later openly confirmed by the XX Congress of the CPSU) represented a rightist deviation from the Stalinist decisions of the 6th Congress and for that reason it was celebrated by the Soviet revisionists. This event represented the continuation of the “peaceful way to socialism” propagated by the Khrushchevites. Despite the fact that the Portuguese revisionist leaders did not participate in this “meeting”, the truth is that the 7th Congress of the Comintern had a great influence in the wrong course later followed by the P“C”P regarding anti-fascist struggle.
In 1966, the social-fascist Cunhal launched another article which was published in “Pravda” and in which he speaks about the history of the Soviet Union, while totally omitting the great merits of Stalin. As if this was not revisionism enough, he also says that “We consider the Soviet Union still as the main bulwark of socialism.” and that “To withdraw from the USSR is a heavy crime against the working people and socialism – means: working into the hands of the imperialists.” Cunhal’s ultra-revisionist positions were on the antipodes of Comrade Enver Hoxha’s Marxist-Leninist positions: “A true Marxist-Leninist has the duty of proletarian internationalism to condemn the betrayal of the Soviet revisionists, has the duty to struggle against social-imperialism and social-fascism of the Soviet-Union“, has the duty to withdraw from the revisionist influence of the USSR.”
Later that year, the plenum of the CC of the PCP analysed the “Earnest problems of party-work” and concluded that: “the weakness and the difficulties in the life of the party – which was analysed on the 6th Congress - are not solved; in the contrary they increased.” One of the reasons appointed was: “violation of discipline of party members”. The conclusions of this fake “plenum” were nothing but a big fraud. The Portuguese revisionist leaders were terrorized by the perspective of loosing their influence over the whole party, and for that they carefully hid the true reasons for the split which was occurring inside the world communist movement. They hid it from the party’s members, so that they could not discuss and reflect about the evils caused by Soviet revisionist social-imperialism.
On September of 1966, the P “C” P organized its 6th Congress and adopted a new revisionist program. That program underlined the role of the “non-monopolist classes” and opposed them to fascism. However, this “non-monopolist classes” is a term which has been used by revisionists of every kind with the aim of deceiving the proletariat through reconciliation with the bourgeoisie. Of course, the Portuguese revisionists were no exception to this rule. The “anti-monopolist” slogan is a very useful one if you want to avoid socialist revolution, as was the case of the P “C”P leaders. However, due to the conditions of fascist repression, clandestinity, etc., the Portuguese revisionists try to maintain a “revolutionary” and “communist” outlook, at least in words. For example, the program sates that: “The Portuguese people can only destroy the fascist dictatorship through an armed national uprising”. “The main goal of the socialist revolution is the removal of exploitation of people through people” … “socialist society means socialized ownership at the basic means of production, planned economy” .. “liquidation of the exploiting classes” … “removal of the antagonistic class-society through the socialist revolution” ; “dictatorship of the proletariat” … etc., etc. Furthermore, in the chapter III of the program, the P “C” P leaders tried to conceal the party’s social-imperialist character by using words and expressions which give the reader the false impression that he or she is in the presence of an authentic communist party program. In this sense, Portuguese revisionism is much more dangerous than the revisionism of the Euro”communist” type, because it’s much more deceptive, hypocrite and difficult to unmask.
Nevertheless, these were just empty words, and in essence the Portuguese revisionists had fully accepted the Khrushchevite theory of the “peaceful way to socialism”: “The PCP will do everything possible for a peaceful way to socialism, however, if the circumstances do not allow this, then the CPC keeps in view the non-peaceful way.” It’s an obvious fact that all this talk about doing “everything possible for a peaceful way to socialism” is nothing more than bourgeois opportunism. In fact, the socialist revolution is impossible to achieve without revolutionary armed violence exercised by the working class and this constitutes a vital and indispensable principle of Marxism-Leninism. Nobody can deny this fundamental principle without embrace revisionism and anti-communism.
Of course, the final aim of the Portuguese revisionists was to sell the country to Soviet social-imperialism. This program of the P”C”P was written with the background of the XXIII. Congress of the CPSU: the P”C”P “condemns” the NATO and its influence in Portugal allegedly to “protect the national interests of the Portuguese people”, however in truth they are revisionist lackeys of the Soviet revisionists who strive for their social-imperialist world hegemony. The P”C”P became the agency of the interests of the Soviet imperialists who “care for peace” in Portugal only to transform the country in a strategical Soviet basis at the Atlantic coast with the objective of ruling and controlling the Mediterranean (the entrance at Gibraltar). The P”C”P falsely propagated the “peace-politics” of the Soviet social-imperialists, whereas we must have in mind that the Portuguese revisionists were simultaneously the lackey of the Portuguese bourgeoisie who tried to decide what of the two super-powers' umbrella would be best for maintaining its interests.
As we have already pointed, another major characteristic of Portuguese revisionism is its wrong and opportunist attitude towards anti-fascist struggle in Portugal. In 1967, in a communiqué of the Plenary Meeting of the CC of the P “C”P, the Portuguese revisionist leaders stated that “the fascist politics is unable to use the developing-laws of capitalism”. This view is completely erroneous because the purpose of fascism is precisely to permit that the monopolies can accumulate super-profits through all means. Fascism is a form of capitalist domination by the bourgeoisie and as long as that domination exists, the only class which is using the developing laws of capitalism is the bourgeoisie. Even today, the Portuguese revisionists arrogantly say that they were “the most consequent fighters against fascism”. But is that true? What is the true Marxist-Leninist meaning of the anti-fascist struggle? Comrade Stalin affirmed that:
“The communists consider the exchange of the social system by another one not only as a spontaneous, peaceful process, however as a complicated and long-during process of violence.” - “One cannot make wars for the imperialists, without tightening the home-front, without oppression of the workers. And that's why fascism is needed.”
However, it seems like the Portuguese revisionists never understood this question in a correct manner. They faced democratic struggle against fascism as a definitive end. But Lenin teaches us that the class-society cannot be abolished by the democratic struggle limited in itself. The true Marxist-Leninists should fight against the whole bourgeoisie, and not only against the more reactionary parts of it, they should fight for the elimination of the entire capitalist system and not only for the elimination of the fascist form of the bourgeois power. The Portuguese revisionists were not really anti-fascist fighters, because the final purpose of an anti-fascist must be the definitive and irreversible elimination of the danger of fascism; and that definitive and irreversible elimination of the danger of fascism can only be assured through the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the edification of socialism and communism. As the Portuguese revisionists never struggled to implement the dictatorship of the proletariat and the edification of socialism, then they never truly fought against fascism. Let’s have a look to the former program of the P”C”P regarding the “democratic revolution”:
“The Program of the PCP for the national and democratic revolution consisted of eight points or goals:
1. Destroy the fascist state and establish a democratic regime;
2. Settle the power of monopolies and to promote general economic development;
3. Carry out land reform, giving land to the ones who work it;
4. Raise the standard of living of the working classes and people in general;
5. Democratize education and culture;
6. Liberate Portugal from imperialism;
7. Recognize and ensure the people of the Portuguese colonies the right to immediate independence;
8. Follow a policy of peace and friendship with all peoples.”
This program represents the admission by the Portuguese revisionists themselves that their ideology was nothing more than social-democratic and capitulationist ideology whose aim was to promote social-fascism and keep the working masses in bondage through the maintenance of the bourgeois order under the guise of a “democratic regime”. This program reveals that the P “C”P wants to disguise capitalism’s oppressive and predatory nature behind a “socialist” and “human” mask. The Portuguese revisionists never struggled for the socialist revolution and society; their final objective was to establish a “moderate capitalism” (state as “centre of gravity of political balance” of classes) and to accomplish democratic “socialism” (reconciliation of the working class with the bourgeoisie). We must also note that Portuguese revisionists considered (and still consider today) state-capitalism as an interim period towards socialism; this “theory” was totally refuted by the Classics of Marxism-Leninism as being opportunistic and anti-socialist. And where is the appeal to the smashing of the capitalist system through armed revolutionary violence by the oppressed masses – dictatorship of the proletariat? And where is the perspective of the transition from the bourgeois-democratic revolution to the socialist and proletarian revolution? And where is the call for the edification of socialism and communism? This miserable program not even mentions the inevitability and the necessity of the struggle against fascism’s breeding ground – capitalism. The acknowledgment of this is essential because if we want to fight consequently against fascism, we must primarily fight against the socio-economic system which gives birth to fascism – the capitalist system. And to fight consequently against the capitalist system, we must not only fight against the fascist form of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie but also against its phony “democratic” form. The Marxist principle is: fascism exists or will be restored as long as capitalism exists. This inevitability can only be removed by the dictatorship of the proletariat. So, we Marxist-Leninists do not only struggle against this or that concrete fascism - like fascism of Salazar in Portugal - but for the abolition of the inevitability of fascism – for the abolition of the inevitability of capitalism.
Fascism cannot be eliminated on a “peaceful way”. Anti-fascism – as comrade Stalin teaches – is a matter of military destruction of fascism through the masses of the classes who are oppressed by the fascist regime.
In what respects to the situation in the Portuguese colonies, the P”C”P was unable to transform the Portuguese colonial war into a revolutionary war against colonialism by combining the revolutionary soldiers in Portugal and the soldiers of the liberation struggles in the colonies. It became a “protesting party” which propagated solidarity with the colonies in words, and passivity (capitulation) in deeds. The Portuguese revisionists affirmed that: “The PCP struggles for the right of these peoples, that their self-administration and independence will be respected and guaranteed.” This affirmation is astonishing because it looks like the P”C”P is demanding that the ones which deny these rights to the peoples of the Portuguese African colonies will gladly “guarantee” them. It’s clear that those peoples can only have these rights fully assured through the socialist world revolution.
However, this position of the Portuguese revisionists relatively to the anti-colonialist struggle of the African Portuguese speaking peoples is not a surprise. It is in perfect agreement with line of Soviet social-imperialist.
In fact, the revisionist leaders of the P “C”P lived in exile and spent many of their time visiting the Soviet and Eastern European social-fascist leaders. In fact, from 1961 to 1973, they visited all the “popular democracies”, from Titoite Yugoslavia (see: “Avante” nº 459) to the Social-imperialist Soviet Union, not to speak about the frequent travels to Castroite Cuba (see “Avante” nº 342). The only country of the Eastern Europe in which the Portuguese revisionist leaders never set foot was Socialist Albania.
Of course, the social-imperialist leaders didn’t receive the P “C” P’s leaders for nothing. They received them because they wanted to give the impression that they supported the Portuguese people’s anti-fascist struggle. They made use of the prestige that the Soviet Union had inherited from the times of Lenin and Stalin in order to deceive the working masses not only in Portugal, but also in the African Portuguese colonies. The Portuguese revisionists helped Soviet social-imperialism to penetrate in the Portuguese colonies which the Soviet Union wanted to include in its area of influence. And thanks to the Portuguese revisionists, everything happened according to Soviet desires. When the colonial war between the Portuguese fascist-colonialist regime and the African Portuguese speaking peoples broke out in the early 60’s, nearly all the major anti-colonialist movements (in Angola, Mozambique, Guinea, etc.) were under the influence of the Soviets. The Portuguese revisionists helped Soviet Imperialism to manipulate those peoples’ struggle against Portuguese colonialism, preparing the way for the ascension to power of pro-Soviet cliques in the African Portuguese speaking countries, as indeed happened.
This case is a good example of how social-imperialism can be dangerous. The African Portuguese speaking peoples were mislead by the “Leninist” mask of the Soviet Union, they were mislead by its “communist” mask.
In 1967, Cunhal gave an interview to “Mundo Obrero” in which he defends “the brotherhood of Portuguese and Spanish working-class against Salazar- and Franco-Fascism.” Cunhal seems to overlook the fact that, in spite of their ideological similarities and alliances, Salazar and Franco still have fundamental contradictions between them, because they represent two different and rival national bourgeoisie – each one of those bourgeoisie (the Portuguese and the Spanish) is in fierce competition with the other for the accumulation of richness and profits. Of course, that doesn’t mean that they don’t have also common interests, for instance both have a crucial interest in avoiding proletarian and socialist revolution and they don’t hesitate in uniting to satisfy that essential interest. But if the revisionist party of Spain cooperates with the revisionist party of Portugal, as Cunhal desired, the result of that “cooperation” will never be good; on the contrary, the collaboration between revision-isms can only be harmful to the interests of the proletariat, can only be harmful to the interests of the oppressed classes, can only be harmful to the interests and the advance of the world socialist revolution.
In September of 1968, just after Salazar’s dismissal, the P”C”P launched an appeal warning against the formation of a military government, because according to the Portuguese revisionists: “Should such a government be appointed, then this does not lead to solving the earnest national problems, but would come to bloody conflicts, to the civil war.” This statement reflects the fear the P “C”P opportunist leaders felt relatively to civil war and which is shared by all revisionist tendencies. What the Portuguese revisionists really wanted was to eliminate the class struggle through the defense of the Constitutional way and with the false argument that “in this moment, class struggle would only benefit the counter-revolution”. What they really wanted was to perpetuate the bourgeois-capitalist system and with this aim they tried to avoid and deny the indispensability and necessity of the proletarian civil war against the bourgeoisie as a basic principle of the Marxist-Leninist ideology.
The P“C”P opportunistically affirms that: “The struggle against fascism and for freedom is a national patriotic struggle to defend the interests of the people.”
Nevertheless, contrary to what Portuguese revisionists think, the struggle against fascism is primarily an internationalist struggle which can only be efficiently waged by the proletariat with the purpose of seizing power and destroying capitalism in an irreversible manner through the implementation of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the edification of socialism and communism.
The P “C”P also states that:
“The PCP calls up all Portuguese people – no matter of their political or religious confessions – Socialists, Catholics, Liberals, Republicans – for the struggle of democratic change.”
We must wonder about what the P“C”P’s social-fascists mean with “democratic change”. But one thing is certain. It cannot mean proletarian democracy, because in the Portuguese revisionists’ language, wanting a “democratic change” is synonym of wanting a “civilized and democratic” capitalism and nothing more than that.
In 1968, the social-fascist Cunhal openly supported the Soviet imperialist aggression in Prague, calling it a “necessity” for the “defense” of “Socialism”.
Cunhal made a speech on the International Consultation of the Communist and Workers' parties, Moscow, 5 – 17 June, 1969. Those were difficult times to the Soviet revisionists because their image was heavily damaged after the imperialist aggression against Czechoslovakia. There were increasing numbers of “Communist” parties who wanted to escape from subordination to Moscow and adopted a more “western” outlook. Comrade Enver Hoxha noted that the revisionist camp was “a basket full of crabs“. The correct strategy that Marxist-Leninists should follow in this context was to struggle not only against the bourgeoisie and its reactionary lackeys, but also against the revisionists which were lackeys of social-fascism.
Meanwhile, Cunhal’s political positions were moving irreversibly to the right and he was making a tremendous effort not to loose the support of the Soviet revisionists, because it was that support that was keeping him in the leadership of the party. The revisionist leaders conjured the camp to keep “unity“ at any price. This applied not only to the international arena, but also to the national arena in Portugal. The revisionists spoke about unity but expelled the PLA on the international arena and struggled against the Portuguese Marxist-Leninists on a national stage. Thus with „unity“ the revisionists meant unity with social-democracy - to merge together with them, to become a bourgeois party, to prevent Europe from socialist revolution in accordance with the growing collaboration of the two superpowers. Instead of struggling against this betrayal, Cunhal backed all these revisionist crimes. Cunhal dreamt about the „unity of proletarian internationalism” under the dictatorship of the Soviet imperialists.
In 1970, Cunhal talked about the “Two-Fronts-struggle” within the anti-fascist movement: against rightists and against “Ultra-Leftists” (Declaration of the PCP “Avante”: “Salazarism without Salazar”, after the rise of Caetano). This mention to the “Ultra-Leftists” meant that the Portuguese anti-revisionist movement had already emerged and was quickly developing.
In May of 1970, through the resolution of the CC: “New Stage of struggle”, the P”C”P starts to attack the revolutionaries in Portugal as “pseudo-revolutionary phrase mongers” in the first sentence (!) of the resolution concerning the increasing activities and strikes of the Portuguese workers' movement. This is obviously a service of the revisionists for the bourgeoisie. The P “C”P tries to get a step into the workers’ struggle in the factories and primarily in the Trade Unions ( First May demonstrations = 6 000 in Barreiro, Moscavide, Vila Franca, Lissabon etc. - strikes of the railroaders, the general-strike of the roustabouts at Lisnave, etc.). The P”C”P also condemns the revolutionary course of the workers who were trying to organize an opposition against the reactionary leaders of the Trade Unions through founding an illegal Trade Union. In this resolution, the P”C”P mentions, again (!), “the pseudo-revolutionary chatterers“.
In May of 1972, the executive commission of the CC of the P “C”P declared in the “Avante” nº 144 that: “The subordination under imperialism, the hostile attitude towards the socialist countries and the break with the countries of the Third World develops to a cue ball of the Portuguese economy in the hands of the international monopolies and its Portuguese partners and accomplices.” As if the fact that the Portuguese revisionists consider the social-fascist countries as “socialist” was not enough, they also present a miserable and ultra-revisionist alternative to the „European integration“ of the monopolies: the “strengthening the patriotic consciousness of the nation.”
Another document published by the P “C”P entitled “new wave of people's struggle in 1971” has the purpose of propagate tolerance of the Portuguese colonial war through pacifist bourgeois propaganda instead of revolutionary arming of the soldiers, instead of decomposing the fascist army as a task of class-struggle – propaganda of passivity instead of revolutionary actions within the army (“desertation and conscientious objection are mass movements of protest and resistance”).
The Portuguese revisionist leaders hypocritically proclaim the opportunistic objective of “overcome ultra-leftist tendencies in the democratic movement” and of “finish ultra-left babble of boycott of elections”. They consider the organization of the “armed revolutionary action” (ARA) who called for the destruction of the government as “ultra-left illusions”.
However, they go further with their revisionism when they say that “in some anti-fascist fields, some adventurous ideas (!!) are taking a seat which would lead to defeat and which discredits (!!) the anti-fascist movement” and that “the revolutionary must stay in the army to make revolutionary actions from within, unless he is directly threatened.” This last phrase is really astounding because what defines a true revolutionary is precisely his or her willingness to give everything for the world socialist revolution, including his or her own life, no matter if he or she is directly threatened or not. This sentence is in total agreement with the inconsequence and the fake “revolutionary” phraseology of the P”C”P. The first part of the sentence is correct, but it is totally relativized by the second part. The P”C”P makes correct strategy and tactics on the paper, but on the same paper it turns back: it withdraws revolutionary attitude and dastardly replaces it by capitulationary and liquidationary ways.
The truth is that the P“C”P was and is unable to lead the revolutionary struggle in Portugal, and to hide this fact the Portuguese revisionists boasted themselves that: “The anti-fascist struggle of political organizations is weak - with the exception of the PCP”. When we analyze the general-line of the P “C” P, we note that the Portuguese revisionists contradict the long-term objectives with the short-term objectives. This is a typical attitude of the revisionist parties. Contrary to what the Portuguese revisionists think, the short-term objective and the long-term objective have to be combined harmoniously by the communist party. The long-term objectives – the revolutionary principles of struggling for communism - may never be abandoned.
In that same year (1971), the P “C”P launched another article based on the conclusions made by its Political commission of the CC about „Questions of the European security“. In that article, the Portuguese revisionist leaders happily supported the allegedly peace-loving meetings of Helsinki and Wien, following the baton of both the super-powers – instead of struggling against this „show“ - as the PLA did. The aim is clear: The Western superpower tried to destroy the influence of the Social-imperialists within the PCP. It even emerges that some groupings in the PCP hesitated to follow the line of the Soviet social-imperialists in Helsinki. This phenomenon is closely linked with the development of the new „Euro-communists“ - the increasing influence of American Browderism - and the diminishing influence of the Soviet-revisionism in the Western revisionist parties. This can also be seen as a proof of the internal division of the P “C”P in two factions – the one which stuck to the Soviet-revisionists – and the other which tried to get rid of the paternalism of the Soviet-revisionists.
In 1973, it was celebrated the 600th anniversary of the alliance between Portugal and England. Of course, the P „C“ P correctly exposes the English imperialism and its support of the fascist Salazar-Regime However, the PCP speaks only about the exploitation and oppression of the Portuguese people by the European imperialists. It keeps secret that Portugal was once stealing the riches of the colonies to become a world-empire before the English empire developed in world history. In fact, Portuguese revisionism was always characterized by its deep social-chauvinism (pure chauvinism hidden behind revolutionary phraseology). The Portuguese revisionists explicitly exchange the principles of proletarian internationalism by the awful “theories” of bourgeois nationalism when they consciously omit the crimes of the Portuguese colonialism while pretending to „denounce“the crimes of the other colonialism and imperialism. They were really serving the interests of the Portuguese colonialists which wanted to maintain their own colonies and to defend the independence of Portuguese colonial empire against the pretensions of stronger imperialism as the British, for example. This meant anti-imperialism in words and social-chauvinism in deeds.
A genuine Marxist-Leninist party should have used the contradictions among colonialists in a revolutionarily way in order to advance and support the liberation struggle of the colonies combined with the liberation struggle of the working class of Portugal AND combined with the liberation struggle of the English working class. It should have propagated the necessity of the alliance between the Portuguese and British Communist Parties to combine the class-struggle against colonialism and neo-colonialism of both because this was not a national struggle limited by the combination of the revolutionary liberation struggle in the colonies and in Portugal - this is an international class-struggle. This would be indispensable for applying to the principles of proletarian internationalism; this would be an indispensable PART of the socialist world revolution.
However, we must face the truth, and the truth is that the P „C“ P was never a genuine Marxist-Leninist party. It was always and continues to be an ultra-revisionist and social-fascist party which is not interested in the socialist world revolution. On the contrary, its purpose is precisely to avoid it, and this is one of the main differences between the revolutionary PCP in times of the Comintern of Lenin and Stalin and the revisionist P”C”P under the influence of the Soviet revisionists and social-imperialists.
In 1979, Cunhal unreservedly supported the Soviet fascist war against the Afghan people. In those times, the Portuguese revisionist leadership was largely known for its unconditional pro-Sovietism and its eagerness to support the most egregious and horrific acts of Soviet social-imperialists. Even today, bourgeois sources qualify the Cunhal group as “one of the most pro-Soviet communist leaderships in Western Europe in the second half of the XX century”. The Portuguese revisionists were also ardent supporters of the social-fascist German Democratic Republic, seeing it as an example to follow. In an interview which Cunhal gave to the “Neues Deutschland” (GDR) in 1965, he pointed out that: “It is important for my party to learn from the GDR for tomorrow and we hope it will be in the next future.” And when the fascist Walter Ulbricht died in 1973, the Portuguese revisionists wrote an article entitled “A great revolutionary has died.” In that article, they consider that “the death of comrade Ulbricht impoverished not only the German working class, but also the proletariat of the whole world (…) If the GDR is one of the main bastions of peace and socialism, that is closely related to the revolutionary abnegation of comrade Walter (…). His life was a beautiful example of faithfulness towards Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism. (?!!) Walter Ulbricht was a loyal disciple of Lenin.” (?!!) (“Avante” nº 457, September of 1973, translated from Portuguese language). This article alone is sufficient proof about the principles that guided Portuguese revisionists. Behind their lies about “loyalty” to Marxism-Leninism, it’s self-evident that the P “C” P’s real ideology was social-fascism.
Meanwhile, the Portuguese fascist regime was in putrefaction. Externally, the epoch of the classical colonialism had ended and the superpowers were now reaching for neo-colonial domination and because of this, the support which Anglo-American imperialism gave to Portuguese colonialism was decaying.
Internally, despite the fact that the more traditionalist and reactionary forces continued to support the fascist regime, there were increasing parts of the bourgeoisie who wanted a “democracy”. Adding to this, the majority of the population was dissatisfied with the colonial war which was impoverishing Portugal even more.
Finally, in 25th April of 1974, the Carnation Revolution broke out and the Portuguese fascist regime was overthrown. This revolution was of a bourgeois –democratic character and represented the victory of the section of the “liberal” bourgeoisie who wanted to establish a bourgeois “democracy” over the “conservative” section of the bourgeoisie who wanted the maintenance of fascism. It was fundamentally a dispute between different sections of the bourgeois class. Nowadays, some Portuguese revisionists still insist in romanticizing the Carnation Revolution, painting it as some kind of “worker’s uprising”. The truth is that the Carnation Revolution had much more to do with the interests of the bourgeoisie than with socialism or with workers’ interests. In fact, the bourgeoisie uses fascism when its privileges are in serious danger and the proletarian revolution is knocking at the door. But the problem with fascism is that it has the inconvenience of showing capitalism’s real face without the illusions caused by “bourgeois democracy”. During fascism, the class character of the capitalist state and its repressive apparatus and ideology appear clearly and without subterfuges in front of the eyes of the proletariat. On one hand, fascism tries to paralyze workers’ movement and to favor the interests of the big monopolist bourgeoisie and land owners through the use of terror and of armed repression, but by doing this, it exposes capitalist system the way it really is. Without wanting to do so, fascism can help oppressed masses to gain a revolutionary conscience and to foster proletarian socialist revolution. That’s why the bourgeoisie still hesitates before imposing fascism and prefer, in many occasions, to hide its class interests behind an illusionist “democracy”. This was exactly what happened in Portugal.
Fascism and bourgeois “democracy” may differ in form but they are essentially equal. The same can be said of colonialism and neo-colonialism. In fact, fascism is related to bourgeois “democracy” in exactly the same manner as classical colonialism is related to neo-colonialism.
Another important question about the Carnation Revolution concerns the role of the army. In fact, within capitalist system, the army is generally associated with the more backward and reactionary social forces. And indeed, there are numerous historical experiences which prove this. However, in some determined socio-economical and political context, the army can play a certain progressive role. That was the case of the Portuguese army, which played a decisive function in the Carnation Revolution by neutralizing pro-fascist forces and occupying key positions of the government. Of course, the Portuguese army continued to be a capitalist and bourgeois army. Indeed, until the early 70’s, the army was one of the main pillars of Portuguese fascism. However, the officials started to be dissatisfied with the bad conditions and lack of privileges that the fascist regime had imposed on them because of the colonial war in Africa (the fascist regime was equalizing the status of professional and non-professional army officials in order to encourage the latter to take part in the war effort). The Portuguese military allied with the “liberal” bourgeoisie which wanted a “democracy” mainly for this reason, because they didn’t want to continue with a war that not only was a lost cause, but was also stealing their privileges. Thus, the Portuguese army wasn’t induced by any kind of revolutionary (let alone Marxist-Leninist) motivations.
Historically, the participation of the Portuguese army in the Revolution was inspired in the Peruvian bourgeois-progressive experience that occurred in the late 60’s an early 70’s, and which defended precisely that the army should have a progressive role in the “revolutionary process”. Nevertheless, we must bear in mind that this “progressive role” never surpassed the limits of the capitalist system and this “revolutionary process” was always kept within the confines of the bourgeois-democratic revolution. This is not surprising because the Portuguese and the Peruvian revolutions were not proletarian revolutions, they were just progressive revolutions.
Of course, things are quite different if we were dealing with a real proletarian army, like that of post-Liberation Albania. The army in Socialist Albania was born from the core of the working people with the aim of establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat through the armed revolution towards the edification of socialism and communism. This was not the case with the Portuguese army, which was and continued to be clearly a capitalist army. The positive role it played in the Carnation Revolution didn’t change this.
The Portuguese revisionists always said that the army would be “crucial” to the “revolution”, but this means that this “revolution” could never be a Marxist-Leninist and proletarian revolution, because if the army is a bourgeois-capitalist army (like was the case with the Portuguese army), then it will always be separated from the people, no matter if a determined economical-political conjuncture dresses that army in some kind of “popular” cloak. Comrade Enver Hoxha made once the following remark:
"While they step with shoes on the teachings of the Comintern, the revisionists collaborate with the bourgeoisie and the reactionary bourgeois parties. In consequence, new strategies of the revisionists developed like that of Cunhal in Portugal by means of the revolution through the army".
This assertive affirmation illustrates perfectly the overall strategy of the Portuguese revisionist leaders. The “revolution through the army” was nothing more than a revisionist tactic. And it was revisionist because when we have a non-proletarian and capitalist army like that of Portugal, we can never pretend or want to make an authentic or genuine socialist revolution basing ourselves in that army, because it is not a proletarian organization, it is not a pro-socialist organization. While the army maintains its bourgeois and capitalist class-character, it can never be an influential force in favor of the proletarian and socialist revolution. Of course, a capitalist-bourgeois army can certainly be a decisive force in a democratic-bourgeois revolution (as the cases of Portugal and the Peru showed), but no more than that, unless the true Marxist-Leninist forces went to work inside the bourgeois army with the purpose of winning the revolutionary elements which can help those Marxist-Leninist forces to achieve victory.
The truth is that the wrong assertion made by the revisionist Cunhal defending the “revolution through the army” configures an anti-Marxist-Leninist tactical. Like all the other kinds of revisionism, the final aim of Portuguese revisionism is to prevent the socialist revolution and the implementation of the dictatorship of the proletariat; and the “theory” of the “revolution through the army” is quite useful in achieving that aim. In fact, the essential role that the Portuguese capitalist-bourgeois army played in the Carnation Revolution helped to prevent its transformation in an authentically socialist-proletarian revolution. For this reason, Portuguese revisionist leaders were never tired from underlining the key role of the army in the “revolution”.
So, to give the oppressed masses the false idea that they were living in a “free” society and to keep them away from the idea of the proletarian revolution, the Portuguese bourgeoisie “changed” the regime and established a typical “bourgeois democracy”, whose purpose, just like that of fascism, is nothing more than the perpetuation of capitalist exploitation.
This is not to deny that the Carnation Revolution played a positive role. After all, it granted basic democratic rights to the Portuguese people after 48 years of fascism. It would be sectarian to reject the fact that it had progressive aims. For example, after the Revolution it was launched an agrarian reform which initially expropriated the great landowners in the south of the country. This was a positive measure which granted land to many landless peasants. There were also some means of production which were taken away from the fascist monopolists who owned them. However, none of this “reforms” was consequent and they were entitled to fail from the very beginning because the class character of the state was never changed. It continued to be a bourgeois state, despite all these events and measures.
But things could have happened differently. The democratic-bourgeois Carnation Revolution could have been turned into a veritable socialist revolution if there was a genuine Marxist-Leninist party who could lead the masses to victory and to the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
The Portuguese ruling classes and even the Portuguese revisionists proudly say that the Carnation Revolution was a “pacific revolution” and a “revolution which occurred without bloodshed or violence”. This alone is sufficient proof that this Revolution was nothing more than a bourgeois revolution with some progressive features, because it’s impossible to carry on an authentically proletarian revolution without making use of revolutionary violence; indeed this revolutionary violence is quite necessary and positive because it helps the proletariat and the oppressed masses to get rid of any signs of submissive mentality and to accept their historical mission consisting in the abolition of the capitalist system and of the exploitation of man by man.
It was in the period immediately after the Carnation Revolution that many new political parties were born. The great majority of these new parties were nothing more than opportunistic or sectarian instruments to deceive the working masses. They were formed by immature and unprepared “militants” who qualified themselves as “Marxist-Leninists” and even “anti-revisionists”, although they were very far from genuine Marxist-Leninist militancy. Many of these “militants” were the young sons and daughters of the bourgeoisie which were temporarily and outwardly “revolting” against “the system” only to get back to their bourgeois origins after some time. They hadn’t any kind of Marxist-Leninist serious skills and their parties functioned in a manner which was much more close to anarchism than to democratic centralism. Unsurprisingly, the majority of these pseudo-revolutionary parties adopted Maoism as their official ideology (although there were some who defended Trotskyism, Castroism and Guevarism, etc...). This is quite comprehensible because bourgeois parties must follow bourgeois ideologies. Of course, nearly all these parties pretended to “denounce” the P “C” P’s revisionism and betrayal, but they did it from Maoist positions. They criticized the ideology of Soviet social-imperialism while supporting the ideology of Chinese social-imperialism. They never defended authentic proletarian principles and were completely detached from the toiling masses.
However, if this description suits the majority of those new pseudo-Marxist parties, it certainly does not fit the only truly Marxist-Leninist-Stalinist party that existed in Portugal since the XX Congress of the CPSU, the Portuguese Communist Party (Reconstructed). As its own name clearly shows, this party’s objective was to reconstruct the Portuguese communist movement, to clean it from the revisionist and opportunistic tendencies of every kind that were infiltrating the Portuguese working classes. The PCP (R) was the first and, until this moment, the only Portuguese party which defended Socialist Albania and the PLA’s anti-revisionist struggle. It also followed Comrade Enver Hoxha’s teachings and honored Comrade Stalin’s heritage. The PCP (R) was an important section of the Marxist-Leninist World Movement led by Comrade Enver Hoxha.
In January of 1976, its founding Congress sent a greeting message to the Central Committee of the Party of Labour of Albania which says:
“The Congress of the reconstruction of the Portuguese Communist Party would like to send the warmest greetings to the PLA, to its great leader, Comrade Enver Hoxha, and to the heroic Albanian people. Socialist Albania is the country of the proletarian dictatorship, it is the guiding light of socialism in Europe. Its brave and combative struggle against international imperialism and revisionism constitutes a great example for the defense of the Marxist-Leninist principles and for the defense of the communist cause.
Since the first moments of the revisionist treason, the PLA always managed to carry on the revolutionary banner without submitting to any menaces or intrigues and surpassing all kinds of obstacles. (…) The experience of the PLA is an inspiring source to the Portuguese Marxist-Leninists in their struggle against imperialism and fascism (…) against the revisionist betrayal and the sabotage of the worker’s movement from within, against bourgeois ideology (…) and for the popular revolution and the edification of socialism in our country (…).
In 1921, the organized vanguard of the working class was created. During several decades, the PCP oriented the struggle of the Portuguese people against fascism and capitalist exploitation, against imperialism and colonialism and in favor of people’s democracy and socialism. The PCP’s glorious past, its heroes and combatants belong to the Marxist-Leninists and not to Cunhal’s revisionist clique. The PCP (R) was formed after 12 years of struggle against modern revisionism (...). Social-imperialism tried to extinguish the fire of the revolution in our country (…). The PCP (R) carries on the revolutionary traditions of the class struggle in our country and rises the banner of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin (…) the PCP (R) wants to be the leading force in the accomplishment of the historical mission of the Portuguese proletariat which consists in preparing the way to the edification of socialism and communism in our country.”
In 6th March of 1976 (the 55th anniversary of the PCP), a delegation from the PCP (R) gave an interview to Radio Tirana about “The situation in Portugal and the present tasks of the PCP (R)”:
PCP (R) is guided by Marxism-Leninism and its ranks are composed by
the most courageous fighters for the cause of the proletariat. The
PCP (R) underlined that the party has an essential task in what
concerns people’s unification and the affirmation of the
leading role of the working class in the context of the revolutionary
Portugal is in a very difficult situation. The masses have to resist an enemy which has multiplied its strength and it’s ready for everything. The representatives of the great monopolists and of international imperialism are guided by American Imperialism who wants a return to the former fascist dictatorship. Meanwhile, the prices are rising, the salaries are frozen, unemployment is affecting almost half-million people and the general view is of great poverty. In order to get out of the economical crisis, the government is taking more credits form the capitalists and the revisionists, and this only makes Portugal more dependent on the other countries. In this situation, the PCP (R) established that its first task is to unite Portuguese people with the purpose of avoiding the return of fascism. Let’s struggle against the bourgeois anti-popular policies! Let’s defend freedom, national independence and popular victory! These are some of the main party’s slogans.
(…) the party also increases vigilance against the activities of the Soviet social-imperialists which are struggling with American Imperialism in order to conquer dominant positions in Portugal and Spain.
None of these tasks will have
success without a principled fight against the revisionist clique
which is still using socialist slogans to infiltrate the
organizations of the masses, to practice class reconciliation and to
divide the working people. The revisionists deceive the masses
through the illusion that the democratic form of capitalist
domination can solve their problems. The revisionists’ policy
is directly opposed to people’s interests and this is a very
dangerous situation because it hinders the popular struggle against
The PCP (R) (…) is developing the ideological struggle against revisionism through the party’s press with the objective of educating the working classes (…). Additionally, the party carries forward a diary work to remove revisionist influences within the masses’ organizations, trade-unions and cooperatives (…) this is a difficult work which requires contacts with the masses, which requires a firm commitment to the defense of the interests of the working classes.
The party’s purpose is to isolate the revisionist clique which is misleading the honest elements involved in revolutionary struggle.”
The PCP (R) developed a close friendship with all other Marxist-Leninist parties and received multiple greetings’ messages just after its foundation. Those greeting’s messages were coming from the Communist Party of Bolivia /ML, the Labour Party of Iran (Toufan), the Communist Party of Brazil, etc.
For example, the internationalist character of the PCP (R) was evident in the very warm relations that the party maintained with the CP of Brazil. In a joint declaration of the PCP (R) and the Communist Party of Brazil entitled “Marxist-Leninist parties strengthen solidarity” both parties state that:
“The links between Marxist-Leninist parties should be strengthened in an internationalist manner which should be based on mutual solidarity, in the common struggle against monopolist capital, against imperialism and reaction. The meetings between the representatives of the Marxist-Leninist parties constitute a living proof of the international character and of the international unity of the Marxist-Leninist Movement. (…) (Both parties) express their determination in increasing mutual cooperation (…) in order to be always at the vanguard of the revolutionary struggles of the working masses and to guide them towards proletarian revolution.
The Portuguese proletariat must know that behind their “communist” and “revolutionary” phraseology, the revisionists of the Cunhal clique are nothing more than odious traitors, they are lackeys of the bourgeoisie and of Soviet social-imperialism. The Cunhal clique has nothing in common with Marxism-Leninism, it has nothing in common with the working class nor with the struggles of the Latin-American peoples. (…) our ranks will always be on the first line of the struggle of the working masses against the fascist regimes imposed by American Imperialism, they will always strive in favor of the people’s liberation.”
Of course, the P “C” P didn’t like to see that a genuine Marxist-Leninist party was growing and developing, and to prevent this, they used the typically revisionist strategy which consists in depicting the true communists as “sectarians” and “left deviationists”. Additionally, the PCP (R) bravely condemned the active contribution that the Portuguese revisionists gave to the collapse of the agrarian reform and to the rehabilitation of the exploitative landowners. The PCP (R) remarked in 1976:
“The recent measure concerns the restoration of manors with less than 50 000 points back into the hands of the great land owners. Also the Trade Union of the rural workers (which is dominated by the revisionist line of Cunhal) has supported this law.”
Unfortunately, the PCP (R) had a weakness that would ultimately dictate its posterior extinction. The Achilles' heel of the PCP (R) consisted in that it never managed to get totally rid of the influence of Maoism. Maoist influences existed in the party from the very beginning, but with the help of Enver’s Marxist-Leninist teachings the party apparently demarcated from Maoism and from Chinese social-imperialism. For example, in the 1978 Sino-Albanian split, the PCP (R) supported the Albanian side. Regrettably, this “anti-Maoism” of the PCP (R) proved to be superficial and the party began to disintegrate in the early 90’s, in a process that would lead to the party’s complete disappearance in 1992. Of course, we must not forget that the ascension of Albanian revisionism and the consequent fall of Socialist Albania in 1991-1992 were also decisive external factors which determined the death of the PCP (R).
We, Portuguese Stalinist-Hoxhaists, must learn with the errors of the past. We must reflect about the mistakes behind the liquidation of the PCP (R) in order not to repeat them. Principally, we must launch a ferocious struggle against all Maoist currents which can undermine the revolutionary conscience of the truly Marxist-Leninist elements.
Meanwhile, the P “C” P was engaged in the degenerative course which was common to many revisionist parties in Western Europe. In fact, as we said before, during fascism the Portuguese revisionists were forced to do illegal work and still made efforts to maintain some kind of “revolutionary” outlook. However, after the Carnation Revolution and with the implementation of a bourgeois “democracy”, they openly accepted a legalist and parliamentarist line which excludes any kind of illegal work among the masses. This was also the line followed by the Communist Party of France, the Communist Party of Italy, the Communist Party of Spain, etc… These tendencies are already clearly perceptible in the attitude adopted by the P “C” P relatively to the workers’ strikes immediately after the Carnation Revolution. On 30th May of 1974, the Executive commission of the CC of the PCP made a declaration entitled “The CP calls for awareness” in which the Portuguese revisionist leaders dishonestly state that: “We expose the collaboration of reactionary elements and the direct or indirect support of groups of adventurers and so called Leftists who try to create an economical crisis - with the aim to destroy the democratic achievements.” But to whom are the Portuguese social-fascists referring when they mention the “adventurers and leftists”? They are referring to the workers like the bus-drivers who strike for their wage, but in the view of the PCP “the bus-drivers disorganized the traffic in the capital and paralyses production and commerce.” They are referring to the workers who strike in the bread shops, but which are cynically “denounced” by the P “C”P as being guilty for causing “a lack of feeding of the workers and the poor families with bread.” (in this occasion, the Portuguese revisionists surpassed all the limits in what concerns hypocrisy and demagogy. This cynicism of the P”C”P can be compared with the cynicism of the capitalists. Only lackeys of the capitalists can speak this way!!!). The Portuguese revisionist leaders further expose their heinous social-imperialist ideology when they declare that it is necessary to “prevent social conflicts, and strikes would impact the disorganization of production, transport and supply of the people, which could be misused by the counter-revolution.” Concluding, during almost 5 decades of fascist rule, the Portuguese workers were forbidden to organize strikes. And now, after the 25th of April 1974, it is JUST THE revisionist P”C”P which forbids the workers to strike!!!
On 1st June of 1974, in an interview to the broadcast of the GDR entitled “The communists have the confidence of the working people“, Cunhal affirmed that: “We believe that in this moment, a big wave of strikes, (…) BEFORE other means of negotiations with the employers are exhausted, will serve interests which are not the interests of the workers.” This statement is a clear proof of the loathful social-fascist ideology which Cunhal embraced. After all, how can the workers’ strikes be dangerous for the workers themselves?!!! On the one side, Cunhal “defends” the workers' right of strikes (economically), but on the other hand strikes would not be allowed if they are against the provisional government (political strikes of the workers)! This means that the government should struggle for political demands while the workers should struggle for economical demands (that's the old ideology of economism which was exposed by Lenin). Cunhal also argued that workers’ strikes would allegedly “support the counter-revolution”. With this saying, Cunhal is exposing himself as the bourgeois and social-imperialist lackey he really is; he is explicitly confirming his willingness to perpetuate capitalism by avoiding class struggles which could lead to socialist revolution. The truth is that the strikes against the bourgeois provisional government would serve the proletariat and not the bourgeoisie, but Cunhal’s purpose was to defend the bourgeois provisional government and not the revolutionary interests of the workers.
Nevertheless, the Portuguese revisionists were much more cunning than their French, Italian and Spanish counterparts. For example, the majority of the revisionist parties of Western Europe openly rejected Marxism-Leninism, replacing it by “Eurocommunist” theories which clearly preached capitulation to the bourgeois order and to the capitalist system. On the contrary, the Portuguese revisionists continued to paint themselves as “orthodox Marxists” and “truly defenders of the Soviet Union”. Nevertheless, this was nothing more than empty words and since 1974 the “great” objectives of the Portuguese revisionists are limited to get some seats in the bourgeois parliament and to obstruct the class struggle by giving the impression that they are the “representatives of the Portuguese working classes”.
In reality, the actions of the Portuguese revisionists are very beneficial for the capitalist order because they contribute to idealize bourgeois “democracy” and to give the exploited workers a false impression of a “freedom” which simply cannot exist as long as capitalism exists. Concerning trade unions, for instance. After the Carnation Revolution, the P “C” P formed its own trade union with the aim of deceiving the Portuguese proletariat and to extinguish any sign of revolutionary trade unionism. The GCPW (General Confederation of the Portuguese workers), whose aim is to preserve capitalism, tries to alleviate tensions and to avoid class struggle.
The GCPW corresponds to the stereotype of the revisionist trade unions which were unmasked by Comrade Enver Hoxha:
“They (the revisionist trade-unions) try to keep the proletariat in bondage, to lull it to sleep and, when it grows angry and rebellious, to set it on the course of negotiations with the boss class and to shut the mouths of the workers with some very small crumbs from the capitalist super profits. Therefore, to free itself from capitalism, it is essential for the proletariat of every country to shake off the yoke of the trade-unions dominated by the bourgeoisie and opportunists, as well as that of any kind of social-democratic and revisionist organization or party. All these organisms support the owning class in various ways and try to create the illusion that "they are a great force", that they are a brake, that they can impose themselves on the big capitalists allegedly in favour of the proletariat. This is nothing but a big fraud.” (Enver Hoxha, Imperialism and the Revolution, Tirana, 1979, edition in English).
Consequently, one of the main tasks of the Portuguese proletariat is to eliminate the pro-capitalist trade unions. But how will the Portuguese proletariat do that?
“It must destroy them by fighting the leadership of these trade-unions, by rising against their treacherous connections with the bourgeoisie, by breaking up the "calm", the "social peace" which they want to establish, a "peace" which is disguised with the alleged revolts against the owning class which the unions engage in from time to time.
It is possible to work to destroy these trade unions by getting into them in order to fight and erode them from within and oppose their unjust decisions and actions. (…)The forceful exposure of all the traitor elements at the head of trade-unions, of the bourgeois degeneration of the trade-union leadership and the reformist trade-unions in general frees the workers from many illusions they still have about this leadership and these trade-unions.” (Enver Hoxha, Imperialism and the Revolution, Tirana, 1979, edition in English).
In 1976, the PCP (R) also noticed the harmful effects of revisionist trade-unionism and even appointed revolutionary solutions to that problem:
“The Marxist-Leninist parties must pay special attention to the development of revolutionary activities inside trade-unions (…) (the trade-unions) are crucial instruments to achieve the unity of the working masses in their struggle to defend their basic interests. (…) The party [(PCP (R)] thinks that one of the main tasks of the communists is not only to prevent the revisionists from putting the trade-unions at the service of their treason, but also to motive the struggle of the Portuguese proletariat within the trade-unions.
The PCP (R) unmasks the political treason of the Cunhal clique in what concerns the trade-unions. This clique is trying to immobilize the masses and to damage its struggle. The revisionists want to control the leadership of the trade unions in order to stop the struggle of the working classes against the system of exploitation. While hiding behind their fake “socialist” slogans, the revisionists want to maintain their influence over the peoples and to convince the bourgeoisie that they are still popular and thus can serve that bourgeoisie’s interests.
The PCP (R) underlines the important work and efforts which are being developed by all party members with the purpose of isolating the revisionist leaders of the trade-unions and of separating them from the broad masses.
To accomplish these objectives (…) we must work among the masses, we must mobilize them and we must show them the path to revolution. We will be able to win the trade-unions to our side (…) only if we manage to defend this general-line. In these circumstances, the PCP (R) should form party’s cellules in the factories and in other places where the proletariat is concentrated. This is very important to strengthen the party in the context of the struggle in the trade-unions and in the context of the revolutionary actions among the masses. We must fight against the revisionists with the purpose of unmasking their treachery in front of the eyes of all those who were deceived by them (…).”
The Portuguese revisionists try to make the workers believe that the GCPW is a reliable “proletarian” trade-union by playing the game of the false contradictions. In Portugal, there are also openly revisionist trade-unions. The GCPW takes advantage of this fact and tries to depict itself as a “revolutionary” trade-union which is apparently “opposed” to the “reformist” trade-unions. The P “C”P also tries to play the same game relatively to the explicitly reactionary political parties that exist in Portugal. Of course, this is nothing but a masquerade. In today’s Portugal there are no revolutionary Marxist-Leninist trade-unions, just as there are no revolutionary Marxist-Leninist parties.
Lenin once said that trade unions should be schools of communism. Unfortunately, the Portuguese trade unions are nothing more than schools of opportunism.
We, Stalinist-Hoxhaists, must help the proletariat to demolish the bourgeois-revisionist trade-unionism, and for that we must work inside reformist trade-unions. However, we will never deviate from the correct Leninist path. In that sense, the words of Comrade Enver Hoxha are enlightening:
“While infiltrating the existing trade-unions, the Marxist-Leninists never descend to the trade-unionist, reformist, anarcho-syndicalist, revisionist positions, which characterize the leadership of these trade-unions. They never become partners with the revisionists and the other bourgeois and opportunist parties in the leadership of trade-unions. Their aim is to expose the bourgeois character and reactionary role which the trade-unions, in general, have today in the capitalist and revisionist countries, to undermine these organizations in order to open the way to the setting up of genuine proletarian trade-unions.” (Enver Hoxha, Imperialism and the Revolution, Tirana, 1979, edition in English).
In the end of the 80’s and the beginning of the 90’s, the Portuguese revisionists suffered a defeat from which they never completely recovered. The Soviet social-imperialism and all its satellites disintegrated. This was a heavy blow to the P”C”P, whose main external reference and support was precisely Soviet social-imperialism. The Portuguese revisionists still try to present the extinction of Soviet social-fascism as a “rollback of communism”. This view is a complete falsification. Since Stalin’s death and the Khrushchevite takeover, there was never socialism in the Soviet Union. On the contrary, the whole capitalist system of exploitation and oppression of the working class was restored (this happened not only in the Soviet Union, but also in its satellites ruled by the new social-fascist bourgeoisie) and the Soviet Union became an imperialist superpower whose aim was to dominate the world markets through colonial and neo-colonial expansion. Of course, the Portuguese revisionists don’t want to understand this and they blame Gorbachev for having “destroyed socialism”. This view is totally wrong. When Gorbachev reached power in the middle 80’s, he could never destroy socialism simply because in the Soviet Union of 1985 there was no socialism at all. Gorbachev's perestroika was only the final part of a long process which started after the death of Stalin. The perestroika represented the final restoration of classical capitalism in the Soviet Union.
On the other hand, the view of the capitalist ideologues which claim that, with the disintegration of Soviet Union, “capitalism proved to be superior to communism” is equally wrong. The U.S.A and the Soviet Union after Stalin’s death were both capitalist. Indeed, both were imperialist superpowers. When American Imperialism undermined the Soviet Union, it was not undermining a country which represented an opposite social system, but was simply removing an imperialist rival.
We must avoid thinking like the Portuguese revisionists, which still believe that the liquidation of socialism happened in 1989-1991. In reality, what happened in this period was the dismantlement of Soviet social-imperialism. Long time ago, Comrade Enver Hoxha had predicted all this:
“It (American Imperialism) will exploit the Soviet Union, will draw fabulous profits from it, which will serve to strengthen its world empire. Besides this, the introduction of American capital into the Soviet Union will cause even the smallest remnants of the victories of the Great October Socialist Revolution to be eliminated very quickly, will bring about the dismantling of the Soviet Union as a union of republics. This is the objective of American imperialism: to destroy the Soviet Union as a dangerous rival capitalist power. The «wiseacres» will say: «This will be difficult to achieve». On the contrary, this is easily achieved when you come off the rails of Marxism-Leninism.” (Enver Hoxha, Reflections on China, 30 June 1973, Tirana, edition in English).
Nowadays, the P “C” P is transformed into a veritable bourgeois party without any signs of revolutionary initiative. It is nothing more than an instrument used by the bourgeoisie to deceive and mislead the working masses and to turn them away from proletarian revolution and genuine Marxist-Leninist ideology.
Lenin teaches us that one of the main differences between revisionists and Marxist-Leninists consists in that the revisionists don’t accept the dictatorship of the proletariat as one of the most basic principles of Marxism-Leninism. And indeed, if we look to the statutes and program of the P “C”P, we will not find there a single word about the necessity and the inexorableness of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Instead, we find this:
“The advanced democracy of the XXI century which the PCP is proposing to the Portuguese people is constituted by five major objectives:
1 – a political regime which fosters freedom, in which the people can decide about its destiny, and a democratic, representative and modern state.
2 – the economical development of the country based in a mixed economy which would be put at the service of the people and the country.
3 – a social policy which can grant the generalized welfare of the Portuguese people.
4 – (…)
5 – an independent and sovereign country which applies a policy of peace and cooperation among all the peoples.”
(Program of the PCP, translated from Portuguese).
Mixed economy? Welfare state? This objectives are not revolutionary nor Marxist-Leninist. In fact, they represent an abject capitulation to bourgeois ideology. Where is the affirmation of the inevitability of the dictatorship of the proletariat? Where is the appeal to the armed proletarian revolution? Where is the defense of the necessity of a collectivized and planned economy?
A political regime which fosters freedom? Freedom doesn’t exist without communism. Communism is freedom in the same way that real freedom can only be communist. But to achieve communism, we must first achieve socialism. And none of this can be made without the dictatorship of the proletariat, which the Portuguese revisionists plainly deny.
In the international plan, the P “C” P is aligned with the most deceitful forces of social-imperialism and social-fascism. In 2003, Cunhal wrote an article entitled “Today’s World” in which he shamelessly affirms: “The countries in which communists are in power (China, Cuba, Vietnam, Laos, North Korea) are insisting in their objective of the edification of socialist society (…) and it is essential to mankind that these countries can achieve that aim.”
So, according to the leader of the Portuguese revisionists, China, Cuba, Vietnam, Laos and North Korea are countries in which “communists are in power” and which strive for the “edification of socialist society”!!! The truth is that the mentioned countries are nothing more than social-fascist states, oppressors of the peoples, not to speak about the fact that, with this affirmation, Cunhal is defending Chinese social-imperialism. Moreover, China, Cuba and North Korea are home to some of the most treacherous and dangerous revisionist currents: Maoism, Castroism and Kim-Il-Sungism, which must be tirelessly fought by all genuine Marxist-Leninists.
Nonetheless, independently of the Portuguese revisionists’ will, the world proletarian revolution is inevitable and the total elimination of the capitalist system, far from being a “dream”, is an objective historical necessity.
What the Portuguese proletariat and working masses need is an authentically Marxist-Leninist-Stalinist-Hoxhaist party, a party which resolutely rejects all forms of revisionism (be they from right or “left”), a party which carries on the banner of the Marxist-Leninist World Movement, a party which firmly and coherently bases its actions and organization on the teachings of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism: Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Enver Hoxha. Contrary to the Portuguese revisionists which are inescapably bound to the reactionary norms of the “democratic legality”, the Portuguese Stalinist-Hoxhaist party must not hesitate in doing illegal work and, if necessary, in breaking bourgeois rules and laws which are nothing more than an instrument of capitalist class domination.
As Comrade Enver Hoxha said:
“The Marxist-Leninist parties are parties of revolution. Contrary to the theories and practices of the revisionist parties, which are totally immersed in bourgeois legality and "parliamentary cretinism", they do not reduce their struggle to legal work, nor do they see this as their main activity. (…) they attach special importance to the combination of legal with illegal work, giving priority to the latter, as decisive for the overthrow of the bourgeoisie and the real guarantee of victory.”
“In their activity, the Marxist-Leninists are not worried about breaking and violating the bourgeois Constitution, laws, rules, norms and order with their revolutionary actions. They are fighting to undermine this order, to prepare the revolution. Therefore, the Marxist-Leninist party prepares itself and the masses to cope with the counter blows the bourgeoisie may strike in response to the revolutionary actions of the proletariat and the popular masses.” (Enver Hoxha, Imperialism and the Revolution, Tirana, 1979, edition in English).
This party will fiercely denounce the social-fascism of the P”C”P, thus awakening Portuguese oppressed masses and directing them towards a truly revolutionary proletarian ideology.
We don’t have any illusions regarding the reactionary and exploitative character of the bourgeois “democracy”:
“What’s bourgeois democracy? It’s a form of domination by the bourgeoisie, where the rights and the freedoms proclaimed “for all” have a formal and deceitful character, because, in a regime based on private property, the socio-economical means which would grant their effective application are lacking. In a bourgeois democracy, you can criticize this or that person in the meetings or at the parliament, you can criticize a determined political party or a certain government, you can say whatever you want, but you can’t change anything; you have to limit yourself to simple words, because the capitalist economical and political power, with its apparatus, launches a ferocious attack on all those who struggle against the dominant class and the financial oligarchy.” (Enver Hoxha, The proletarian democracy is the veritable democracy, speech of 20th September of 1978, translated from the French edition).
We have no doubts about the fact that if the Portuguese Stalinist-Hoxhaist movement begins to grow and to increase its forces beyond the “acceptable” limits, then the bourgeoisie will certainly make use of repression and bloodbath, because the capitalist-revisionist forces know very well that Stalinism-Hoxhaism is the only ideology which represents a real danger to the capitalist system, that it is the only ideology that represents the interests of the proletariat and of the oppressed working masses and it is also the only ideology which faithfully continues and correctly develops Marxism-Leninism.
Portuguese Stalinist-Hoxhaists should not be afraid of assuming their noble ideology. They should not fear the bourgeois-revisionists’ insults and calumnies. They must be ready to face all kinds of obstacles and to sacrifice everything in favor of the world proletarian revolution. In this task, they can count with the firm and principled internationalist support of the Comintern (Stalinist-Hoxhaists), which is the true standard bearer of the world proletarian revolution!
Foremost, Portuguese Stalinist-Hoxhaists must never forget that its final aim is the implementation and strengthening of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the edification of the socialist (and later communist) society.
The formation of a strong and militant Stalinist-Hoxhaist party in Portugal is not only crucial to the advance of the revolutionary struggle of the Portuguese proletariat. It is also very important to the advance of the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat on a global scale.
On occasion of the 90th anniversary of the PCP, the Portuguese Stalinist-Hoxhaists would like to express the demand for the foundation of a Stalinist-Hoxhaist Party in Portugal. Comrades, help us to realize it !
Before its revisionist degeneration the PCP propagated and practiced the genuine internationalist proletarian spirit and world-revolutionary ideas of Leninism and Stalinism, as the standard bearer of the Comintern in Portugal, as one of its sections, as one of the grand detachments of the revolutionary army of the world proletariat, as participant of the march towards the socialist proletarian world revolution to smash world capitalism and establish the Soviet World-Republic.
The Stalinist-Hoxhaist party of Portugal shall carry on this honorable communist tradition in Portugal - including that of the PCP (R) who was once part of the Marxist-Leninist World Movement of comrade Hoxha.
The Stalinist-Hoxhaist Party of Portugal shall propagate and practice the genuine internationalist proletarian spirit and world-revolutionary ideas of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism, as the standard bearer of the Comintern (SH) in Portugal, as one of its sections, as one of the grant detachments of the revolutionary army of the world proletariat, as participant of the march towards the socialist proletarian world revolution to smash world capitalism and to establish the dictatorship of the world proletariat.
On occasion of the 90th anniversary we send militant greetings to the Comintern (SH) and all the comrades all over the world who have to cope with the same problems that we have to cope within our country.
We are convinced that all these problems can be solved in the spirit of proletarian internationalism. By helping each other in solidarity, the victory will be ours, inevitably.
Portuguese workers - unite!
Form your own Stalinist-Hoxhaist party based on the teachings of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism!
Smash the bourgeoisie through revolutionary violence!
Destroy the capitalist socio-economical order through armed revolution!
Unmask the Portuguese revisionist traitors!
Fight against the treacherous P “C” P!
Don’t surrender to the fake bourgeois “democracy”!
Establish the dictatorship of the proletariat!
Fight for a veritable proletarian democracy!
Long live the Comintern (SH)!
Long live proletarian internationalism!
Long live the Socialist World Revolution!