Proletarians of all countries - your Proletarian International did not perish and it shall not perish.“


Sorry, this is not more than a „translation“ from the German original text. However we have no professional translators and we were therefore condemned to make just the best of it - which is certainly not enough to avoid missunderstandings caused by the translation. We beg your pardon and hope that this „translation“ is more or less acceptable and useful anyway. If anybody would be interested in helping us to improve this translation and to correct the mistakes then we would be thankful in the name of all readers.

PART I (of II)

5 years in solidarity with Marxist - Leninist comrades all over the world !

Why is comrade Enver Hoxha a classic of Marxism-Leninism?

The Comintern / ML defines the teachings of the 5th classic of the Marxism – Leninismus, defines Hoxhaism as follows ( Hoxhaism is the ensemble of these 4 points):

The experiences of the original causes and genesis of the proletarian ideology, the process of working out and complete the socialist science, proves that it was, is and will always be developed in the struggle against the bourgeois and petty-bourgeois ideology, against opportunism and revisionism. The whole historical, present and future struggle against revisionism is the origin and source of the further development of Marxism-Leninism. Hoxhaism is therefore the highest stage of the Marxist-Leninist theory, is the most developed stage of the struggle against bourgeois and petty-bourgeois ideology and its influence wihtin the revolutionary movemnet, until now.

Marxism is the international proletarian ideology which developed in the struggle against opportunism in connection with the struggle for the Paris Commune, the 1st and 2nd International. Leninism developed in the international struggle against opportunism of the 2nd International in connection with the October revolution, the Soviet Union and the Comintern. Leninism developed in the international struggle for the upbuilding and completion of socialism against the danger of the restoration of capitalism and the world capitalist encirclement.

1. Hoxhaism results from the socialist Albania as the leader of the Marxist-Leninist World Movement which developed socialism in the struggle against modern revisionism at power. Hoxhaism is the Marxist-Leninist ideology in the period of imperialism when revisionism came to state-power to degenerate, to decompose to liquidate, to destroy socialism, to restore the capitalist world which has wiped out the existence of socialism. Hoxhaism is the Marxist-Leninist ideology which developed in the struggle for the defence, strengthening and completion of socialism against the whole capitalist-revisionist world included the class enemy within socialist Albania and within the Marxist-Leninist World Movement. Particularely, Hoxhaism is the struggle of Marxism-Leninism against the Mao Tsetung Ideas. And in generally, Hoxhaism is the highest and present form of the revolutionary struggle of the Marxist-Leninist theory against the highest and present forms of the counter-revolutionary revisionist „theories“ - on an international scale.

The teachings of Enver Hoxha are the Marxism - Leninism on a progressed and furthest stage of the epoch of the imperialism, the epoch of the progressed world crisis, rottenness and parasitical decomposition of the dying world capitalism,. Particularly the teachings of Enver Hoxha are teachings against those particular capitalist degeneration forms as social imperialism and socialist fascism which emerged from the socialism. Hoxhaism is the teaching of Marxism-Leninism within that phase when the whole capitalist-revisionist world struggled for the destruction of the „socialism in a single country“ by help of the revisionist countries and by the help of the revisionists in the own socialist country.

The teachings of Enver Hoxha are the teachings of a new form of the socialist revolution`s further development - the theory and tactics of the Anti-revisionist and Anti-social fascist fight of a socialist country in a united front with the revolutionary world proletariat under the conditions of the capitalist-revisionist world, in general; and it is the theory and tactics of the defense and re-conquest of the working class` power, the strengthening and the re-establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, in particulare - the teachings for the power of the proletariat`s world dictatorship, for the victory of the socialism by bursting the imperialist - sozialimperialist chain, for the victory of the restored socialism over the restored capitalism, for the victory over revisionism at power.

2. The Hoxhaism is the victorious teaching of the „socialism in a single country“ which has developed despite the degeneration of another socialist country, despite the restoration of the capitalism in another socialist country, despite the revisionism at the power for decades, despite the capitalist – revisionist, international encirclement. The Hoxhaism is the teaching of the anti-revisionist re-enforcement and anti-revisionist regeneration of the socialism, is the teaching for decades of victorious resistance against the whole bourgeois - revisionist world.

3. The Hoxhaismus is the further development of the Marxism - Leninism under the conditions of the Anti-fascist fight and its directly transition into a teaching of the victorious fight for the dictatorship of the proletariat. The Hoxhaism is the teaching of the successfully renewed break of the imperialistic chain, namely under the conditions of the fascist occupation of a country. The Hoxhaism is the teaching of the construction of the socialism of a country especially on the ruins of a fascist dictatorship. The Hoxhaism can be recognized as a teaching of the elimination of the fascism by the socialism on the national scale and thus one prerequisite for the victory over the fascism and over the imperialistic war on the international scale.

4. The Hoxhaism is a proof of the correctness of the universal and international character of the Bolshevism. The Hoxhaism furnished proof that the Bolshevism wasn't a national teaching limited under Lenin and Stalin, under Russian conditions. Hoxhaism proved that Bolshevism wasn't limited as a tactic for all in the times of Lenin and Stalin, was not a timely limited appearance of the past, but a teaching for the whole epoch of imperialism and the socialist revolution, a living international, immortal teaching, suitable and useful in another (even smaller) country. The Hoxhaism is the further development of the Bolshevist teachings of Lenin and Stalin. The Hoxhaism is the further development of the teaching of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The teaching of comrade Enver Hoxha is the most important contribution for the definitely invincible world`s Bolshevism, is the most important contribution to the victory of the socialist world revolution and the establishment of the dictatorship of the world proletariat- since the death of Stalin.

The Hoxhaism of today

The Hoxhaism – as already pointed out - has followed from the fight against the modern revisionism at power, against restored capitalism. Today, Hoxhaism develops in the fight against the Neo-revisionism (Neo-revisionism = anti-revisionism in words and resuscitation (re-smuggling in) of the revisionism in deeds) to restore such socialism which is a qualified guarantee against any repetitive errors of capitalist restoration.

Hoxhaism of today is the struggle against those traitors who helped the world imperialists to smash socialist Albania and who helped them with the degenerating process of the Marxist-Leninist Movement which was cut off the socialist Albania. The Hoxhaism of today is, however, not alone a struggle for the restoration of the socialism`s status in life-times of comrade Enver Hoxha, but moreover a struggle for the final, the guaranteed victory over revisionism in general and last not least on an international scale.

It may not be forgotten that the struggle of Hoxhaism is a struggle of a whole period starting from the victorious struggle against revisionism at power under the conditions of socialism in a single country and a period ending with the worldwide victorious struggle against capitalist restoration. Hoxhaism has to be proved as the victorious Marxist-Leninist ideology of the revolutionary world proletariat over the counter-revolutionary ideology of world imperialism, over the revisionist ideology on an international stage. We have to differ three stages: first stage is the Hoxhaism in power in a single socialist country ( the former socialist Albania), second stage is the re-conquest of socialism by Hoxhaism in a situation where socialism is not any more in power (the stage we are in now) and third stage is the Hoxhaism` s world power. The period of today`s Hoxhaism is the Hoxhaism`s transferation from a national stage towards the international stage of power. If you want to understand and struggle for present Marxism-Leninism you have to rise Hoxhaism from the first step of development uninterruptedly to the last step of its development. You cannot fulfill this task if you ignore the fact that the Hoxhaism of today and the Hoxhaism of yesterday are the same in their nature, but diffent in their developing forms according to the further development of the class-struggle and the socialist processes all over the world. Our task is to bring back Hoxhaism to power through its further revolutionary development, through the further development of our Hoxhaist, anti-revisionist struggle.

Without further development of Hoxhaism you cannot bring back socialism to power, neither in a single country, nor internationally. 5 years struggle of the Comintern / ML can be characterized as 5 years struggle for the further development of Hoxhaism.

Further it may not be forgotten, that we Hoxhaists do not simply struggle for the restoration of socialism in the former forms under former conditions - not confined as a struggle for the restoration in Russia and Albania, not confined as a struggle for socialism in a single country, not confined as a struggle for the destruction opf bourgeois dictatorship in this por that country. We may not forget that our struggle above all is the struggle for the victory of the socialist proletarian wordl revolution, is the struggle for world socialism and communism, a future world society – established on the ruins of the dictatorship of the world bourgeoisie.

The Hoxhaists of today direct their aims ont he socialist world revolution as a matter of priority, as a matter of the final victory of Marxism-Leninism by speeding up the ongoig developing process of the class-struggle as a class- struggle of the whole revolutionary world proletariat , by anquering world socialist consciousness within the world proletarian movement, by rising the world proletarian movement onto the stage of the Marxist-Leninist World Movement, by rising the stage of the proletarian internationalism onto the stage of the socialist internationalism with the Hoxhaists at the top.

The Hoxhaism at the power was the Hoxhaism at the power in only a single socialist country of the world under the conditions of the imperialist-revisionist embracement of two - an imperialist and an social imperialist - super power as well as of the other imperialist and revisionist countries, with other words the encirclemant of the complete capitalist-revisionist world. Today's Hoxhaism is the fight for the power of the world socialism under the conditions of the completely globalized and united world imperialism (under the present leadership of the USA imperialism).

Well, we Hoxhaists of today differ the process of socialism`s restoration from the processes which took place in the period of the upbuilding of the first socialist countries in the last century. The socialism as it existed in times of Lenin, Stalin and Hoxha will change by the ongoing process of the globalized world imperialism at the moment. So future socialism will not be only a simple copy of the former socialism, but socialism on a higher stage of development, on today's stage of developments of a globalized world as a result of a globalized class struggle by a globalized consciousness of a globalized proletariat. The socialist world revolution gets a new quality which cannot be compared with the former quality of the class-struggle in the 19th and 20th century. That class- struggle had many national components. The globalization of today develops more and more typical international components by which the former national components are gradually forced into the back ground. And consequently this will change the face of modern socialism. That`s why we Hoxhaists of today try to put the globalized class-struggle with all its strategy and tactics in the foreground. That`s why we Hoxhaists of today are looking for new internationalist forms of class-struggle. The globalized world imperialism has pulled down old level-crossing barriers, has developed the world productive forces on higher steps and made the way free for the globalized socialization, for globalized socialism.The Hoxhaists of today put therefore their fingers on the missing Communist International as the center of the conscious carrier of the proletarian world revolution. We give the world revolution a new meaning and understanding not only for the proletariat in this or that country, but moreover for the whole world proletariat as one class – a socialist revolution of one international class.

The socialism, the Marxism-Leninism, the revolutionary Marxist-Leninist World Movement cannot live only of memories of comrade Enver Hoxha, as a heroic historical episode: What we need as Hoxhaists is a new clear international socialist orientation as it was worked out in the general line of the Comintern / ML. We have the old programme of the Comintern (1926) and we have the strategy and tactics of the socialist world revolution worked out by the Comintern / ML ( 2001-2002). Both is combined on the internationalist banner of the Comintern / ML, a banner under which a new generation of Hoxhaist will be grown up and educated on an international stage.

The socialism in a single country and the proletarian world revolution

We conclude from globalization that the socialist fight in the single countries shall show its true and full internationalist character by the internationalization of the proletarian class-struggle and by the ongoing development of the Hoxhaist world party. There shall come strong impulses from the globalized class-struggle towards the proletariat in each country, especially to the proletariat of those countries who are already deeply involved in the globalization process by which the process of the changing international class-structure became a progressive dynamic stage. It is the globalization which pushes forward the class-struggle in every single country and which gives it a new quality of international unificaton. And this is characteristic for the new class-struggle in the single countries because its itensification shall animate and accelerate the processes of the world revolution, is a mutual revival of the socialist revolution everywhere on earth in general and especially concentrated in the industrial centers of the globalized world. Globalization awakens and stimulates enormously the colossal forces of the revolutionary world proletariat, shall accelerate the international class-contradictions, shall lead to the sharpening of the polarization of the two main classes of the world, shall force existential conflicts within the world imperialist system, shall enter a step to the international power of the proletariat which could not be reached during the period of the „socialism in a single country“. However this historical step towards the global power of the proletariat would not be possible without the decisive step of the workers power in a single country. Marxism-Leninism teaches, if the proletariat proved historically the seizure of the power in a single country, it shall consequently prove the seizure of its power on an international stage, because the proletariat is an international class which mission is to establish its own world socialist system. This international system of the proletariat can only be established and (maintained!) if the power of the world bourgeoisie is completely smashed, so that world capitalism cannot find anymore any retreat, that it cannot regenerate with its reverse transfer capacitance to support the restoration of capitalism as it worked by the former world capitalist-revisionist encirclement, so that it will be impossible to strangle socialism in a single country by the help of revisionist enzymes which were working successfully in a socialist country of the 20th century.

The socialism in a single country has produced the historical proof, that the leading cadres of the workers have developed a hundred times more fastly and more thoroughly under the proletarian power than under the power of the capital. The international leading cadres will grow a thousand times more fastly and more thoroughly under the international power of the proletariat than under the proletarian power of a single socialist country. But there many other essential experiences from the socialism in a single country which are very important for world socialism. We choose only four:

    1. The proletariat of a single country can break through the chain of world imperialism only at a certain position and under certain conditions, which makes it possible and easier for the world bourgeoisie to reintegrate and close the link by efforts of the restoration of capitalism in the socialist country which teared away from the capitalist world system. The world proletariat is not alone able to break the front of the world capital at a certain position - this was already successfully done by the proletariat of a single country - , but at nearly every other position. The world proletariat does not alone break through the most weakened link of the world imperialist chain. Its mission is to smash the world imperialist chain at a whole. It is the global class-struggle at the whole world front! The struggling at the world front is more advantagous by breaking trough this or that link of the world imperialist chain. It is as well easier for the proletariat as more difficult for the bourgeoisie.

    2. The loss of the socialist perspectives of the construction of socialism in a single country which is isolated and threatened by the bourgeois-revisionist encirclement, is not so highly endangered under the conditions of the world socialism and at least under the conditions of the socialism in a few countries. Thus the struggle of the restoration of the capitalismthe by the new bourgeoisie would be much more difficult under the conditions of world socialism or at least under socialism in some countries than the restoration of one single socialist country (as it happened in the 20th century).

    3. The future danger of the loss of the international revolutionary perspectives is lower under the conditions of the power of the world proletariat than the danger under the conditions of the construction of the socialism in an only and single, isolated socialist country. Simultaneously the danger of the restoration of the world capitalism is substantially restricted by the existence of the world socialism, because world socialism restricts the possibilities of capitalism to rely on a hinterland.

    4. The degree of probability of the danger that a Marxist - Leninist party could lose its leading position and in consequence the degree of probability of its transformation into an appendage of the state apparatus and as well that of the party`s revisionist degenration, is much higher under the conditions of a single socialist country than under the conditions of the socialist world republic. If there exists a Communist International at the top of world socialism then a Marxist - Leninist party of every country won't run the risk of losing its leading position so easily - as this was the case in the past. The socialist world state is the only guarantee for the prospering of every other socialist state, is a guarantee for the next step to abolish at all the state in the classless society, in the period of communism.

It is obvious that the establishment of a world system of socialism is advantegeous for the socialist system in every single country – moreover this means the full guarantee of socialism which was not realized by the first socialist countries , the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin, and the Socialist Albania of Enver Hoxha. To learn from their experiences we have to concentrate on a better strategy and tactics for the world revolution, for the concret question of how the world proletariat can seize the power in the world.

Well, at present we are interested in all the valuable historical experiences of the „socialism in a single country" to find an answer of the question how we can work out and realize the idea of the derivation from the socialism in a“ single“ country to the socialism in all countries of the world? How can we achieve the demanded harmonically networking socialist world system? What can we contribute to the treasure vault of the 5 classics of Marxism-Leninism concerning the theory of the world revolution under the present conditions of the globalization? We have to compare the former conditions of world revolution - in times when the 5 classics were living – with the present conditions. We have to work out the conformities and the differences caused by the changing times and circumstances.

In principle there is no Marxist - Leninist World Movement without the world revolutionary theory by which it is led. In principle this theory does not belong to only a proletariat in this or that country, but it belongs to all proletarians in a similar manner, it belongs to the whole world proletariat. The Marxism - Leninism is the generalization of the experiences of the revolutionary movement of the workers of all countries - moreover: Marxism – Leninism ist the generalization of the experience of the globalized class struggle of the world proletariat as one and only international class. The Comintern / ML pointed out that the Marxist-Leninists, that the revolutionary workers all over the world, have to get fully familiar with the deep meaning of this decisive difference. They have to learn that the essence, the nature, the contents, the aims are still the same but the form of the globalized class- struggle of one and only international class is on a higher level than the class-struggle of the proletariat in all countries during the 20th century. The globalized class-struggle is mainly the new typical form of the class-struggle in our 21st century. Marxism-Leninism of today is therefore the generalized experiences of the globalized leverage of global instruments which serve to the modern world proletarian class struggle.The class-struggle in the „own“ country as well gets a higher level under these conditions of the globalized class-struggle. Therefore the Comintern / ML worked out a new strategy and tactics of the socialist world revolution under the present situation of globalization and that`s what the Marxist-Leninists urgently needed to unite under the banner of a new world revolutionary general line. The Comintern / ML is a new type of Communist International: the Hoxhaist Type of a Globalized Communist International. The Communist International is not a sort of an international center which coordinates the work of the single parties with the aim to support the class-struggle of their own country ( with the fatal consequence of its dissolution after their „completed“ growth and development!). The Comintern / ML generalized the experiences of the Comintern`s dissolution in the „general line of the Comintern / ML. The Communist International is in first line and essentially the Communist party of the world proletariat – that makes the difference! The Marxist - Leninist parties in this or that country cannot change the theory of the world revolution after their own ideas. There is only one proletariat and only one theory of the world revolution. They are all led by the same Marxist-Leninist theory, which is a theory with international and internationalist characteristics, which is a world ideology of the world proletariat. And this means in consequence that it is valid not alone for the party in this or that country but valid as a whole for the parties in all countries. Today, this can only be realized and achieved by the Hoxhaist world party which expresses the common interests, theory, the willing and acting of the whole world proletariat. The theory of the world revolution has to be worked out by the Communist International and by the support of the Marxist-Leninist party in every country. By whom else? There is no doubt about it that the Communist International is the pioneer of the world revolutionary theory of Marxism-Leninism. And it is as only as good as the support of every single party and every single comrade all over the world. The generalization of the experiences of the globalized class-struggle is only as good as the development of the globalization of the Marxist-Leninist parties, and the globalization of their common class-struggle!

The socialist world revolution learns from all the previous revolutions (from the single ones in particular and from all of them in a whole, in general) - even if they are not of the same type. The previous revolution leaves its inclompeted tasks to the following revolution. The socialist world revolution shall complete everything which was left as unsolved problems by all the previous revolutions. Every defeat is a prime example for the thoroughness of the next revolution. The setback of the socialism in a single country is a also a useful and needed part of the future success of the world revolution. Everything which isn't solved by the first revolution, gets solved by the next revolution on a higher level, which means that the permanence of the world revolutionary process culminates inevitably to the point where the old world capitalism is too weak to survive and where simultaneously the world socialism is strong enough to take the place of the deceased. This comes up to the whole science of the socialist world revolution: The socialist world revolution solves the decisive problem of the guaranteed victory of the socialism in a single country. The socialist world revolution finishes successfully all the lacks and weaknesses of the socialist revolution in a single country by its suppressed demand and places it higher onto the step-like curve. The beginning of the world socialist system is simultaneously the end of socialism in a single country after a long prospering period of its development. Then the solution of the communism is near. This is simply and solely, the entirely hiristorical undisputed merit of the Comintern / ML: the socialist world revolution is the most important science of the world in the history of mankind. This science of the world revolution has to be studied earnestly and thoroughly, has to be developed and in the first lineit has to be mastered – otherwise the Communist International is incapable to lead and organize the world proletariat.

The power of the proletarians of all countries is based in their uniformation as one organized, conscious international class. The formation as a conscious world class enables the world proletariat to open the doors to the classless world. This global formation process of the world proletariat is simultaneously a formation process of the classless society, which can only be reached on a world`s scale. Last not least the consciousness of the developing process of the world proletariat depends on the condition of the Marxist - Leninist World Movement as the subjective factor, but it is based on the developing process of the globalization of the world capitalist economy as the objective factor. The global being of the world proletariat determines its global consciousness. These subjective and objective factors cause each other dialectically, in which the objective factor can be influenced and accelerated but not be anulled or abrogated . The Communist International has to consider the economical rules of the globalization`s development. The globalized productive forces are the most mobile and revolutionary elements of the world capitalist production, but they are – in the result – destroyed by the world economic crisis. This crisis is the world revolution`s economic basis. The globalized incongruity of the whole world productive forces on the one hand and the worldcapitalist private ownership on the other hand is the objective origin of the ongoing world revolutionary process. And the world revolution`s destination is finally to remove this global incongruity by the destruction of the world capitalist ownership of the means of production by the worldwide socialization of the globalized productive forces, by world socialist ownership of the means of world production. The economic law taht the relations of production must necessarily conform with the character of the productive forces has to be forcing its globalized way. It is an international economic law and this means that ther elations of production must necessarily internally be conformed with the global character of the productive forces. Without the existence of the world proletariat who seizes the power through the world revolution it is impossible to activate this essential international economic law. The socialist world economic system could not survive if the Communist International would not act according to this economical law of the unconditional conformation of the relations of production with the character of the productive forces on an international stage. With regard to the future the resistance of the world bourgeoisie is thousand times stronger than the resistance of the whole reactionary classes in a single country. So the prerequisite of the world proletariand power`s seizure is not only the world revolutionary consciousness as the subjective factor. To be victorious the world proletariat needs to be a strong international class also in hence of its quantification in the course of the globalization. And this depends on the ability to overcome traditional national borders of the former worker`s movement, depends on the ability to change consciously all the hundreds of national worker`s movements into one and only international worker`s movement led by it`s own international centers.

Of course, the future belongs to the world proletariat, which grows and strengthens with every new day. But this is not enough. The triumphal march of the world proletariat is long and hard – and not without any defeats.

Today It is really possible that the world proletariat economically overcomes the world bourgeoisie. Today it is possible that the world proletariat creates the basis of its own economic system of the world socialism. World industry is globalized and demands for its global socialization. The global expropriation of the global exploiter.s is now urgently needed to develop the socialization of the global large-scale production, to combine the global agriculture with the world industry as a world economic combinate, to create the global soviet cooperatives, global kolkhozes, to settle the connection between the countries on the basis of the exchange of agricultural products and industrial products , etc.

Additionally it is possible for the world proletariat to care about the necessity to close and liquidate all those international channels by whichclasses are coming into being and by which world capital is primarily generated. The world proletariat has in general all front-end equipments as disposal to create an alround international network of production- and distribution conditions which directly and immediately lead to the abolition of the classes in the world scale. The world proletariat is able to improve the material and cultural predicament of millions of people who are in need and misery. The world proletariat can achieve better living conditions for the majority of the world`s population within shortest time and everywhere on earth, where it is most urgently needed. This is the most important measurement to ensure the dictatorship of the world proletariat by the support of the biggest portion of the complete world population, to pull it on the side of the world proletariat and to build up the socialist world order and to base it on always safer social conditions.

The world proletariat is - as the only force in the whole world - able to transform the exhausted bourgeois states (who are on their last legs) into blossoming socialist states by getting rid of the foreign capital`s exploitation. Thereby the world proletariat contributes mainly to improvement of the satisfaction of the national and cultural needs of all countries, basically and with a lasting effect.The ruling world proletariat counts on every proletariat, which leads its own country within the community of the world republic. New forms of the alliance will develop into the mutual support between the world proletariat and the socialist proletariat in every country. Within shortest time the new world socialist order will establish the truth of its superiority in comparison with every other former world order - especially with the world imperialistic order. At the top of the world there are now the millions of world producers themselves and not any more the minority of world capitalist parasites.

The socialist world economy - methodically operating - will be the strongest summarized, concentrated and effective economy in the history of the mankind. The present capitalist world economic system has nothing to oppose it - but instead: collapse by the inner contradictions, world crisis tossed about, accumulation of more and more unemployment, poverty and misery by exploitation and oppression of the majority of the world population on the one side, and gigantic accumulation of riches, living in luxury etc. by a tiny world minority on the other side who take out the stitches of the destiny of the mankind in her bloody, warlike claws. Boils -- nothing as boils, --destruction, nothing as destruction. These are the remainders of the capitalist world economic system after more than hundred year. 5 years of Comintern / ML is a little but useful piece of shortening this epoch of the world imperialism.

Everything was foreseen clearly by Stalin:

As long as we find ourselves in the capitalist encirclement as long as the proletariat at least hasn't won in a row of countries, we cannot therefore regard our victory as definitively. Consequently we cannot regard the country of the dictatorship of the proletariat as protected against dangers from outside, no matter which successes will be demonstrated by the upbuilding of socialism. To win definitely one must therefore achieve the removal of the present capitalist encirclement by socialist surroundings. One must achieve that the proletariat is victorious in at least a couple of countries. Only then our victory can be regarded as definitely." ( Stalin, Volume 8, page 235 ; German edition). (Underlined and stressed]by the editorial stuff).

And today:

One can hardly doubt abou the fact that the darkest and worst reaction in all capitalist countries would follow after the destruction of the Soviet Republic.“ ( Stalin, Volume 9, page 123; German edition ).

The capitalist-revisionist encirclement has won against the socialism in a single country. This is a fact or not? Today there is no really existing socialist country on earth -- this is a fact which only the revisionists try to deny. Of course it is always the case that the victory of the socialism in a single country is simultaneously a means, a lever, a way and a base, a matter how the world revolution must be tackled. This is what the classics always taught and this is still necessary. There cannot be any world socialism, which is not based on the socialism of the single countries, unless a „world socialist“ castle in the air. - this pipe dream would satisfy the world bourgeoisie but not the world proletariat. To make world socialism come true one needs at least a row of socialist countries as its base and levers, one needs a world socialist camp, a world socialist center which is able to oppose the world capitalist camp victoriously, one needs economic, social and national prerequisites for the elimination of the capitalist world order, one needs the power of the world proletariat.

One mustn't mix up the victory of the socialism in the world scale with the victory of the socialism in all countries of the world. One may not lump together both these different concepts. They cannot be devided or contrasted as idependent matters. If only the victory is safe in the world scale then the requirements for the victory of the socialism in all countries can be obtained. The proletarian world revolution starts with the seizure of the political power of the world proletariat, by which it cancreate its own world socialist power center - and the socialist revolution of the world proletariat is finally crowned by the victory of the socialism in all countries of the world.

In the name of the victory of the socialist world revolution we shall carry higher and higher the torch of the Soviet Union of Lenins and Stalins together with the torch of Albania of Enver Hoxha. For all times socialism in both countries will remain as an unshakeably example for all working people of the world, and both these torches will always go on burning to enlighten all the suppressed and oppressed , and we Marxist – Leninists will have a watchful eye on them, so that the revolutionary fire of both the socialist countries cannot be put out by anyone. With both of these two leaping torches we shall step forward from the epoch of the victory of the socialism in a single country to the next epoch of the victory of the socialism in the world scale - reminding the words of Stalin – especially its deep actual meaning,

... that it isn't permitted for a Marxist, to mix up such miscellaneous appearances like the ` victory of the socialism in a single country ` and the ` victory of the socialism in the world scale` and to to lump everything together. One mustn't forget , that these miscellaneous appearances reflect two completely different epoches which do not differ only temporally (what is very important), but also in their whole nature (...)

The period of the victory of the socialism in the world scale is in so far different from the period of the victory in a single country as it primarily liquidates the imperialism in all countries, and as it removes the aim of the nation`s domination as well as the fear of the danger of the nation`s enslavement, as it withholds mitrust an national hostility from the ground, as it unites ther nations within a uniform socialist world economy and thus creates the really conditions which are necessary for the gradual fusion of all nations as a whole. This is the fundamental difference between these two periods " ( Stalin, Volume 11, page 307; German edition of the KPD/ML )

It would be a mistake to believe that the first stage of the period of the world dictatorship of the proletariat shall be the beginning of the dying of the nations and the national languages, the beginning of the growing of an uniform common language. On the contrary the first stage in whose course the national oppression will be removed finally will be the stage when the formerly suppressed nations and national languages will develop and blossom out. This is that stage in which the equal rights of the nations will be established, the stage in which the mutual national suspicion will disappear, the stage by which the international connections between the nations shall be strengthended and consolidated.“ (Stalin, Volume 11, page 311, German edition).

So as the mankind can only come to the abolition of the classes by the transition period of the dictatorship of the suppressed classes, it can only come to the unavoidable fusion of the nations by the transition period of the complete liberation of the suppressed nations, which means: by the freedom of the nations self-determination, by their realized right of self-separation“ ( Lenin, Volume 20, page 135/1369; German edition ) .

Not until the second stage of the period of the world dictatorship of the proletariat , to such extent as uniform socialist world economy will be established instead of the capitalist world economy – Not until in this stage there will be the beginning of some kind of common language, not until this stage the nations shall demand for the necessity to have a common international language besides their own national languages - to the relief of the communication among each others and to the relief of the economic, cultural and political cooperation. In this stage the national languages and a common international language shall co-exist. It is possible that at first there will be not only one single common world economy center for all nations with a common language but several zonal economy centers for single groups of nations with a common language, for every special group of nations and that these centers shall be united later on to a common socialist world economy center with one common language for all nations.

In the following stage of the period of the world dictatorship of the proletariat, if the socialist world economy center were consolidated to a certain extent and if socialism will be an integral element of the everyday life of the people, if the nations will be convinced about the advantages of a common language in comparison with the own national languages – then the national differences and languages will beginn to die and to make way for a common world language. In my opinion this is approximately the picture of the future of the nations, the picture of the development of the nations on the way to their future fusion " (Stalin, Volume 11, page 311/312 , German edition).

The world proletariat and its internationalist world party are the only force who shall lead and reconquer the socialist nations in the direction shown by Stalin – towards full blossomming:

International alliance of the world proletariat with the working farmers for the liquidation of the relics of the world capitalism in the name of the victorious construction of the world socialism; elimination of the relics of the international oppression in the name of the socalist world republic; elimination of the relics of the world imperialism, the kosmopolitism in the name of the victory of the socialist internationalis and the world socialist friendship of the people, united front in the fight against the restoration of the world capitalism, united front in the fight against the international class society and for the classless world comunity, for the world communism, - this is the world revolutionary ideological line of the Comintern / ML.

If we we are now in the situation of the temporary defeat of the socialism and not any more in the situation of the victory of a single socialist country, then we are logically not yet able to lean on the single socialist country as the locomotive, as the lever and base of the world revolution - as we learnt this in former times (at all events not at present). Meanwhile we have to fix another decisive starting point for our strategy and tactics. What kind of conclusions do we have to draw? Doing nothing as waiting for the socialist revolution in a single country? Okay but what to do if the socialist revolution in a single country doesn't come? Waiting for another 60 years (last socialist revolution occured Albania)? Or waiting until the last country in the world will be ripe for its socialist revolution = world revolution by a drumbeat? Nothing happens by itself. The history teaches us that we cannot reach on direct way to the world socialism. The history teaches further, that we cannot automatically and directly reach the station of world socialism without changing some stations. To stop the world socialist train in a single socialist country and not to start it from there, is not only a stoppage for the socialist country, not only a stoppage for the world revolution, but a stoppage of socialism in general. To fight for the socialism in a country is an international(ist) task and only revolutionary as far as it is continued up to the world revolution.

This task [ promote the advancement of the working class – ed.] consists not in the strengthening of any ` nationall ` state, but in the strengthening of the socialist and consequently the international [underlined by the ed.] state, in the cause of which every strengthening of this state contributes to the power of the complete international working class " ( Stalin, Volume 13, page 94; German edition, KPD/ML ).

The fight for the socialism in a single country gets reactionary if it is reduced on the solution of the national question and if the international aim of the world revolution was sacrificed. The one way is the bourgeois nationalist and the other way is the proletarian internationalist way. The one way leads to the strengthening of the socialism in a single country, the other way leads to the restoration of the capitalism in a single country. There is no cross and there cannot be any cross. It's either one thing or the other! The task consists of an irreconcilable fight against those reconsiliatory elements in the internationalist question of the socialism in a single country, also in future. These elements do or will not understand the necessity of the immediate and inseparable connection with the world revolution (see the criticism in the general line of the Comintern / ML on the decisions of the VII. World Congress of the Comintern).

What is the dialectical relationship between the socialism in a single country and the socialism in the world scale? Full unfolding of the socialism in a single country for the purpose of preparation of the conditions for the world socialism = prerequisite of the socialism in all countries of the world for the fusion of all socialist countries of the world for the (finally) dying of the socialist nations, for the dying of the socialist states, for the dying of the classes on the whole world, for the transition to the classless world comunity for the world communism!

The metaphysical philosophy, the vulgarization, the absolutization, the idealizing historical transfiguration of the Marxist-Leninist theory of the „socialism in a single country" can never serve to the necessary defense of this valuable experience of the proletarian dictatorship in a single country. On the contrary the bourgeois-revisionist influence consists just of the rejection of the internationalist spirit of socialism in a single country. We are never allowed to mix up „rejection“ with „negation“. The world socialism is the negation`s negation of „socialism in a single country“. [we put „socialism in a single country“ in quotation marks to stress the character of the only existing socialism on a national scale in demarcation of the single socialist country under the international conditions of world socialism – marked by the ed.] There is an indispensable dialectical cohesion between world socialism and „socialism in a single country“. Restoration of capitalism in a „single socialist country“ is the deepest and hardest counter-revolutionary process against the world revolution. If you do not fight against capitalist restoration by defending the internationalist power of the socialist single country, if you only fight against capitalist restoration from a nationalist point of view, then you are not a Marxist-Leninist. To defend socialism in „a single country“ does mainly mean: the defense of the ongoing process of the world revolution. The anti-revisionist struggle against the world revolution does not stop with the collapse of socialism in a single country, in the contrary. Herewith we are hitting the nail on the head. Who is actively struggling against revisionism in the question of the world revolution? If you look around the world, there are only a very few comrades who are conscious about this question and there are even less comrades who really fight for the solution of this question actively. Excuse us, but this is our subjective impression, this is what we observed. The Comintern / ML – at present – seems to be the only organization on the globe who brings up this painful subject: the necessary anti-revisionist struggle for the world revolution. The anti-revisionist struggle for the world revolution - this is the highest form of the anti-revisionist struggle in general.

The „socialism in a single country“ isn't our ultimately final goal and never was the ultimately final goal of the Marxist-Leninists. We are not the revisionists who put an end to the „socialism in a single country“. We as Marxist-Leninists could not and cannot struggle for the „socialism in a single country“ without the struggle for the world revolution, because we are proletarian internationalists: „the international class of the proletariat is free not untill it is free on a global stage“. The „socialism in a single country“ is an inalienable and necessary process of the development to the socialism in all countries on the way of the world socialism and finally world communism. The old type „socialism in a single country“ as the only one removes itself by a new type of a socialist country – the socialist country as a part of a socialist world and later on - after another long period – then(!) socialist countries are not any longer necessary and shall not continue to exists.

We Marxist-Leninists do not defend for all eternity the former type of „socialism in a single country“. To be more precise we are for dying of the old type of „socialism in a single country“ -- not that way according to the restoration of the capitalism, but according to the inalienable and necessary transition to the classless world community. Those who don't understand this peculiarity of the transformation of the „socialism in a single country“ in the course of the transition period from capitalism to communism, are not able and willing to understand the dialectics of historical revolutionary world processes, are not willing or able to understand the multiplication table of Marxism-Leninism, are directly or indirectly slowing down the world process of communism by putting an end to the old type of „socialism in a single country“, are „Marxist-Leninists“ in words, but in reality restorators of revisionism, restorators of capitalism. They want that type of „socialism“ which is restorable to capitalism, they don`t want the guaranteed socialism – world socialism. They want such type of „world socialism“ which guarentees all the „socialist“ countries to be restorable to capitalism, they want „socialism“ only for the purpose for the survival of world capitalism.

Neither the skip ( `left ` radicalism) of „socialism in a single country“ nor the trot after „the socialism in a single country“ (right opportunism), nor to go nowhere except back to the „socialism in a single country“ ( - so to speak as the final stage of socialism and not as the transition step to communism) – all this can never be our world revolutionary Marxist – Leninist line. All Marxist – Leninists will certainly agree with this, because we Marxist-Leninists always direct our ideological struggle at two fronts:

Against those radical lower middle-class elements, who - (in a Trotzkyite manner - get into panic about the forthcoming end of the petty-bourgeois world) - skip the necessary steps to the world revolution and who hurry on in advance without leading the world proletariat (= adventurism); and against those (– if they`d messed it) – who are servilely enough to get any concession from the world imperialists ( = capitulationism);

As well as against that revisionist trotting tail which tries in every conceivable way to impede, to brake and to hold back the world revolution. These elements renounce the international class struggle of the world proletariat, they betray the proletarian world revolution and they descend to the level of petty-bourgeois liberalism.

Both the enemies of the world revolution have to be combatted at the same time, because they work hand in hand. While the Righties operate quite openly with their opportunism against the world revolution , the „Lefties“ mask opportunism with „worldrevolutionary“ phrases on the other hand. Playing with the world revolution and finall capitulation towards the world revolution indeed as essence, „left" phrases and „world revolutionary "-adventurous behavior as a form, which hides the capitulatory content and is to adverse publicity – that`s all about the nature of the Trotzkyite betrayal of the world revolution.

If we do not unmask all the „worldrevolutionary“ phrases of the Neo - Trotzkyites, the consequence will be that we would make it easier for the right opportunists to discredit the world revolution by lumping us together with the „left“ opportunists - just to make it easier to condemn us Marxist – Leninists as „sectarians“. The revisionists take criticism on „left“ exaggerations, distortions and faults in the fight for the world revolution for a cause to oppose to the struggle of the world revolution very fundamentally and in principle. The revisionists deny world revolution in the name of „world revolution“. The revisionists try to prove „scientifically“ the impossibility of the world revolution`s inevitable victory. So, if we want to thwart the right opportunists` plan we have to overcome the faults of the „left“ opportunists. This is the correct way we have to lead our Marxist-Leninist struggle against the deviations in the question of the world revolution.But does this suffice? This of course doesn't suffice.

Nevertheless the world revolutionary processes are actually active, without recognizing it immediately in clearest way. It isn't possible for the Comintern / ML to take in the world revolutionary processes immediately which are now going on and it is therefore even less possible to influence these world processes as they ought to be influenced practically in time. We need time to reflected these world revolutionary processes by our consciousness. Consciousness does not come up to reality and facts to the same time. Consciousness needs time to reflect the ongoing objective international processes. And because we are conscious abou these circumstances we have to revolutionize our Marxist-Leninist consciousness about the world revolution with the help of the dialectical and historical materialism, we have to overcome our narrow outlook, we have to correct our old-fashioned misconceptions on the world revolution, we have to be courageous enough to throw them over board. We have to be on our guard against idealizationing the world revolution by assuming what really happens and what is utterly obvious. The discovery of the science of the socialist world revolution is still in its infancy. We must earnestly do our internationalist scientific work.

In which direction do we have to go?

Before we can do something correctly at all, we must learn to avoid what went wrong. We have to study the developmental history of the socialism in a single country more thoroughly and more profoundly. The studies of Enver Hoxha on the modern revisionism are very helpful to do this. The key for the right understanding of our future way to the world socialism consists of the logical and historical knowledge of the socialism, how it had developed or to speak more exactly: how socialism moved backwards towards the restoration of the capitalism. We must primarily give an answer to the question what was the reason why the step from the socialism in a single country was not followed by the step towards the world socialism? Why did the process of the world revolution go downward? What held it back? Which chain-link had been missing? What has to be done? In which direction do we have to go, if we want to improve the acceleration of the world revolutionary process in the future? This scientific work cannot be done in a spare time. Victory and defeat depend on the correct answers which we have to find out. What has happened to us with the socialism in a single country is not to be repeated in regard of the world socialism. The theoretical loopholes must be closed before you step forward practically. Certainly this does not mean to stop the activities of supporting the internationalist, daily class struggle because we can only become experienced in the practical fight and we improve our fight by the generalization of our experiences. The Marxist - Leninist movement is the embodiment of the proletarian world movement which is merged together with the scientific world socialism.

We must do what is possible under today's conditions ( without drifting into pragmatic and spontaneous working methods!). We must analyse our available possibilities scientificallywith the method of the dialectical and historical materialism. We have to work out a strategy and tactics on the basis of the results of our analysis. Then we have to pick up that chain-link with which we can support the processes of the whole chain of the world revolution:

We must look for new support, new means, new levers, new ways for a new base for the reconquest of the socialism, find and create as long until we cannot yet rebuild the socialism in a single country. Which ones are these? Are there still the proletarians of all countries? Yes, they are still there and they grow rapidly by the globalization of the capital quantitatively and also qualitatively – since the Comintern / ML began to carry out the worldrevolutionary consciousness of the world proletarian movemen. And what do we have else? We have the forces of the working masses unleashed by the globalization as a reserve of the world revolution, a globalized reserve-army of the unemployed, a globalized army of the poor peasants, etc. - great potential for united front with the world proletariat!

The world proletariat as the upcoming globalized class now goes through one studying process after the other. In the end the world proletariat shall have done everythingnecessary to oppose the international front of the capital as an organized class-front on its own part. Unavoidably the globalized front of the capital creates the globalized labour front – and this is evident for us Marxist – Leninists, especially the Marxist – Leninist parties on all continents because we have to support the formation process of the globalized labour front to ease the outbreak of the worldrevolutionary processes on all united proletarian continents.

The proletariat can only build this universal class-front if the proletariat looks over the own national soup-plate. The Marxist-Leninist parties of the countries ought to be the first who do everything to overcome their national level-crossing barriers, but even the Marxist-Leninist parties in the neighbor countries did not yet notice that proletarian internationalism is more than exchanging experiences to „improve“ the class-struggle in the own country. Helping each other is precondition of helping the world party of the world proletariat – otherwise proletarian internationalism would be nothing else as a dead end, it would be anything else but not a centralized organizationing of the international class struggle of ONE class front to resist the global offensive of the world capital.This does not mean that brotherly naborship of the proletarians, of the Marxist-Leninists would be unnecessary. In the contrary this brotherly relationship to the proletariat of the other countries shall rize on a higher level by the centralized world party! Obviously it seems to be too difficult for the Marxist-Leninist parties to understand that a centralized world party will be much more effective even for the relationship among each other.

If it was formerly possible for the capitalist-revisionist encirclement to smash the dictatorship of the proletariat of a single country, this will be not at all a so successful tactic on the world scale. If the world proletariat takes a firm and united stand as an international class-front, it will not be so easy to uphold the old bourgeois-revisionist encirclement in times of the single socialist country. In future the class front of the world proletariat shall weaken the nationalk fronts of the bourgeois-revisionist countries, so that the possibility of the victory of the socialist revolution in a single country is higher in all probability. Today the opening of the centralized international class-front of the world proletariat is the key to open the socialist revolution in all countries. This is the direction we have to go. The formation of the centralized global internationalist classfront of one international class – that is the way to understand at present the slogan: „Proletarians of all countries - unite!“

In the short days of the Octoberrevolution it was advantegeous for Lenin to grab his chance because there was a particular world situation amongst the capitalist countries – it was a moment of weakness because the imperialists were at daggers drawn with each other. The Albanian Communists could also use the right moment to get rid of the German occupiers so that the weak power of the bourgeoisie in the own country could be removed relatively easy. These were more or less extraor4dinary and exceptional moments of history under conditions which could not necessarilybe applied and multiplied in all the other countries just like that. Never forget that the imperialists learnt from their faults and weaknesses in their struggle against the socialist revolution.They took their preventive measures and numerous precautions. Today the world imperialists concentrate their counter-revolutionary forces almost uniformly on revolutionary flash points – in first line and under the command of the rich bourgeois metropolies but also under inclusion of a large number of UNO-member states. This is already practiced since a considerable time because asingle capitalist state would have too much difficulties in the solo run and without the alliance with all united capitalist states. However the character of revolutionary flash points of anti-imperialism shall change from national liberation struggles of the passed towards international liberation struggles of the future caused by the globalization of the counter-revolution. The only way out is the international concentration of the whole world wide revolutionary forces. We have to oppose a revolutionary strategy and tactics of the world proletariat to the counter-revolutionary strategy and tactics of the world imperialists. We have not only to break through the counterrevolutionary encirclement but we have to combinate it with the worldrevolutionary encirclement. Time is ripe to prepare the world proletarian revolutionary encirclement to beat the world imperialists at their own game. The first encirclement was a bourgeois one, the second encirclement was a bourgeois-revisionist one, the third and last encirclement must be a world proletarian one. The question of the removal of the world imperialist chain is as well a question of breaking through at the weakest link and tearing it asunder as also a question of its combination with global strangling and chrushing by the worldwide encirclement of the world proletarian`s class front. Under globalized conditions the one is not possible without the other. Undermining the parasite bourgeois states from inside and oppressive international encirclement around the world imperialist order from outside – an interactive struggle of the proletariat of a single country ( as a division of the world proletarian army) with the overall global struggle of the centrally organized world proletarian army. The leadership of the world proletariat is important for this revolutionary interaction. Every anti-imperialist resistance ends inevitably with a defeat, if this condition of the leadership of the world proletariat is missing.

Today It is more likely to break the imperialist chain if the world proletarian forms its own chain. By this the proletariat of a single country will not be isolated by the task`s solution of breaking out of the imperialist chain. The world proletarian chain clings to the world imperialist chain so that the imperialist chain does not only lose one single chain-link but falls into ruins as a whole. By this it is besides also more difficult for the imperialists to reintegrate the lost chain-link by the restoration of capitalism. This means that we have to turn around the encirclement tactics of the world imperialists by 180 degress to beat them at their same game as we already mentioned. The reconquest of socialism is based on this internationalist idea. This idea is also based on a materialist fundament. Once world imperialism needed the national framework for its development. In the course of the world imperialist development it was going to overcome national borders and globalized. Socialism needed also a national framework to develop. The theory of the „socialism in a single country“ was worked out and successfully transformed into practice. Socialism grows out of the lap of the capitalist society. It is logically to assume that globalized capitalism creates globalized socialism. World capitalism gives birth to world socialism, the socialist world community. This course of renewed socialism is an objective law of mankind`s development independantly from the willing and subjective wishes of the people. We as communists have to look through the future development of the world society by our internationalist eyes. We have to concentrate or whole energy on the task to speed up the objectively ongoing world socialist processes. We have consciously to interfere the revolutionary processes of the proletarians` globalization. So it was not by chance when the Comintern / ML spent its whole attention towards the world proletariat as an international class but it was a neccessity which is based on Marxist-Leninist knowledge of the actually changing world situation of the proletariat:

The globalized capital has forged the proletarians of all countries to the globalized of the labour slavery. The world proletariat can only get rid of the globalized labour slavery by organizing its centralized globalized power. The chains of labour slavery can only completely burst on an international stage. The struggle against labour slavery has to be organized as one international struggle organized by a central leadership of the proletarians of all countries.

World proletarians -- shatter your globalized chain of the labour slavery!

This is the watchword of today's communism!

This is the watchword of the proletarians of all countries -- on the 5th anniversary of the Comintern/ML !

The multinational companies, the international industry-and financial capital counts on the mobilization of the internationalized productive forces, on international labour sharing. This process abolishes the old gravedigger on a national stage. This world capitalist process unites the gravediggers of all countries to one and only international gravedigger. The international capital creates the international gravedigger. In future there will be not all the old gravediggers, who dig the graves of capitalism in this or that single country, but a universal gravedigger – the world proletariat - who digs the grave of the whole world capitalism. It will be the world proletariat who stears its own initiative and control over strikes for bringing world production to a stillstand. What is a strike in a local factory or even a general strike in a single country compared with an overall worldwide strike in a multi-national concern or with a world`s general strike ?! It is not by chance that at first the Comintern / ML put this question of all Marxist – Leninists. By centralized actions the world proletariat interferes the unhindered international transactions of the imperialists deeply and sensitively. If the proletarians succeed to interrupt world production then this will also harm the production in most of the single capitalist countries because they depend on world production to a large amount. So the world imperialists shall have difficulties to move or remove the production back and forth and to and fro the single countries. So the international strike shall develop to its highest form as anpowerful instrument of the world` proletarian` s overall revolutionary strategy and tactics. To thwart the plans of the world imperialists the world proletariat works out its own plans of action. The counter-revolutionary army of the world imperialists cannot be simultaneously at any place of the globe but the revolutionary army of the world proletariat can do. International capital can only be protected internationally. If the proletariat is confined to the class-struggle in its own country the situation of the world proletariat shall be hopeless, because there is hardly a lasting effect on the activities against world capitalism from a restricted national area. That `s the reason why the proletarians of all countries have to care commonly about the fact that the life of capitalism will be in danger everywhere on earth, that world capitalists shall come across the whole proletarian world army instead of isolated and not coordinated proletarian divisions in this or that country.

To make a maximum of profits the globalization is a capital-immanent economic pressure of pulling down national barriers. If the proletarians of a single country persist in a strategy and tactics which is restricted in a class-struggle with national barriers then the struggle against globalized profit-making is built on sand. The coordination of labour policy within the multinational companies, the removal of man-power from one country to another has to be interrupted by the invalidation of the national labour competition. To give an example: If the port capitalists of Europe want to replace the port workers by unskilled workes to depress the wages then the European port workers stand up like one man. As soon as the passive labour reserve-army starts to move, as soon as the world proletariat organizes world wide resistance, as soon as it supports it own economic and political interests, as soon as the proletarians of single countries unite into continental or intercontinental strikes, continental or intercontinental general strikes, international demonstrations and rallies, mass-actions and international insurrections and international civil wars, a civil world war - then the world capitalists shall really get difficulties – there can not any doubt about it ! We`ll be damed if the world proletariat shall not learn, experience and master new international forms of socialist class-struggle even the highest armed one`s!

The world proletariat is forced to organize as one conscious (political) international class, is forced to organize its economic fight internationally. It is forced to carry through its economic interests with international political means, too - hence to carry through its political interests internationally. It will be then forced to have to lead the political international fight with extremest means -- the armed international class warfare against the world imperialist counter-revolution. It will particularly be forced militarily, to oppose the imperialist world army with its own proletarian world army and lead it in the last, decisive world battle between capital and labour. This is the march of the world proletariat towards the armed socialist world revolution. This way is generally predetermined historically as well as logically though we cannot forsee the details and special formations and arrangement. However, we know perfectly well that that this world revolutionary way will be the remaining alternative to achieve the liberation of all the suppressed and exploited classes here on earth. It `s time for us Marxist-Leninists to convince the world proletariat – and the world proletariat will really see for itself – that the way of the Comintern / ML is the revolutionary way. The fight of the world proletariat is hundredfold more successful then the struggle of the proletariat isolated in its own country. You can smash the world proletarian`s hand by breaking one continental finger after another, but nothing can resist the proletarian fist of all continents. That is what the Comintern / ML teaches to the proletarians of all continents. This is the only way how the world proletariat can fulfill its mission: to guarantee socialism in every country on the base of a world system of socialism. No proletariat – except the world proletariat – can really guarantee socialism in every country. Only the world proletariat as an independently acting class can guarantee the future of communism. In this century of globalization it will be harder to break the imperialist chain at the weakest link than in the passed century ( provided equal means, forms, methods etc of the struggle for socialism in the passed century). The imperialist chain in times of Lenin and Stalin and even in times of Enver Hoxha cannot be compared on a same level with the conditions of the today`s imperialist chain. Today the conditions to break through the imperialist chain at the weakest link have changed a lot ( the former break through - only by a single country who relies on its own forces). We don't want to say that it has got quite impossible in our time of globalization to defeat the power of the bourgeoisie in the national frame and build up an old type of „socialism in a single country.“

But we want to say in any case that the firm action of the world proletariat as one class could pave the way for breaking through the imperialist chain at the weakest link enormously because acting as an international class the possibilities to prevent the world imperialism to intercede on national bourgeoisie`s behalf in any given country of the world. The intervention of the world proletariat is the key for breaking through the imperialist world chain at its weakest link. The socialist revolution within the weakest link in particular but in all the other countries in general have to be led by the world proletariat in general and by the proletariat of a single country in particular. The reconquest of the future socialism is in first line a matter of the world proletariat, connected with the condition of its leadership. This is why the Comintern / ML concentrates essentially its energy on the formation of the world revolutionary new consciousness of the proletariat, does the Comintern / ML unconditionally support every class-struggle beyond the own national borders, does it encourage every attempt to globalize the class struggle of the involved countries, to escalate the unrest into a revolution, to enlarge local struggles on an international stage, to convince the proletariat that the international liberation has something to do with helping each other. What is needed in this century is an Octoberrevolution of the world proletariat and the Comintern / ML is the organization who drew this general line in the past 5 years.

To be firmly convinced about the hegemony of the proletariat this means today: to be convinced that the hegemony has an international character, that it is the hegemony of the world proletariat, that means to direct our struggle in first line and directly against the world imperialists with the united front of the proletarians of all countries.

The upcoming class struggle which decides on capitalism and socialism, is the direct class struggle of the world proletariat against the world bourgeoisie. This means that the class struggles in the single countries, the class struggle in the „own“ country shall get a new quality, a new mission, a new pushing direction, namely the fight against the „own“ bourgeoisie at that point where it is particularly and sensetively depending of the world bourgeoisie and vice versa. The decisive supplies from outside have to be cut. By this intervention the world bourgeoisie gets weakened in their centers and finally the world bourgeoisie will be brought about her downfall :

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Part II „5 years – 5 heads“