"The world imperialist war is a continuation of imperialist world politics.
The international proletarian civil war against world imperialist war is a continuation of world proletarian politics."

Comintern (SH) - 02/08/2019


Long live the Anti-War-Day 2020

1st of September 2020


On the occasion of our Frederick Engels campaign on his 200th birthday, the Comintern (SH) reminds of an article by Friedrich Engels, which he wrote in 1887. Friedrich Engels predicts the danger of an impending world war.

(MEW, Band 21, Seite 350-351)

Lenin wrote:

Nobody, thank God, believes in miracles nowadays. Miraculous prophecy is a fairy-tale. But scientific prophecy is a fact. And in these days, when we so very often encounter shameful despondency and even despair around us, it is useful to recall one scientific prophecy which has come true.

Frederick Engels had occasion in 1887 to write of the coming world war in a preface to a pamphlet by Sigismund Borkheim, In Memory of the German Arch-Patriots of 1806-1807 (Zur Erinnerung für die deutschen Mordspatrioten 1806-1807 ). (This pamphlet is No. XXIV of the Social-Democratic Library published in Göttingen-Zürich in 1888.)

This is how Frederick Engels spoke over thirty years ago of the future world war:

“. . . No war is any longer possible for Prussia-Germany except a world war and a world war indeed of an extent and violence hitherto undreamt of. Eight to ten millions of soldiers will massacre one another and in doing so devour the whole of Europe until they have stripped it barer than any swarm of locusts has ever done. The devastations of the Thirty Years’ War [1618-1648] compressed into three or four years, and spread over the whole Continent; famine, pestilence, general demoralisation both of the armies and of the mass of the people produced by acute distress; hopeless confusion of our artificial machinery in trade, industry and credit, ending in general bankruptcy; collapse of the old states and their traditional state wisdom to such an extent that crowns will roll by dozens on the pavement and there will be no body to pick them up; absolute impossibility of foreseeing how it will all end and who will come out of the struggle as victor; only one result is absolutely certain: general exhaustion and the establishment of the conditions for the ultimate victory of the working class.

“This is the prospect when the system of mutual outbidding in armaments, taken to the final extreme, at last bears its inevitable fruits. This, my lords, princes and statesmen, is where in your wisdom you have brought old Europe. And when nothing more remains to you but to open the last great war dance—that will suit us all right (uns kann es recht sein ). The war may perhaps push us temporarily into the background, may wrench from us many a position already conquered. But when you have unfettered forces which you will then no longer be able again to control, things may go as they will: at the end of the tragedy you will be ruined and the victory of the proletariat will either be already achieved or at any rate (doch ) inevitable.

“London, December 15, 1887

Frederick Engels”

What genius is displayed in this prophecy! And how infinitely rich in ideas is every sentence of this exact, clear, brief and scientific class analysis! How much could be learnt from it by those who are now shamefully succumbing to lack of faith, despondency and despair, if . . . if people who are accustomed to kowtow to the bourgeoisie, or who allow themselves to be frightened by it, could but think, were but capable of thinking!

Some of Engels’s predictions have turned out differently; and one could not expect the world and capitalism to have remained unchanged during thirty years of frenzied imperialist development. But what is most astonishing is that so many of Engels’s predictions are turning out “to the letter”. For Engels gave a perfectly exact class analysis, and classes and the relations between them have remained unchanged.

“. . . The war may perhaps push us temporarily into the background. . . .” Developments have proceeded exactly along these lines, but have gone even further and even worse: some of the social-chauvinists who have been “pushed back”, and their spineless “semi-opponents”, the Kautskyites, have begun to extol their backward movement and have become direct traitors to and betrayers of socialism.

“. . . The war may perhaps wrench from us many a position already conquered. . . .” A number of “legal” positions have been wrenched from the working class. But on the other hand it has been steeled by trials and is receiving severe but salutary lessons in illegal organisation, in illegal struggle and in preparing its forces for a revolutionary attack.

“. . . Crowns will roll by dozens. . . .” Several crowns have already fallen. And one of them is worth dozens of others—the crown of the autocrat of all the Russias, Nicholas Romanov.

“. . . Absolute impossibility of foreseeing how it will all end. . . .” After four years of war this absolute impossibility has, if one may say so, become even more absolute.

“. . . Hopeless confusion of our artificial machinery in trade, industry and credit. . . .” At the end of the fourth year of war this has been fully borne out in the case of one of the biggest and most backward of the states drawn into the war by the capitalists—Russia. But do not the growing starvation in Gerrnany and Austria, the shortage of clothing and raw material and the wearing out of the means of production show that a similar state of affairs is very rapidly overtaking other countries as well?

Engels depicts the consequences brought about only by “foreign” war; he does not deal with internal, i.e., civil war, without which not one of the great revolutions of history has taken place, and without which not a single serious Marxist has conceived the transition from capitalism to socialism. And while a foreign war may drag on for a certain time without causing “hopeless confusion” in the “artificial machinery” of capitalism, it is obvious that a civil war without such a consequence is quite inconceivable.

What stupidity, what spinelessness—not to say mercenary service to the bourgeoisie—is displayed by those who, like our Novaya Zhizn group, Mensheviks, Right Socialist-Revolutionaries, etc., while continuing to call themselves “socialists”, maliciously point to the manifestation of this “hopeless confusion” and lay the blame for everything on the revolutionary proletariat, the Soviet power, the “utopia” of the transition to socialism. The “confusion”, or razrukha,[Dislocation, disruption.—Editor] to use the excellent Russian word, has been brought about by the war’. There can be no severe war without disruption. There can be no civil war—the inevitable condition and concomitant of socialist revolution—without disruption. To renounce revolution and socialism “in view of” the disruption, only means to display one’s lack of principle and in practice to desert to the bourgeoisie.

“. . . Famine, pestilence, general demoralisation both of the armies and of the mass of the people produced by acute distress. . . .”

How simply and clearly Engels draws this indisputable conclusion, which must be obvious to everyone who is at all capable of reflecting on the objective consequences of many years of severe and agonising war. And how astonishingly stupid are these numerous “Social-Democrats” and pseudo-Socialists who will not or cannot realise this most simple idea.

Is it conceivable that a war can last many years without both the armies and the mass of the people becoming demoralised ? Of course not. Such a consequence of a long war is absolutely inevitable over a period of several years, if not a whole generation. And our “men in mufflers”, the bourgeois intellectual snivelers who call themselves “Social-Democrats” and “Socialists”, second the bourgeoisie in blaming the revolution for the manifestations of demoralisation or for the inevitable severity of the measures taken to combat particularly acute cases of demoralisation—although it is as clear as noonday that this demoralisation has been produced by the imperialist war, and that no revolution can rid itself of such consequences of war without a long struggle and without a number of stern measures of repression.

Our sugary writers in Novaya Zhizn, Vperyod or Dyelo Naroda are prepared to grant a revolution of the proletariat and other oppressed classes “theoretically”, provided only that the revolution drops from heaven and is not born and bred on earth soaked in the blood of four years of imperialist butchery of the peoples, with millions upon millions of people exhausted, tormented and demoralised by this butchery.

They had heard and admitted “in theory” that a revolution should be compared to an act of childbirth; but when it came to the point, they disgracefully took fright and their fainthearted whimperings echoed the malicious outbursts of the bourgeoisie against the insurrection of the proletariat. Consider the descriptions of childbirth given in literature, when the authors aim at presenting a truthful picture of the severity, pain and horror of the act of travail, as in Emile Zola’s La joie de vivre (The Joy of Life ), for instance, or in Veresayev’s Notes of a Doctor. Human child birth is an act which transforms the woman into an almost lifeless, bloodstained heap of flesh, tortured, tormented and driven frantic by pain. But can the “individual” that sees only this in love and its sequel, in the transformation of the woman into a mother, be regarded as a human being? Who would renounce love and procreation for this reason?

Travail may be light or severe. Marx and Engels, the founders of scientific socialism, always said that the transition from capitalism to socialism would be inevitably accompanied by prolonged birth pangs. And analysing the consequences of a world war, Engels outlines simply and clearly the indisputable and obvious fact that a revolution that follows and is connected with a war (and still more—let us add for our part—a revolution which breaks out during a war, and which is obliged to grow and maintain itself in the midst of a world war) is a particularly severe case of childbirth.

Clearly realising this, Engels speaks with great caution of socialism being brought to birth by a capitalist society which is perishing in a world war. “Only one result [of a world war],” he says, “is absolutely certain: general exhaustion and the establishment of the conditions for the ultimate victory of the working class.”

This thought is expressed even more clearly at the end of the preface we are examining.

“. . . At the end of the tragedy you (the capitalists and landowners, the kings and statesmen of the bourgeoisie) will be ruined and the victory of the proletariat will either be already achieved or at any rate inevitable.”

Severe travail greatly increases the danger of grave illness or of a fatal issue. But while individuals may die in the act of childbirth, the new society to which the old system gives birth cannot die; all that may happen is that the birth may be more painful, more prolonged, and growth and development slower.

The war has not yet ended. General exhaustion has already set in. As regards the two direct results of war predicted by Engels conditionally (either the victory of the working class already achieved, or the establishment of conditions which will make this inevitable, despite all difficulties ) as regards these two conditions, now, in the middle of 1918, we find both in evidence.

In one, the least developed, of the capitalist countries, the victory of the working class is already achieved. In the others, with unparalleled pain and effort, the conditions are being established which will make this victory “at any rate inevitable”.

Let the “socialist” snivelers croak, let the bourgeoisie rage and fume, but only people who shut their eyes so as not to see, and stuff their ears so as not to hear, can fail to notice that all over the world the birth pangs of the old, capitalist society, which is pregnant with socialism, have begun. Our country, which has temporarily been advanced by the march of events to the van of the socialist revolution, is undergoing the particularIy severe pains of the first period of travail. We have every reason to face the future with complete assurance and absolute confidence, for it is preparing for us new allies and new victories of the socialist revolution in a number of the more advanced countries. We are entitled to be proud and to consider ourselves fortunate that it has come to our lot to be the first to fell in one part of the globe that wild beast, capitalism, which has drenched the earth in blood, which has reduced humanity to starvation and demoralisation, and which will assuredly perish soon, no matter how monstrous and savage its frenzy in the face of death.

June 29, 1918

V. I. Lenin


And what did Trump say ? (Aug 10, 2020)

"The closest thing is in 1917, they say, the great pandemic. It certainly was a terrible thing where they lost anywhere from 50 to 100 million people, probably ended the Second World War."

No comment !!!


What we wrote in 2019 is basically also valid for 2020:


D. O. W.



Declaration of War

all warmongers

and their lackeys

around the world.


Decision of the Comintern (SH)

on First of September, 2019.


The warmongers in every country have become one global warmonger, and therefore we will not lead the anti-imperialist war any differently than globally to gain it.


What to do to prevent the coming world war?

The world proletariat needs the victory of the world socialist revolution to prevent a new world war.

But even if the world proletariat were not to prevent the impending World War, it will need the victory of the world socialist revolution, not only to end the coming world war, but to eliminate forever the inevitability of imperialist wars.

Either the world socialist revolution prevents a new world war or a new world war will cause the world socialist revolution. Both will lead to the end of the epoch of world capitalism and usher in the epoch of world socialism.

World imperialism, and thus the cause and inevitability of imperialist wars, will be eliminated only by the world socialist revolution.

"To eliminate the inevitability of wars, you have to destroy imperialism." (Stalin)

Imperialist wars serve only the reorganization of the ruling relations (= relations of exploitation and oppression) of world imperialism, but not their removal. World imperialism always prepares for a new imperialist war after every imperialist war.

In contrast, the anti-imperialist war serves the elimination of world imperialism and thus the elimination of the inevitability of ever new imperialist wars.


What to do when the third world war broke out?

Without the fight against the imperialist war in one's own country, no end to the world-wide imperialist world war.

Without the global defeat of the imperialist war, no end to the imperialist war in one's own country.

Tougher fight against domestic warmongers as a prerequisite for strengthening the entire international front. Uniting the anti-imperialist war front of all countries and centralizing the international front of the struggle for the ending the war of world imperialism.

The globalization of the anti-imperialist war is the fusion of the individual country's anti-war front into an international anti-imperialist war front.

The Stalinist-Hoxhaist law of proletarian unity in the anti-imperialist war front states that the ideological, political, military and moral unification of the proletariat, its struggle against the imperialist war in every single (own) country, must be absolutely identical with the ideological , political, military and moral unification of the world proletariat on the international front against imperialism and war.

What is our task in the anti-imperialist war?

Our task in the anti-imperialist war is to work diligently to create a globally united anti-imperialist war front.

Our task is to lead the world revolutionary struggle of the world proletariat against imperialist war through propaganda, moral and military support for such a struggle - and only such a struggle - on the part of the proletarians of each country (of one's own country) - thus without exception.

The workers and red soldiers of every country must finally learn to understand what they need their international brotherhood of arms for:

Global unification of proletarian weapons for the global disarming of all warring world imperialists, for the global liberation from exploitation, oppression and war.

Firstly, Stalinism-Hoxhaism teaches to practice in one's own country the greatest possible solidarity in the common struggle against the imperialist war, with the aim of preventing or ending the imperialist war in all other countries.

Secondly, Stalinism-Hoxhaism teaches to practice the greatest possible solidarity of all countries for preventing or ending the imperialist war in a single country.

Workers in your own country - unite globally in the anti-imperialist war!
World proletariat - unite all countries in the anti-imperialist war!

Under the conditions of globalization of imperialist wars, the struggle of the working class of each country immediately assumes a global anti-imperialist war character. For the first time in history, the objective globalization of the proletarian class corresponds exactly to the character of its international struggle against the imperialist war. And just because the new globalized forms of struggle against the imperialist war can be reconciled with the internationalist nature of the proletarian class under today's globalized conditions, the globalized proletarian struggle against imperialist war shows its highest effectiveness, namely its invincibility.



Why civil war?

The anti-imperialist war is nothing other than the transformation of imperialist war of predatory war into civil war, that is, the transformation into a war of the exploited and oppressed for the elimination of all exploiters and oppressors (world bourgeoisie) and the destruction of the world imperialist system of exploitation, oppression and predatory wars. Civil war is the highest form of class struggle.

The imperialist war can only be abolished forever by the civil war, in which the world-imperialist robbers themselves and with them also their "property relations" are destroyed. The "property" of robbers consists of nothing but their raids and predatory wars against the peoples.

Lenin expresses this with simple words:
"War of slaves of all peoples against the slave-owners of all peoples!"

Civil war - that is the only correct slogan in the fight against the imperialist war.

"The transformation of the present imperialist war into civil war is the only correct solution.

What makes the world's civil war different from the imperialist world war?

"The civil war of the exploited working people is headed by the proletariat and directed against the exploiters, against the bourgeoisie.

In history, wars between nations always ended in a deal between the propertied classes, and only during civil war does the oppressed class exert efforts to exterminate the oppressing class, to eliminate the economic conditions of this class’s existence. In civil war no prisoners are taken, it is a war of extermination.

The development of international civil war is the legitimate product of the class struggle under capitalism and a legitimate step towards the victory of the international proletarian revolution."


Our attitude to war and peace


"The world imperialist war is a continuation of imperialist world politics.
The international proletarian civil war against world imperialist war is a continuation of world proletarian politics."

The Comintern (SH) argues that the global issue of war and peace can only be solved by the world proletarian, revolutionary overthrow of world imperialism under the banner of world socialism.

Stalinism-Hoxhaism in the question of war and peace is the Marxist-Leninist theory and tactics of victory in the anti-imperialist war by means of the world proletarian revolution under the conditions of globalization in general;
And in particular, it is the Marxist-Leninist theory and tactics of the armed defense of the dictatorship of the world proletariat.
Stalinism-Hoxhaism is the doctrine of the abolition of the wars of world imperialism, is the doctrine of the abolition of the inevitability of imperialist war, is the doctrine of the victory of socialist peace over the imperialist war on a global scale, is the military doctrine to protect the world domination of the proletariat as a guarantor of world peace.

Furthermore, Stalinism-Hoxhaism is the theory and tactics of the transition to non-violent and classless society on a global scale, the abolition of class wars in the period of the world communism.

Communism, both in its form and in its content, is international and knows neither classes, nor national boundaries, nor wars of men against men.

Communism liberates world society from the chains of war and creates lasting world peace.

That is why this declaration of war aims against the imperialist war in the interest of a future world without wars, in the interest of world communism.

Imperialism means war!

World imperialism is the cause of all imperialist wars!

War on the imperialist war!

Turn the rifles around!

Transform the imperialist war into civil war!
The imperialist world powers must all be overthrown!

World imperialism is eliminated by the violent proletarian, socialist world revolution!

At the head of the anti-imperialist war front, the revolutionary world proletariat will establish its armed proletarian dictatorship to guarantee lasting world peace!

On the ruins of world imperialism, we are building world socialism to permanently eliminate the inevitability of imperialist wars!

Let's fight for a world without classes and without wars!

Let's fight for world communism!

Long live the International Red Anti-War Day!

Long live the Comintern (SH)!


Wolfgang Eggers

Comintern (SH)

1st of September, 2019



Imperialist War


Civil War!


The Comintern (SH) has published the following website:

Long live the

Red (Anti-War) Day !


The day of the international class-struggle against imperialist wars!

Take to the streets !

August 1, 1914 - August 1, 1939

Beginning of the First World War

September 1, 1939 - September 1, 2020

Beginning of the Second World War


Long live the Red Day !


The proletarian, anti-militarist mass movement against the imperialist war developed many years before the First World War and found its defining expression, especially in the revolutionary youth movement.

Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg were in Germany until the day of their murder, the leaders of the proletarian resistance against imperialist war and militarism.

Between World War I and World War II, the world proletariat took to the streets on 1 August for the International Red Anti-war Day.

August 1 was an international red day in the history of the communist world movement.

The October Revolution paved the way for the end of the First World War, and with it the Russian proletariat created the Soviet Union, which became the invincible international bulwark of the anti-imperialist war. And the world proletariat, with powerful demonstrations on the anti-war day, expressed its determination to protect the Soviet Union against any imperialist attack.

The German imperialists began with both the world wars.

For the working class in Germany, the world-historical obligation to prevent a renewed imperialist war from German soil by all means arose. Not only Germany, but the whole world should never again become a battlefield of destruction. And not only the German people, but all peoples of the world should never again have to endure an imperialist war with all its catastrophic consequences.

The German November Revolution of 1918, whose 100th anniversary we celebrate this year, was not least directed against all the imperialist great powers involved in the First World War, especially against German imperialism in one's own country. The proletariat in Germany developed an internationally significant anti-war movement, led by the KPD Ernst Thalmanns, continued by the KPD / ML Ernst Austs and today led by the Comintern (SH).

The anti-war day became a demonstration of the international working class to end once and for all the imperialist war with the world socialist revolution and the dictatorship of the world proletariat.

After the Second World War, the anti-war day takes place on the date of its outbreak, on 1. 9. 1939.

From now on, the anti-imperialist struggle of the world proletariat was directed against the warmongers of the imperialist victorious powers, above all against US imperialism as the world's largest war monger and commander of NATO, the largest and most dangerous imperialist military alliance after the Second World War.

When the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin then turned into a social-imperialist country and wanted to replace the world domination of US imperialism, the anti-war day was directed against both the two superpowers.

Social-imperialist China developed as the third superpower. But not only from China, but also from all the other newly emerging imperialist countries (the BRICS states) today runs the risk of a Third World War. Not to underestimate the old imperialist war powers of Europe. All in all a threatening development resulting from the intensified competition for the spoils of the old and newly emerging imperialist powers on the world market.

For their profts the imperialists go over dead bodies, they must continue their imperialist robberies, in order either to assert themselves on the world market or to snatch away the prey from the old robbers.

Meanwhile, the danger of war extends from the entire imperialist world system.

Today, therefore, the international red anti-war day must be directed against the war of world imperialism in general, and against every single imperialist country in particular - without exception!

The old slogan is still valid:

"War on the imperialist war"

Today, this slogan is more urgent than ever.
Since the last world economic crisis, the world situation has become so dangerous that we are on the brink of the next imperialist world war. We see the feverish international military rearmament and mobilization and the current international trade war. Some say that World War III is no longer in the preparatory phase, but has already begun. The day of the outbreak of the Third World War can not be predicted, because today imperialist wars are being waged since long time without much declaration of war, that is, without their announcement and instigated behind the scenes all over the globe. It is clear, however, that the outbreak of the Third World War no longer only a matter of a few years, but of a few months, weeks or days has become. That's why the international anti-war day is more necessary than ever.

We call for united global actions against imperialist wars.

If we want to prevent imperialist wars then we must eliminate their capitalist causes.
We must crush world imperialism.
We must disarm the class of the world bourgeoisie and arm ourselves.

This can only be achieved by the conquest of the power of the world proletariat.

And it is solely the Comintern (SH) that continues war against imperialist wars in the direct fight on the street.

Proletarians of all countries - unite against the imperialist war!

World proletariat - unite the proletarians of all countries to overthrow the dictatorship of the world bourgeoisie and establish the dictatorship of the world proletariat!

For a world without wars, for the classless society of world communism!

Comintern (SH)

September 1, 2019



"War against imperialist war !"

great Website on

History of the Red (Anti-War) Day

in 60 German Documents



Our publications against imperialist wars:


1st August: International Fighting Day against War

Why We are Celebrating the 1st of August, the beginning of the First World War, 1914 ?

Fritz Heckert

(from: International Press Correspondence 1930, No. 33, pages 600 - 601)




International Red Day

1st of August, 1929



"Albania Today" No. 3/1985

"Lessons that ought not be forgotten"

Agim Popa






The 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism

On War and Peace





World Revolution

and imperialist War

(excerpt of the General-Line of the Comintern [SH] - Chapter II)







of the world socialist revolution 

"Turn the rifles around !"


20 military guiding principles of the Comintern (SH)





Textbook on the Marxist-Leninist principles and history of the 

Worldproletarian military science and the mastery of the world-revolutionary class war

written by Wolfgang Eggers 

( in German language)








March 1922







11 May 1924








29 May 1927







Resolution of the 6th World Congress

The Struggle against imperialist War










April 1931 Inprekorr, xi, 38, p. 953, 24 April 1931






September 1932





Report and Manifesto of the World Anti-War Congress

August 27th - 29th, 1932 in Amsterdam








December 1933








(excerpt from "History of the Party of Labour of Albania!, pages 174 - 181)







The National Conference of Studies on the Anti-fascist National Liberation War of the Albanian People


8. - 11. November 1974





The army and the people - one inseparable whole


Albania Today“- No 3, 1982







Principal implements of imperialist domination and aggression

"Albania Today" - 1981, No 3









Short Comment on Enver Hoxha's Book:

«The Superpowers»




by ATA







The theories of ‘detente’, ‘balance’ and ‘bipolarism’ – mechanism of hegemony-seeking policy of the Superpowers

Albania Today, No 4 - 1982






War-mongering activity of the two superpowers

- manifestation of bourgeois-revisionist degeneration and corruption

1978 A.T.A.





Only the struggle of the peoples of the world against aggessive powers and in defence of true peace can save mankind from imperialist wars

Albania Today, No 4 - 1983





The liberation struggle of the peoples - a great force against imperialism

"Albania Today", No 3, 1982







Documents and Materials - Volume 1

Eve of the Second World War

1937 - 1938


Documents and Materials - Volume 2

Eve of the Second World War

1938 - 1939





Falsificators of History

An Historical Note

Soviet Information Bureau, Moscow
February, 1948




16th of February, 1979





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