1903 - 2013




Long live World Bolshevism !



Lenin speaks on the Second Congress of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party - 1903





Message of the Comintern (SH)

Long live the 110th anniversary of the London Congress!

30 July, 1903 – 30 July, 2013

Today, we celebrate the 110th anniversary of the 1903 London Congress of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party. Due to Russia’s internal conditions at the time, namely because of Czarist anti-communist repression, this Second Congress of the Russian Bolshevists had to be held in London.

Nonetheless, neither comrade Lenin neither any of his comrades forgot for a single moment Russia’s situation and they utilized this Congress as a mean to advance Marxist ideology and communist struggle in order to prepare Russian exploited and oppressed classes to the revolutionary overthrow of Czarist despotism and to the subsequent achievement of proletarian dictatorship and of socialist and communist construction in accord with Marxist scientific socialism. Indeed, the London Congress took place at an epoch in which monopolist capitalism was expanding and consolidating its imperialist character and so Russian Bolshevists led by comrade Lenin strived with all forces against Russia’s imperialist expansion, because imperialist expansion and internal reaction are intrinsically and inevitably linked with each other.

Moreover, the London Congress was also a true battle camp between revisionism and authentic Marxism, with comrade Lenin and the other Russian Bolshevists successfully defeating the attempts by Martov and Trotsky to transform the RSDLP into a bourgeois-capitalist-reformist party in which professional revolutionaries would be replaced by a failing loose membership. Therefore, this Second Congress of the RSDLP - in which division between Bolshevists (true communists) and Menshevists (reformists) was turned explicit - is also a source of valuable anti-revisionists lessons to us Stalinists-Hoxhaists.

In 1903, the Marxist struggle for socialist revolution in Russia and all over the world was still organizing itself and preparing its future grounds. But thanks to the efforts from comrade Lenin and from the other Russian Bolshevists, the glorious October Revolution would be victorious against exploitative and oppressive class enemies just 14 years after the London Congress. This was a tremendous triumph not only for Russian proletariat but also for the entire world proletariat, because the 1917 Great October Revolution was indeed the first step of the future world socialist revolution, of socialism and communism at a global scale. And the 1903 London Congress is undoubtedly one the examples of Russian Bolshevists’ outstanding work capacities and militant accomplishments that contributed to the unforgettable victories of the year 1917.

Long live the 1903 London Congress!

Long live comrade Lenin and the Russian Bolshevists!

Long live the Great October Revolution!

Long live world proletarian and socialist revolution!

Long live world proletarian dictatorship!

Long live world socialism and world communism!

Long live the Comintern (SH)!



Stalin on Bolshevism


"There can be nothing more base, for even the basest of Mensheviks are beginning to understand that the Russian revolution is not a private cause of the Russians; that, on the contrary, it is the cause of the working class of the whole world, the cause of the world proletarian revolution. There can be nothing more disgusting, for even the professional slanderers in the Second International are beginning to understand that the consistent and thoroughly revolutionary internationalism of the Bolsheviks is a model of proletarian internationalism for the workers of all countries."

, page 84, German edition]



Stalin on the Bolshevization of the Communist Parties

(12 Theses of Bolshevization)


To achieve Bolshevisation it is necessary to bring about at least certain fundamental conditions, without which no Bolshevisation of the Communist Parties will be possible.



The Party must regard itself not as an appendage of the parliamentary electoral machinery, as the Social-Democratic Party in fact does, and not as a gratuitous supplement to the trade unions, as certain Anarcho-Syndicalist elements sometimes claim it should be, but as the highest form of class association of the proletariat, the function of which is to lead all the other forms of proletarian organisations, from the trade unions to the Party's group in parliament.



The Party, and especially its leading elements, must thoroughly master the revolutionary theory of Marxism, which is inseparably connected with revolutionary practice.



The Party must draw up slogans and directives not on the basis of stock formulas and historical analogies, but as the result of a careful analysis of the concrete internal and international conditions of the revolutionary movement, and it must, without fail, take into account the experience of revolutions in all countries.



The Party must test the correctness of these slogans and directives in the crucible of the revolutionary struggle of the masses.



The entire work of the Party, particularly if Social-Democratic traditions have not yet been eradicated in it, must be reorganised on new, revolutionary lines, so that every step, every action, taken by the Party should naturally serve to revolutionise the masses, to train and educate the broad masses of the working class in the revolutionary spirit.



In its work the Party must be able to combine the strictest adherence to principle (not to be confused with sectarianism!) with the maximum of ties and contacts with the masses (not to be confused with khvostism!); without this, the Party will be unable not only to teach the masses but also to learn from them, it will be unable not only to lead the masses and raise them to its own level but also to heed their voice and anticipate their urgent needs.



In its work the Party must be able to combine an uncompromising revolutionary spirit (not to be confused with revolutionary adventurism!) with the maximum of flexibility and manoeuvring ability (not to be confused with opportunism!); without this, the Party will be unable to master all the forms of struggle and organisation, will be unable to link the daily interests of the proletariat with the fundamental interests of the proletarian revolution, and to combine in its work the legal with the illegal struggle.



The Party must not cover up its mistakes, it must not fear criticism; it must improve and educate its cadres by learning from its own mistakes.



The Party must be able to recruit for its main leading group the best elements of the advanced fighters who are sufficiently devoted to the cause to be genuine spokesmen of the aspirations of the revolutionary proletariat, and who are sufficiently experienced to become real leaders of the proletarian revolution, capable of applying the tactics and strategy of Leninism.



The Party must systematically improve the social composition of its organisations and rid itself of corrupting opportunist elements with a view to achieving the utmost solidarity.



The Party must achieve iron proletarian discipline based on ideological solidarity, clarity concerning the aims of the movement, unity of practical action and an understanding of the Party's tasks by the mass of the Party membership.



The Party must systematically verify the execution of its decisions and directives; without this, these decisions and directives are in danger of becoming empty promises, which can only rob the Party of the confidence of the broad proletarian masses.


In the absence of these and similar conditions, Bol-shevisation is just an empty sound."


[Stalin, February 3, 1925, "The Prospects of the Communist Party of Germany and the Question of Bolshevisation" - Volume 7 ]




Lenin on Bolshevism


"Look at the way our ugly words, such as “Bolshevism”, for example, are spreading throughout the world. Despite the fact that we call ourselves the Communist Party, and that the name “Communist” is a scientific, European term, it is not as widespread in European and other countries as the word “Bolshevik” is. Our Russian word “Soviet” is one of the most widely used; it is not even translated into other languages, but is pronounced everywhere in Russian.

Despite the lies in the bourgeois press, despite the furious resistance offered by the entire bourgeoisie, the sympathies of the masses of the workers are on the side of the Soviets, Soviet power and Bolshevism. The more the bourgeoisie lied the more they helped to spread throughout the world what we had experienced with Kerensky.

On their arrival from Germany, some of the Bolsheviks were met here with attacks and persecutions, organised in the “democratic republic” in real American style. Kerensky, the Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Monsheviks did their best to assist this witch-hunt. In this way they stirred up sections of the proletariat and made them think that there must be something good about the Bolsheviks if they are subjected to such persecution. (Applause,)

And when you get fragmentary information from abroad from time to time, when—being unable to follow the entire press—you read, for example, Britain’s richest newspaper, The Times, and find it quoting Bolshevik statements to prove that during the war the Bolsheviks were preaching civil war, you draw the conclusion that even the cleverest representatives of the bourgeoisie have completely lost their heads, This British newspaper directs attention to the book Against the Stream, recommends it to British readers and gives quotations to show that the Bolsheviks are the very worst of people, who speak of the criminal character of the imperialist war and preach civil war; it convinces you that the entire bourgeoisie, while they hate us, are helping us—and we bow to them and thank them." (Applause.)



[ Lenin: Speech at a Meeting of the Moscow Soviet in Celebration of the First Anniversary of the Third International - March 6, 1920, Volume 30, pages 410 - 411, German edition]



Lenin on the Bolshevist tactics


"The Bolsheviks’ tactics were correct; they were the only internationalist tactics, because they were based, not on the cowardly fear of a world revolution, not on a philistine “lack of faith” in it, not on the narrow nationalist desire to pro-tect one’s “own” fatherland (the fatherland of one’s own bourgeoisie), while not “giving a damn” about all the rest, but on a correct (and, before the war and before the apostasy of the social-chauvinists and social-pacifists, a universally accepted) estimation of the revolutionary situation in Eu-rope. These tactics were the only internationalist tactics, because they did the utmost possible in one country for the development, support and awakening of the revolution in all countries. These tactics have been justified by their enormous success, for Bolshevism (not by any means because of the merits of the Russian Bolsheviks, but because of the most profound sympathy of the people everywhere for tactics that are revolutionary in practice) has become world Bolshevism, has produced an idea, a theory, a programme and tactics which differ concretely and in practice from those of social-chauvinism and social-pacifism. Bolshevism has given a coup de grdce to the old, decayed International of the Scheidemanns and Kautskys, Renaudels and Longuets, Hendersons and MacDonalds, who from now on will be tread-ing on each other’s feet, dreaming about “unity” and trying to revive a corpse. Bolshevism has created the ideological and tactical foundations of a Third International, of a really proletarian and Communist International, which will take into consideration both the gains of the tranquil epoch and the experience of the epoch of revolutions, which has begun.

Bolshevism has popularised throughout the world the idea of the “dictatorship of the proletariat”, has translated these words from the Latin, first into Russian, and then into all the languages of the world, and has shown by the example of Soviet government that the workers and poor peasants, even of a backward country, even with the least experience, education and habits of organisation, have been able for a whole year, amidst gigantic difficulties and amidst a struggle against the exploiters (who were supported by the bourgeoisie of the whole world), to maintain the power of the working people, to create a democracy that is immeasurably higher and broader than all previous democracies in the world, and to the creative work of tens of millions of workers and peasants for the practical construction of socialism.

Bolshevism has actually helped to develop the proletarian revolution in Europe and America more powerfully than any party in any other country has so far succeeded in doing. While the workers of the whole world are realising more and more clearly every day that the tactics of the Scheidemanns and Kautskys have not delivered them from the imperialist war and from wage—slavery to the imperialist bourgeoisie, and that these tactics cannot serve as a model for all countries, the mass of workers in all countries are realising more and more clearly every day that Bolshevism has indicated the right road of escape from the horrors of war and imperialism, that Bolshevism can serve as a model of tactics for all.

Not only the general European, but the world proletarian revolution is maturing before the eyes of all, and it has been assisted, accelerated and supported by the victory of the proletariat in Russia. All this is not enough for the complete victory of socialism, you say? Of course it is not enough. One country alone cannot do more. But this one country, thanks to Soviet government, has done so much that even if Soviet government in Russia were to be crushed by world imperialism tomorrow, as a result, let us say, of an agreement between German and Anglo—French imperialism even granted that very worst possibility—it would still be found that Bolshevik tactics have brought enormous benefit to socialism and have assisted the growth of the invincible world revolution."


[Lenin: 1918 - " The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky – Chapter: What Is Internationalism?", Volume 28, pages 292 - 294, German edition]





"What Is To Be Done?"



The Organization of the Revolutionaries

February 1902





A Letter to a Comrade on Our Organisational Tasks

September 1902





Second Congress of the R.S.D.L.P.

July 17 (30)-August 10 (23), 1903


The Second Congress of the R.S.D.L.P. was held on July 17(30) to August 10(23), 1903. The first thirteen sessions of the Congress were held in Brussels, but owing to police persecution, the Congress sessions were transferred to London. In all, 37 sessions were held. There were 20 items on the agenda, of which the most important were: the Party programme, Party organisation (confirmation of the Rules of the R.S.D.L.P.), elections to the Central Committee and editorial hoard of the Party’s Central Organ. Twenty-six organisations were represented at the Congress, which was attended by 43 delegates possessing 51 decisive votes (eight delegates had two votes each), and by 14 delegates with a deliberative voice.

The preparations for the Congress had been made by Lenin’s Iskra, Lenin himself carrying out tremendous work in this respect.

Lenin drew up the outline of the report on the work of the Iskra organisation, and composed the draft of the Party Rules, the draft resolutions on several questions planned for discussion at the Congress, the agenda and the standing orders of the Congress.

Lenin did much work among the delegates, ascertaining the general situation and state of organisation in various parts of the country, and discussing many of the problems confronting the Congress. At a meeting of the Congress delegates, Lenin made a report on the national question.

The composition of the Congress was not homogeneous. Attending it were not only supporters of Iskra, but also its opponents, as well as unstable and wavering elements. Lenin’s preliminary acquaintance with the delegates made it possible for him to ascertain the political stand of each, of them prior to the opening of the Congress.

Lenin was elected to the Bureau of the Congress and was a member of the main Congress committees: the programme, Rules and Credentials Committees. He delivered the report on the Party Rules and spoke on almost all the subjects on the agenda. The minutes of the Congress register more than one hundred and thirty speeches, remarks, and rejoinders made by Lenin.





Account of the

Second Congress of the R.S.D.L.P.




    One Step Forward, Two Steps Back“

One Step Forward,

Two Steps Back


February-May 1904




V. I. Lenin

Reply to Rosa Luxemburg

(re One Step Forward, Two Steps Back)








Preface to the Collection "Twelve Years"





A Caricature of Bolshevism










Excerpt from:

History of the Communist Party

of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks ) - Short Course

(Chapter II)






(Concerning Paragraph One of the Party Rules)





May 1905



A Reply to "Social-Democrat" (August 1905)


Stalin 1924

Foundations of Leninism


Chapter VIII. 



Fourteenth Party Congress

Constitution of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

December 1925











The 6 most important Lessons of the Bolshevist Party


History of the CPSU (B)




History of the CPSU [B] - Short Course






Terms of Admission into Comintern (1920)



Guidelines on the Organizational Structure of Communist Parties, on the Methods and Content of their Work

Adopted at the 24th Session of the Third Congress of the Communist International, 12 July 1921





Inprekorr, v, 17, p. 212, 29 January 1925



Inprekorr, v, 77 [80], p. 1017 [1069], 11 May 1925







4 May 1925 Inprekorr, v, 83, p. 1132, 15 May 1925



Statute of the Comintern









- a Bolshevist Party -





The Constitution of the PLA










of the World- Bolchevist Party


decided and published by the Comintern (SH) on occasion of the

100th Anniversary of Bolshevism

1903 - 2003





The beautiful city of Geneva lies on the bank of Lake Geneva in Switzerland. At the time there was a very small two-storey house in the suburb of Secheron, not far from the lake. It had a tiny front garden and a tiled roof like all the other houses in the vicinity. There were blue shutters on the windows.

The “Ilyiches” lived here. That’s how the comrades fondly called Vladimir Ilyich and his wife.

The Ilyiches had lived in Munich at first. However, the Munich police soon got wind of Iskra and they had to leave. They went to London and put out the paper there for a whole year. Then it became dangerous for them to remain in England, too. A new home had to be found for Iskra. Their search brought them to the town of Secheron near Geneva.

“Why, this is excellent!” Vladimir Ilyich exclaimed when he had inspected the tiny house. There was a large kitchen downstairs and a narrow stairway leading to the tiny, cheerful upstairs rooms. “Wonderful. It’s quiet here, and I’ll be able to work in peace.”

Vladimir Ilyich had a tremendous amount of work to do, but the quiet soon ended. The people of the town noticed that the Russians who lived in the little house had many visitors. In July 1903 they began arriving in a steady stream. They would come alone, in twos and in threes. You could see at a glance that they were foreigners. They were dressed differently and they spoke a strange language. The language they spoke was Russian. They admired the sunny blue skies, the pretty shutters on the windows and the flower gardens in front of every house.

The people of Secheron were certainly surprised to see so many foreigners in their little town that summer. Naturally, they had no way of knowing that these were delegates to the Party’s Second Congress who were arriving in secret from all parts of Russia.

The delegates stopped by at Lenin’s house to discuss the questions on the agenda and to exchange opinions, for they knew that he was largely responsible for organising the Second Congress. Lenin had written many important articles in preparation of the Congress. They had been published in Iskra. He had written What Is To Be Done?, a book describing the ways of building a proletarian Marxist Party. He had drafted the Rules of the Party and the militant Party Programme.

“We want to achieve a new and better order of society,” Lenin wrote. “In this new and better society there must be neither rich nor poor; all will have to work.”

Vladimir Ilyich had put much thought into this. He had planned the Party’s Programme while in exile. At the Congress he hoped to discuss the best and quickest means of achieving this new society.

The delegates left Geneva for Brussels, the capital of Belgium, where the Second Congress soon opened in secret in a large, dim flour warehouse.

The warehouse had been aired and swept, a wooden rostrum had been set up and benches placed against the walls. The large window was draped with red bunting. The delegates took their seats. Plekhanov was the first speaker. He had been the very first Russian to become a Marxist. He was a scholar who had written many books, explaining what Marxism was and what it stood for. This had been when Vladimir Ilyich was still a boy. Now Plekhanov inaugurated the Second Party Congress. He delivered a very moving speech.

The delegates listened to him attentively. Vladimir Ilyich experienced a feeling of deep contentment. He had dreamed of this Party Congress and of re-establishing the Party for so long. Now his dream was coming true.

Then the Congress got down to work. Practically from the start a struggle broke out, for there were some delegates who were against Lenin’s militant Party Programme. It seemed too new and bold to them, and they were frightened by this newness. They argued against Lenin’s proposals, but he defended his programme so well that the majority of delegates took his side.

The Congress discussed the Party Rules and Programme. Members of the Central Committee were elected, as was the editorial, board of Iskra. There was a bitter struggle over every point of the agenda. Lenin made a report that was both concise and convincing. There were 37 sessions in all and Lenin took the floor 120 times. Since the majority of delegates supported Lenin, they came to be known as Bolsheviks (”The Majority”). A Bolshevik was a person who stood for a workers’ revolution, for a Leninist programme, and for Lenin. Those who had split away from Lenin at the Congress came to be known as Mensheviks (”The Minority”). The Mensheviks stood for abandoning the revolutionary struggle. The Bolsheviks rallied round Lenin.

The Congress continued its sessions. Meanwhile, suspicious-looking characters were seen outside the warehouse. The Belgian police had got word of Russian revolutionaries having gathered there and had sent in a large number of police spies to keep an eye on things. Danger threatened. The entire Congress had to move to new quarters. It was decided to continue the sittings in London. In the end, Lenin triumphed. The Bolsheviks, his fearless and dedicated comrades-in-arms, were behind him.

It was drizzling that day in London, a rainy city. The streets were crowded with people carrying large umbrellas. The wind from the Channel would scatter the heavy clouds, the sun would come out for an hour or so, and the sky would be blue. Then it would start raining again. The Congress was just over. Lenin said, “Comrades, Karl Marx died here in London twenty years ago. I suggest we visit the great man’s grave.”

They all set out for the cemetery. It was located on a hill overlooking the city of soot-blackened buildings, dark roofs and smoking stacks.

There was a white marble tombstone on Marx’s grave, framed by bright green grass. A rosebush grew at the head. The blossoms were heavy with rain.

“Comrades,” Lenin said softly as he removed his hat, “Karl Marx is our teacher. Let us pledge to be faithful to his teaching. We shall never give up the struggle. Onwards, comrades, only onwards.”





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