1996 - 1999.



ON THE OCCASION OF THE 80TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE COMINTERN.



19 THESES

ON THE PROLETARIAN INTERNATIONALISM,

THE MARXIST-LENINIST MOVEMENT,

THE 1ST , 2ND AND 3RD INTERNATIONALS

AND THE REBUILDING OF THE NEW COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL (MARXIST-LENINISTS)

IN THE SPIRIT OF MARX, ENGELS, LENIN AND STALIN



by Wolfgang Eggers; Chairman of the Communist Party of Germany [ Marxist-Leninist]

C P Germany [M-L]

 



Introduction

Proletarian Internationalism was born with the »Communist Manifesto« of Marx and Engels. Proletarian Internationalism raises the slogan of Marx and Engels "Proletarians of all countries, unite!" Proletarian Internationalism honours all internationalist, heroic fighters. We cannot forget what the Soviet peoples did for humanity when they helped to liberate the world from Hitler-Fascism. We cannot forget what the Soviet workers and peasants did for us when they built the first country of socialism. The October revolution and the Soviet-Union of Lenin and Stalin is still the brightest symbol of Proletarian Internationalism that ever existed. We celebrate the First May as the international fighting day of the united working-class. Proletarian Internationalism - continues the tradition of the Internationals and other internationalist organisations who struggled in the spirit of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin.

Proletarian Internationalism celebrates the Paris Commune, the Civil War in Spain, in the fraternisation of the soldiers in the World Wars, the unity of the common struggle with the exploited and suppressed peoples, and the courageous solidarity of mankind. Today the Marxist-Leninist world movement continues to uphold the best traditions of Proletarian Internationalism and defends it from revisionism.

Should we found the new Communist International (Marxist-Leninists)? Such an act underlines the former Communist International. Long live the Comintern in the spirit of Lenin and Stalin!



CONTENTS: 

I PROLETARIAN INTERNATIONALISM ( THESES 1 - 9)

II THE UNITY OF THE MARXIST-LENINIST PARTIES (THESES 10 - 12 )

III THE PREVIOUS INTERNATIONALS AND THE REBUILDING OF THE NEW COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL (MARXIST -

LENINISTS)

( THESES 13 - 19 )



I PROLETARIAN INTERNATIONALISM





  1. WHAT IS PROLETARIAN INTERNATIONALISM?

Only Proletarian Internationalism can solve humanity's global problems. Marxism-Leninism is the theoretical and political basis of the unity of the world proletariat. Only if the world proletariat builds a theoretical and political unity, will Proletarian Internationalism become reality. Proletarian Internationalism is:

  1. The fusion of scientific socialism and revolutionary proletarian movement at an international level;

  2. applying the lessons of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin to the epoch of the dying capitalism.

  3. Ensuring the solidarity for all workers in the whole world, in a revolutionary class-struggle against imperialism, international bourgeoisie, fascism, bourgeois nationalism, inter-imperialist wars, and against racism.

  4. Aimed at building a world wide classless society, or global COMMUNISM.

  5. The fraternal solidarity of the working people and the peoples of all countries: All for one and one for all.

  6. A fight for freedom for the whole humanity.

Only Proletarian Internationalism ends exploitation and oppression end imperialism, and aid socialism world wide. Only Proletarian Internationalism can prevent the return of a dangerous revisionist restoration of capitalism and imperialist war.

To succeed, Proletarian Internationalism demands a new socialist-revolutionary center, as once developed by Lenin & Stalin in the Soviet Union. As the world revolution proceeds, two opposing class centers will face each other: ( The world may be considered as made up of two entities)

1. The revolutionary socialist forces, attracting countries tending towards socialism and

2. The counter-revolutionary capitalist centres, trying to maintain extra-profits by expropriation and oppression, by ever "globalising".

The contest between these combatants decides between capitalism and socialism. The final decline of imperialism results in socialism.

By liberating itself in one country, the proletariat helps forward the liberation of all exploited and oppressed people in the world. The proletariat can do this by, and because it conforms to the objective reality of society.

Communists either adhere to the revolutionary politics of Proletarian Internationalism and the people will support the proletariat - leading to the capitalists attempts to destroy this advance; Or:

Communists renounce revolutionary Proletarian Internationalism, and make principled concessions - and international capital will help to "restore" the new socialist center in a "good" bourgeois republic.

As capital becomes more and more international, the struggle of the workers of all countries must be guided even more by international unity. The aims and tasks of workers the world over are the same. They fight with solidarity, they unite in international labour armies, in a uniform, international proletarian combat organisation - as envisaged by Lenin.

In contrast, capital wishes to isolate the revolutionary proletariat into separate factions, within national narrowness; to tackle them BEFORE the growing worldwide alliance is made, and before the proletarian world-revolution. Communists, want to speed up the unity of the revolutionary troops towards one great international army, before an imperialist counter-revolution.

This Leninist lesson is not the same as the Trotskyite doctrine of the "permanent revolution". The theory of "Permanent revolution" hinders the world revolution by isolating the proletarian revolution in each individual country. It fights against the possibility of "Socialism in one" single country, pointed out by Stalin. Revolution is not an all-at-once, coordinated act of all countries or a single country. Socialism faces an "uneven development" of capitalism in different countries. Therefore the exact concrete path to socialism may take different forms at different times. We must assume a further globalization of capitalism. This means that the victory of socialism in a country/countries must be protected, by cutting the connections of the national bourgeoisie with world imperialism. The counter-revolutionary international intervention in one country or another countries must be stopped, possibly by a united international proletarian armed force.

We cannot foresee the speed and forms of the present historical events and developments. Speculation is dangerous, such Pseudo-Left cries of "Revolution now!" However we must recognise that we are presently going through the deepest crisis of imperialism, pregnant with revolutions. Marxists-Leninists must urgently think about their roles.

No recipes can prescribe the countries and directions of the future world revolution. But there are some global lessons and rules of Proletarian Internationalism, which arises from the class struggle. Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin interpreted these lessons, for history and for future Communists. These lessons are rich in meaning and guides to action. But, a precise copy of the great October-Revolution is very improbable.

Objective conditions for revolution ripen, both in single countries, and globally. The rotting of the world imperialism weakens the counter-revolution's ability to withstand world revolution. The Proletarian Revolution ruptures the chain of the world imperialism at the weakest link, said Stalin. But imperialism does not collapse by itself.

Two sets of factors are needed, subjective and objective factors. An essential subjective requirement is the conscious, willing and organised revolutionary, communist party with the proletariat leading the peoples allied forces. This contrasts with Bukharin's theory of a so called »growing over into socialism«. A decisive objective factor is the international strength of an individual country's bourgeoisie, and its relationship to international imperialism.

Without both the subjective and the objective factors, the revolution cannot be achieved. There is a dialectical unity between these factors. At different times and in different countries, there may be an overwhelmingly different balance between subjective factors and objective factors. Although the basic objective factor of the decay of capital is universal, the same revolutionary potential does not exist everywhere. The objective reality of the decay of imperialism is high world wide, but the potential for revolution is still higher in the most heavily exploited and colonized areas. This is especially so if there is ongoing national liberation struggle.

In virtually all countries the single biggest bulwark against revolution is the lack of the subjective factor - a testament to the great success of revisionism. The need for the Comintern in the spirit of Lenin and Stalin goes hand-in-hand with the need to build anew the national Marxist-Leninist parties.

Lenin defined Proletarian Internationalism as follows:

"There is only one true internationalism: the devoted effort for the development of the revolutionary movement and the revolutionary struggle in their own country, the support (by propaganda, by moral and material aid) of such a struggle, such line and only such line in all countries without exception."(10.4.1917 , Lenin, complete works, German edition))

And Stalin's definition of Proletarian Internationalism was:

»An Internationalist is, who is ready to defend the USSR without reservation and without oscillations and conditions, because the USSR is the basis of the revolutionary world movement and this revolutionary movement can neither be defended nor be taken to the lead, without defence of the USSR« (J.V.Stalin, works, volume 10, p. 51, russ.)



2. THE TASKS OF PROLETARIAN INTERNATIONALISM -

These include common efforts for the armed world revolution and the world dictatorship of the proletariat. Solidarity with the armed revolutionary struggle - transcends only messages of solidarity, donation of money, material and food, and making of propaganda, demonstrations and actions. Proletarian Internationalism includes international armed brotherhood, common armed class attacks against the common armed class enemy.

We must emulate the Spanish International Brigades and the RED Army who stood for Proletarian Internationalism against imperialism. We must build - at the right time, International RED brigades. They will fight against the >>international special counter-revolutionary troops«, of the imperialists used to destroy revolutionary liberation movements.

The necessity for armed Proletarian Internationalism does not contradict the slogans of »armed class - struggle in one's own country«, »establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat in one country« or »victory of socialism in one country«.

The revolution must succeed in each single country, but this does not exclude international armed help. To break the weakest link of the chain of imperialism needs the concentration of ALL armed forces of the world proletariat together with the liberation movements - the national and international armed forces - at the weakest link. All over the world we need regular red armies, partisan/underground - forces and armed forces ie. in factories, fields and other working places as well - led by communists. The armed civil war, and the proletarian dictatorship is indispensable and necessary. It is as treasonous to take up arms in an unripe revolutionary situation as it is to neglect to take up arms when the revolt rages. This is true in national as well in international situations, ie. when armed proletarians are needed from neighboring countries.

To realise the proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat is the quintessence of Marxism-Leninism. The establishment of the proletarian dictatorship in a single country is a huge step forward to world-revolution's victory as in the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin. History however teaches, that a single socialist country can only resist and be defended in the long term, when other countries follow with the establishment of the proletarian dictatorship. Stalin's bloc of united peoples democratic countries created a genuine possibility to extend socialism all over the world.

But the revisionists hindered this resulting, later in the fall of socialism in the USSR and then in Albania. Now, there is no socialist country left. The Communist International is also destroyed, and most communist parties have degenerated. The defeat of Proletarian Internationalism can only be reversed when we overcome revisionism, and when the Marxist-Leninist parties unite all over the world, holding up the revolutionary banner in their own country.

We need leaders, who call and lead the proletariat to indefatigable struggles, who do not hesitate. We must at the correct time not flinch from armed class struggle against revisionists who plot social-imperialist wars, who collaborate with the counter-revolution and murder Marxist-Leninists, proletarians, and the working peoples. Struggle against revisionism is not only an ideological struggle!

Today there are no remaining socialist countries. Marxist-Leninists do not hand round the remains of so called "socialist" countries, which smell of rotten revisionism. What we emulate is the Proletarian Internationalism of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin; and all the Marxists-Leninists who defended the Proletarian Internationalism after the betrayal of the XXth congress of the CPSU(B).



3. PROLETARIAN INTERNATIONALISM AND REFORMIST DEMANDS

The increasing globalization of the capitalist system brings the class contradictions between proletariat and bourgeoisie increasingly to an international revolutionary point. As imperialism rots, we see the prodigal luxury of a minority, who face the poverty, misery and suffering of the majority. To abolish this injustice we need Proletarian Internationalism. Lenin said:

»In a country which was ruined, the first task is: save the working people! The first force of productivity of the whole humanity is the worker, are the working people« (V.I.Lenin, Works, Volume 29, p.334, Russ.)

This is the duty of Proletarian Internationalism. The world showed this solidarity in 1921 when the workers and labouring peoples of the world helped to overcome the dearth of the proletariat and the peasants in the Soviet Union.

The concentration of capital ties together the world proletariat and the peoples. Proletarian Internationalism - mobilizing the forces of the world`s proletariat - is the key to solve the social question which comrade Enver Hoxha described as a problem to be solved. (Speech on the 7th Congress of the P L A).

What forces are ranged against the revolution?

A key reason retarding the revolutionary workers movement in the suppressing, imperialist countries, is the labour-aristocracy bureaucracy, which lives from the super-profits of financial capital drawn from colonial rape. And in the neo-colonial and semi-colonial countries two capitalist classes retard the workers: the compradors, who live directly from crumbs from the profits of the international financial capital. Sometimes a national bourgeoisie exists, who survive indirectly from links with international capital - because to survive they make compromises to the international imperialists for trade links. Both comprador and national capitalists ensure imperialist suppression and exploitation in the undeveloped countries, and retard the revolutionary liberation movement.

Both together - that is the workers aristocracy, and the comprador and national capitalists - form the main supports of world wide capitalism. So we must struggle against them. Proletarian Internationalism is only meaningful, if there is an international class struggle against all the social forces and social supports of global capitalism.

It is necessary to practice Proletarian Internationalism in connection with the trade-union question. But this is impossible given the current leadership of the reformist trades unions. The betrayal of the reformist and revisionist leaders needs to be unmasked. The betrayers must be isolated, to create a genuine working class trade-union movement. But we must guard against the Marxist-Leninist themselves becoming isolated. We must ensure that "red Trades Unions" are set up at the right time - when the masses are ready to understand the treachery of their reformist leaders, and ready to accept the leadership of the revolutionary leaders. To set them up too early, will allow the reformists to isolate the mass of workers from the revolutionaries. It is the aim to smash imperialist Trade Union`s System which ties to the capitalist system to avoid social liberation of the proletariat. Again - this is not only a national question but is an international one.

In the same way we must struggle to overcome bourgeois parliamentarism. We strive for the soviet system, not for reformations of parliaments within capitalism. This does not mean that we do not participate in bourgeois elections on principle. This would leave the masses to the revisionists. We participate in order to: expose the futility of bourgeois parliamentarism and social-democracy; to take advantage of even the smallest gap in the united front of the bourgeoisie to gain the advantage of any small benefit to the immediate conditions of the working masses; and as a means to utilise any opportunity to connect with the masses. If the Marxist-Leninists in a given country are too weak to mount their own electoral candidates, they should also even "support" social-democracy in order to further expose it - as Lenin said: "support Henderson as a rope supports a hanged man!" The only aim of this is to ease the final destruction of the bourgeois parliamentarism to establish proletarian democracy, the proletarian dictatorship.

We struggle against all the revisionists who make the proletariat believe that the struggle for reforms will replace revolution as the only way to achieve socialism. We must create organisations in which the proletariat and the peoples can realize their revolutionary class-struggle. To abstain from struggle against reformists and opportunists serves the bourgeoisie. The social and economic struggle must become a political class -struggle for revolution! Therefore red trade-unions must support the revolutionary struggle in their own country as well as in all the other countries. Ultimately, this can only be done by founding a red international of trade unions, to be part of the common struggle for world revolution and for social liberation all over the world.

To create revolutionary mass organisations, is not only a national question. This is also an international question. So, Proletarian Internationalism means to raise social, revolutionary class struggle on a global stage. This means for example, building international organisations like the Revolutionary International of Trade Unions in the spirit of the 3rd Comintern. The creation of such revolutionary mass organisations must serve the revolutionary mobilization of the masses, and must not isolate them under »left« sectarian points of views. Mass organisations cannot replace the Communist parties. They are led by the Parties. The struggle for reforms is subordinated to the struggle for revolution and serves the latter. This has to be fulfilled on a national scale as well as on an international scale. 



4. PROLETARIAN INTERNATIONALISM AND THE NATIONAL QUESTION

There are two serious errors in this arena - bourgeois nationalism on one hand; - national nihilism or cosmopolitanism on the other.

Marxism-Leninism subordinates the national question under the social question, and means that national questions can only be solved by solving the social question. But national liberation struggles may facilitate the solution of the social question.

It is a dangerous error to oppose »national« tasks of the proletariat in a country and international tasks. The revolutionary movement of the proletariat of all countries is secured by the unity and indivisibility of interests and tasks between the proletariat in one country and the interests and tasks of the proletariat in all countries. Lenin said:

»The bourgeois nationalism and the Proletarian Internationalism - these are two irreconcilable and hostile slogans corresponding to the two big class camps of the whole capitalist world, expressing two politics(and two ideologies) in the national question.«

Proletarian Internationalism means solution of the national question on the basis of friendly relations and friendship to other nations. National liberation includes respect and friendship to other peoples.

Proletarian Internationalism is the basis of successful social and national liberation of the working class. The national liberation of the proletariat is part of the international liberation and contributes to the interest of world revolution. The world revolution can only win if a dialectical unity between the national and the international aspects is forged. The worker's army of each country is also a part of the world wide worker's army. If the imperialists hit the proletariat, no matter if they do it everywhere or aimed at particular single countries or groups of countries, the world proletariat must repel these attacks - both on a national stage and on a world wide stage.

One for all and all for one - this is the line of the revolutionary working class. The working class must unite and build a struggle front all over the world. The liberation of the proletariat in one country is not only a national affair, but at the same time it is part of international affairs. The reverse is also true. When an international problem must be solved, the workers of all countries have to lend their helping hands.

Proletarian Internationalism requires:

a) the proletarian struggle of each country must be considered as part of the global aim of the proletarian world revolution.

b) That if a nation has defeated its' own bourgeoisie, it must be ready and preferably able to recruit forces to resist international capital and its political and military forces. Proletarians who don't defend the working-class power, endanger and destroy the future of international socialism.

The revolution in one country, and solving of national-wide tasks of the working class, has international meaning for the world revolution. Today, the unity of the international class overrides national borders. This does not exclude "Socialism In One Country", as in the former Soviet Union and Albania. No Marxist-Leninist can construct undialectical contradictions between the theory of »socialism in one country« and the theory of »world revolution«. Both together form essential cores of Marxism-Leninism. The treacherous clique of Tito chose the way of nationalism and today everybody sees how this led to tremendous victims of social-fascism and social fascist war.

Lenin teaches:

»...Socialism to be finally victorious can only be obtained on a world-scale and only by common efforts of the workers of all countries.« ( Lenin, complete works, German edition / 14.5.1918).

Proletarian Internationalism does not only refer to nation states, but fuses together workers of all nations in proletarian organisations. National peculiarities and differences, so far as they do not collide with workers matters, must not only be respected but rather mutually enrich each other. This is the only way to overcome national borders. We must destroy all forms of racism, fascism, discrimination of minorities, hostility against foreigners and bourgeois nationalism etc. Marx and Engels insisted to the English workers in relation to Ireland, that this is especially relevant for workers of suppressing bourgeois countries.

We support the blossoming of national cultures in the period of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The creation of the new Soviet world republic will be organized after the Soviet model in the federal union of the socialist states. The Soviet Union is the example of the international Soviet power for the socialist world Soviet Republic.

Proletarian Internationalism opposes US imperialist inspired cosmopolitanism, the »new world community«. We also oppose the Soviet social-imperialists under Brezhnev, who also aimed to violate the independence and sovereignty of nations using slogans of » limited sovereignty/ highest sovereignty«, »socialist community« and »international dictatorship«.

Social-Democrats, Trotskyites and revisionists equate Proletarian Internationalism and cosmopolitanism, by »democratic socialism« and »third groups«. These slogans create ideological masks of Social-cosmopolitanism. Tito proposed a »balance of the two camps« and »polycentrism«. Dimitrov also flattened Proletarian Internationalism into a kind of international solidarity with the struggle for national freedom and independence within the people's democratic countries. He called this the internationalist character of »socialist patriotism«.

The united front of the peoples democracy renounced a socialist transition. This led to bourgeois nationalism, away from socialism. Moreover it weakened the USSR, which had made these countries into neo-colonies. Those who call those policies »proletarian internationalism« betray Proletarian Internationalism. Non-socialist countries can practise neither Proletarian Internationalism nor Socialist Internationalism! All this was an ideological weapon of the US led bourgeoisie to weaken the USSR and to serve US imperialism to pull down the national barriers in the former peoples democratic countries.

Bourgeois nationalism and cosmopolitanism are two sides of one and the same ideology, an ideology of the treason of basic interests of the own country and treason on the basic interests of the peoples in the world. To deny national distinctions is "national nihilism". Cosmopolitans praise national nihilism to realize world hegemony, destruction of national independence and slavery of the peoples.

But »National nihilism«, so Stalin stressed: » harms only the matter of socialism, because national nihilism works into the hands of bourgeois nationalists« (J.V.Stalin, Works, Volume 4, German, Berlin 1951, p.80). 

Lenin showed, that the imperialists neglect the interests of the peoples by their efforts of unification and that capital: »raises the defence of the alliance of capitalists of all countries upon the interests of the fatherland, of the people and everything else...« (Lenin, Complete Works, Volume XXIII, p.5).

Within capitalism, the "friendship of peoples" is a meaningless phrase. There is no "equality of rights and self-determination of nations and nationalities". This can only be guaranteed by socialism. Proletarian Internationalism aspires to establish and to unify those independent and socialist nations with equal rights that establish proletarian dictatorship. Alliances or blocs of Socialist single countries will become redundant eventually - as will the possible "death" of socialist states (as foreseen by Engels), when socialism has destroyed capitalism worldwide.

Proletarian Internationalism doesn't mean support of all national liberation movements at every time. The Proletarian Internationalism does not support movements which serve imperialism, but only those that weaken and accelerate its decay. But, single national questions are part of, and serve the liberation of all nations in the world. The solution of a single question can increase and accelerate other national liberation movements and the liberation in the whole world. We cannot, under any circumstances support liberation movements which impede Communists and progressive forces in educating and organizing the broad masses in revolutionary liberation.

Capitalism disguises itself in a national dress very well. Lenin and Stalin took a revolutionary attitude in the national question. They understood the national question as a revolutionary and not as a reformist question. And this means that the national question must be secondary to the social question. We, as Communists, fight for self-determination, and to stop the bourgeois policy of national oppression. In doing this, bourgeois nationalism is undermined as is its attractions for the proletariat.

Proletarian Internationalism ultimately means the fusion of all socialist countries. The free union of nations in socialism presupposes a long fight of socialist republics against the retarded states. Lenin never claimed that national differences must disappear and national languages must unify into an uniform language in the limits of a state before the victory of the socialism in the world scale. In fact Lenin felt the direct opposite: namely that the national and state differences between the people and countries ...

« Will exist after the fulfilment of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the whole world even still for very much longer ( Lenin, » radicalism, ... » )  



5. PROLETARIAN INTERNATIONALISM AND THE NEO-COLONIAL QUESTION

The colonial question can only solved by solving the social question, by revolutionary class struggle!

Proletarian Internationalism strengthens links between workers of developed capitalist countries and the proletarian masses and working people of the exploited and colonial countries. Proletarian Internationalism merges their movements into a single revolutionary anti-imperialist process to world revolution!

All peoples in the world play their role for the victory of world revolution. Today the contradictions within the world imperialist system are so sharp, that this system is more vulnerable than ever. It is impossible to solve them peacefully. This gives revolution in various countries, the chance to totter world capitalism. It is not necessary to wait in vain, for the single coordinated worldwide "big bang" - as the Trotskyite 4th international does - decade after decade. We must activate proletarian revolution in single countries and not wait. The revolutionary break-through in some countries becomes imminent. This will start at the weakest link in the chain of the imperialist front, where the revolution has the easiest and only way forward. The victory of socialism is possible, only in one country at a time, as Stalin says. The danger of the restoration of capitalism grows, if Proletarian Internationalism is not fast or deep enough to help this or that country to resist encirclement. Socialist countries must develop one after another to guarantee, that isolated and small heroic socialist countries (as Albania was) do not fall.

The neo-colonial and semi-colonial countries form the decisive hinterland of the imperialism. Revolution here, undermines imperialism - directly by loss of territory and economy; indirectly as a spur to the workers of the metropolitan countries. The support of national liberation movements by the metropolitan proletariat is a precondition for their own liberation, said Marx and Engels. One of the most important strategic tasks of Proletarian Internationalism is to support the revolutionary struggle of the exploited and suppressed and dependent countries against imperialism. This brings the masses of the working classes and peasants under the flag of revolution. Proletarian Internationalism has duties for the workers of metropolitan suppressing countries. Revolutionaries are always on the side of the suppressed nations. Opportunist representatives of the worker's aristocracy are agents of the imperialists against the suppressed nations who live from the crumbs of the spoils which the imperialists extract from the exploited peoples. People cannot be free, if they participate in suppressing others.

Lenin said: » the main emphasis of the internationalist education of the workers in the suppressing countries must absolutely lie in the propagation and defence of the law on separation of the suppressed countries. There is not any Internationalism otherwise. The social democrat of a little nation must put the main emphasis of his agitation on the second word of our general formula: 'Voluntary union' of the nations ». (Stalin, »Problems of Leninism; (1.part)«

The struggle against the bloody oppression of the colonial rebellions, the armed interventions of the imperialists against the national revolutions, the warlike aggressions of imperialism, the new military interventions of the UNO and NATO requires a united, systematic, organized, armed and self-sacrificing struggle of the international proletariat and the peoples.



6. PROLETARIAN INTERNATIONALISM - THE PROLETARIAT AND PEASANT

The conquest for worker's power in the whole world, must solve the question of the alliance partners in the world scale. The direct reserves for the world revolution are:

  1. the proletariat in the neighbouring countries;

  2. the liberation movements in the suppressed countries and colonies;

  3. the peasants.

Without the peasant's alliance the dictatorship of the proletariat cannot be won on the world scale. This corresponds to the programme of the Comintern and the contributions of Lenin and Stalin to this (See terms of references on the agrarian question, accepted on the 2nd Congress of the Communist International on 4.8.1920).

Unlike the Trotskyists, we Marxist-Leninists stand for, the alliance between workers and peasants. We follow the example of the Soviet Union. Stalin taught:

»Lenin struggled against the supporters of the 'permanent' revolution not because of the question of the permanence, because he was convinced of the uninterrupted revolution - but because of their underestimation of the role of the peasants as the greatest reserve of the proletariat because of not understanding the idea of the hegemony of the proletariat« ( Stalin, »Foundations of Leninism« complete works, German edition, 1971).

That socialism was crushed, does not confirm Trotsky's thesis of the impossibility of the alliance in one country. The fall of socialism is rather the result of the restoration of capitalism. And the Trotskyites played their role in this, with their struggle » against Stalinism«. The correct Marxist-Leninist line of the proletarian parties is to seal the worldwide alliance with the peasants. If we want to liberate the suppressed countries and to establish socialism in the developed countries on the countryside all over the world, we need to mobilize the poor peasants at the side of the leading proletariat.



7. PROLETARIAN INTERNATIONALISM AND WARS

Proletarian Internationalism aims to convert imperialist wars into civil wars, into revolution and socialism. As Internationalists we condemn wars among the peoples as a barbarous and bestial matter. But imperialist wars are the inevitable and immanent appearances of imperialism. To abolish imperialist wars, we must abolish capitalism and overthrow the bourgeoisie. Imperialist wars cannot be abolished without abolishing classes and establishing socialism all over the world. Peace is a question of class struggle, not of pacifism.

The only way to save the world from imperialist wars, to save peace, is Bolshevism - as proven by the great October Revolution. This strategy to changes imperialist wars into revolution and socialism.

Internationalist proletarians can only win, if they stand together with the suppressed peoples in combating imperialist wars. Stalin and the Soviet Union proved an impregnable bulwark of peace based on socialism. A genuine Internationalist considers the proletariat in other countries as our own allies, and the imperialists as our common enemies. Proletarian Internationalism is not only friendship in times of peace whilst shooting each other in times of war. Proletarian Internationalism is incompatible with social-chauvinism. The main enemy is in their own country.

Lenin taught:

"The socialist, the revolutionary proletarian, the internationalist, .. says: The character of the war (whether it is reactionary or revolutionary) does not depend on who the attacker was, or in whose country the enemy is stationed; it depends on "what class" is waging the war, and on what politics this war is a continuation of. If the war is a reactionary, imperialist war, that is, if it is being waged by two world groups of the imperialist, rapacious, predatory, reactionary bourgeoisie, then every bourgeoisie (even of the smallest country) becomes a participant in the plunder, and my duty as a representative of the revolutionary proletariat is to prepare for the "world proletarian revolution" as the "only" escape from the point of view of 'my country' (for that is the argument of a wretched, stupid, petty-bourgeois nationalist who does not realise that he is only a plaything in the hands of the imperialist bourgeoisie), but from the point of view of "my share" in the preparation, in the propaganda, and in the acceleration of the world proletarian revolution" (Lenin, Works, Volume 28, p. 287, engl.,"Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky")

Krushchev's mendacious revisionist »peaceful coexistence« is the opposite of Lenin's »peaceful coexistence«. Khrushchev frightened the peoples by a terrible vision of (atomic) war. Khruschev intended to avoid armed class struggle, revolution, and armed class struggle against social-imperialism! Khrushchev's »Peace« is not a stage en route to socialism, but a bourgeois and revisionist method to obscure our socialist aims. Lenin's and Stalin's lessons on pacifism are true.

In a long and hard war of resistance, the heroic Afghan peoples gave the victorious answer to the soviet social-imperialists »peaceful coexistence«! This historical defeat of social-imperialism has value for the peoples all over the world, not just for the Afghan peoples and the peoples of the revisionist USSR. It had world significance because this war of resistance in Afghanistan helped to break the danger of social-imperialist war on an international stage. The Afghan peoples waged a successful anti-revisionist struggle with their guns.



8. PROLETARIAN INTERNATIONALISM AND REVISIONISM

Proletarian Internationalism is a sharp weapon against revisionism and reformism. We criticise all who abuse Proletarian Internationalism, mouthing it as a weapon against Proletarian Internationalism. All three Internationals failed, and a new revived International has been stalled for more than half a century, due to lip-service and hypocrisy. Ideological and moral decomposition of the international proletariat began within the Communist International, by opportunists and hidden revisionists. The international proletariat needs the truth.

Professing in words Proletarian Internationalism, but substituting it with practiced opportunism, revisionism, pacifism, and all kinds of nationalism, Trotskyism, centrism etc, is impermissible for us. Genuine internationalism is a daily struggle against imperialists, bourgeoisie, revisionists, centrists, and social-chauvinists - first in one's own country, and beyond. Ever more situations arise, when Proletarian Internationalism means direct aid across national borders, and global class struggle.

Generally, we have the same tasks of the Comintern: to cope with revisionist and centrist tendencies and their leaders. This struggle is in earnest: at any instant the weapon of criticism can be replaced by armed weaponry. This ideological class struggle is not a simple difference of opinions. There will be no Communist International without victory against the enemies of the Communist International. And these enemies still sit in the ranks of many Marxist-Leninist parties. But for them, we would have even now, a good working International!

Proletarian Internationalism needs a strong, centralist, nearly military discipline - willing to build a Comintern on the prototype of the Comintern of Lenin and Stalin. All anti-internationalist streams - whether self-titled "left" or not, must be destroyed at root. Those who struggle against revisionism, social-fascism and social-chauvinism only by words and not also by deeds, do not belong in the revolutionary ranks of the proletariat. Revisionists and opportunists are unable and unwilling to attack rotting imperialism with a sledge-hammer.

Revisionists don't believe in, and are afraid of world revolution. The revisionists aspire to class reconciliation, which leads the proletariat directly into the arms of the world. Nationalism veiled as »socialism» must be combated. Such veils and deceptions poison the internationalist cooperation and retards unification. The Khruschev revisionists, the Eurocommunists, the Titoists, the Maoists, the revisionists in Albania as well as elsewhere (e.g. in Cuba) were unable to build an International. These revisionist streams even stood at times in military confrontation against each other. They also helped the world's bourgeoisie to destroy the Communist International. Just as Tito betrayed the socialist bulwark of the USSR for a handful of dollars.

The bourgeoisie of every country belongs to the world bourgeoisie and the proletariat of every country is part of the world proletariat. They are the opposing classes of capitalism. Struggle against the proletariat in one or some countries, means that the bourgeoisie allies with all the world bourgeoisie, and international counter-revolutionary organisations like UNO, and NATO. These then deploy troops and international special forces trained for civil war, and »anti-terror« etc.. to confront proletarians. This is why Marxist-Leninist parties cannot consider the proletarian struggle, and the struggle to unmask revisionism and opportunism - as confined to a national (<<Their own country>>) viewpoint.

Proletarian Internationalism resists modern revisionisms all over the world. Marxist-Leninists lead the struggle against all enemies of the proletariat and the peoples - against modern revisionism, the bourgeoisie, imperialism - simultaneously at both national and international level. After the liquidation of the Cominform, the Khrushchevists proposed the »transformation of Proletarian Internationalism into Socialist Internationalism". This was a revisionist attack. Proletarian Internationalism unifies the national sections of the international proletariat and their mass organisations with the aim to achieve socialism by the world revolution and to establish the dictatorship of the proletariat all over the world. But Krushchev displaced this "violence" as »superfluous«. Instead a »Peaceful competition« with the capitalist world was to »prove« the superiority of the socialist world economy. With this un-dialectical, revisionist mechanism the capitalist world was to be driven back; and one nation after another would »change sides« and accomplish the empire of the social-imperialist USSR in a peaceful road to »socialism«. In truth this meant treason of world revolution. The nations were to join the »socialist camp« peacefully, conserving their bourgeois nature.

This renounced the dictatorship of the proletariat. This Khrushevite »socialism« differs not at all from capitalism. Czecho-Slovakia in 1968, proved that the Soviet Social-imperialists "principles of relations among socialist countries", and "socialist internationalism" - meant in reality the bloody murder of Proletarian Internationalism!

The transformation of the peoples democratic countries into socialist countries was turned into transformations into neo-colonies. »Socialist internationalism« meant to the soviet social-imperialists, the transformation of unconditional internationalist solidarity and support of Lenin`s and Stalin's Soviet Union, into an unconditional slavery of exploited and suppressed »satellites«.

Everybody who defended Proletarian Internationalism against the » socialist internationalism« was accused of attacking the »unity of the socialist community« and was condemned as a nationalist traitor, as an agent of the »Cold War«. But Khrushchev differentiated between the opposing motivations of Tito and Enver Hoxha. He realised that they had both left the spheres of influence of the soviet social-imperialism for entirely different reasons. Tito for gain and Enver Hoxha for socialism.

»Socialist internationalism« led to the decay of the Soviet Union and the ruin and pauperization of the former proud soviet nations. We have to learn from Enver Hoxha who resisted and combated the Khruschevite social-fascists. He narrowly escaped Moscow alive, but Berisha - his »medical adviser« - finished what Krushchev failed!





II THE MARXIST-LENINIST MOVEMENT



9. THE STRENGTHENING OF THE MARXIST-LENINIST MOVEMENT IS BASED ON UNIFICATION

The Marxist-Leninist movement has to become a monolith, centralized party-organisation to be able to resist modern revisionism. The agents of the bourgeoisie within the workers movement cannot continue to split Marxist-Leninist party after party. This cannot be solved by each individual Marxist-Leninist party. It is a global problem. The international counter-revolution operates centrally.

The Marxist-Leninist movement embodies the revolutionary movement of all countries. Its' aim is to unify and defend Marxism-Leninism and to co-operate in a global strategy to prepare and coordinate world-revolution. The Marxist-Leninist movement in the world must base their actions on a uniform, political and theoretical guidance of the communist parties.

Marxist-Leninist parties cultivate friendly relations. They learn from each other, educate themselves and practice criticism and self-criticism as Bolshevists. Each Marxist-Leninist party is the vanguard of the working class, consisting of the best, most conscious, active and bravest members of the class. The party embodies proletarian will and revolutionary practice, and intercedes for the unity of the whole class and for proletarian principles. The Marxist-Leninist party is held together by iron discipline and democratic centralism. The Marxist-Leninist party is brought into being through the class conscious proletarian vanguard and its links to the proletarian masses. This results in a dialectical interchange whereby the political leadership is repeatedly checked and clarified by the experience of the masses.

The Marxist-Leninist parties must often be built illegally. But where possible they should combine the illegal and legal struggle correctly. The counter-revolution will try to crush the Marxist-Leninist parties. Because of this the new Communist International must build defences and hidden apparatus.

Revisionists use »revolutionary« phrases on the international »Marxist-Leninist movement«, to get attention and influence, to subvert the movement and to ultimately liquidate it. Revisionist leaders try to force their opinions upon other parties. But various methods such as factionalism, interfering in the inner party matters, bribery - are incompatible with the comradely unity of the Marxist-Leninists.

Despite this, many sincere efforts have been made to build unity by Marxist-Leninist parties, groups and single comrades for a world wide Marxism-Leninism. This proves that Proletarian Internationalism is alive. The Marxist-Leninist movement is based on the ideological, political and organisational links of communist parties all over the world. Each is responsible for applying principles to the concrete situation in their »own« country. Each manages the proletarian revolution in their »own« country. But also , the communist parties together must solve the problems of common international affairs, in order to prepare world revolution. National matters are subordinated under international matters applied to democratic centralism.

Lenin said: "As long as nation and state differences exist among peoples and countries - and these differences will be continued for a very long time, even after the dictatorship of the proletariat has been established on a world scale - the unity of international tactics of the communist working class movement of all countries demands, not the elimination of variety, not the abolition of national differences (that is a foolish dream at the present moment), but such an application of the fundamental principles of communism (Soviet power and the dictatorship of the proletariat) as will correctly modify these principles in certain particulars, correctly adapt and apply them to national and national-state differences. Investigate, study, seek grasp that which is strictly national, specifically national in the concrete manner in which each country approaches the fulfillment of the single international task, in which it approaches the victory over opportunism and `left` doctrinairism within the working class movement, the overthrow of the bourgeoisie, and the establishment of a Soviet republic and a proletarian dictatorship - such is the main task of the historical period through which all the advanced countries ( and not only the advanced countries) are now passing."



11. HOW CAN WE IMPROVE OUR JOINT WORK?

United intentions aren't phrases or simple symbols, but a common and mutual discipline to be realized in practice. The Marxist-Leninist movement has to become a movement working together, in an international series of communist actions.

In the beginning we need contacts, to help each other become strong Bolshevist parties. Regular exchange of information with computers and Internet is quicker, and sometimes more effective than long distance journeys and expensive flights. We must destroy the bourgeois control of communication and build an international communist communication centre- flexible enough to avoid its destruction -, to coordinate our common class struggle.

Campaigns and physical meetings to exchange statements, messages and resolutions are one thing; but working continuously together in the daily class-struggle in each country, is another thing. The communist parties must discuss questions in a comradely atmosphere imbued with Marxism-Leninism. Bilateral and multilateral talks will serve to prepare the working political, ideological and organisational agreements, and to solve the current corresponding tasks and problems. Mutually the parties should inform each other, of their own problems, their success and failures. The aim is to weld a joint revolutionary internationalist consciousness.

The Marxist-Leninist Parties gives support and help to all parties and groups who are starting to build a new Bolshevist party. No single party and no group of parties within the Marxist-Leninist movement in the world can place their position over and above another, as the revisionists did. All communist parties are equal and independent with equal rights and duties. There is no "beneath" and no "above"; no "mother-party" and no "satellites" - there is only Marxism-Leninism. But a new center will be built in the fire of revolutionary class struggle, the new Communist International - has a disciplined character of democratic centralism.

During the Comintern, the Soviet Union and Lenin and Stalin, represented the center of the world Marxist-Leninist movement. This center is gone, but the revolution will create a new one. The Marxist-Leninist movement in the world cannot provide stereotyped recipes and instructions, for all communist parties to solve their concrete problems. It is essential to take into consideration the historical conditions and circumstances of each party and country. But a single Communist world center will assist in this task.

The class-enemies will try to split, destroy and liquidate the Marxist-Leninist movement internationally. The class-enemy infiltrates the movement, with revisionists who enter it, and by creating counter-revolutionary organisations which try to attack us from outside. Bolshevist Internationalist unity against imperialism and revisionism is our strength.



12. THE MARXIST-LENINIST MOVEMENT AFTER THE BETRAYAL OF THE 20TH CONGRESS OF THE CPSU

After the betrayal of the 20th congress of the CPSU Comrade Enver Hoxha developed as founder and leader of the new Marxist-Leninist movement in the world. All the parties following the lead of the PLA and Hoxha - whether they had overcome revisionism over many years or whether they were founded as young parties - were united by the demarcation line of the struggle against modern revisionism to uphold Marxism-Leninism. This was the beginning of a liberation struggle of all the Marxist-Leninists of the world who were locked up and imprisoned by the revisionists, both ideologically and literally. Hundreds of thousands of firm comrades were murdered and are still being murdered by the revisionists.

This war of independence from revisionism is today continued by the Marxist-Leninist movement, because there are many anti-Marxist-Leninist streams who although they affirm »anti-revisionism«, in reality they only try to prolong revisionism, prolong capitalism behind a new mask - or Neo-Revisionism. The demarcation line against Neo-Revisionism will strengthen Proletarian Internationalism and leads to the desire for a new Marxist-Leninist International.

As Marxist-Leninists we must defend and support the historical value of the Declarations of 1957 and 1960 of the Conferences in Moscow, in which the relationship among brother parties and basic principles of the international communist movement and the Proletarian Internationalism were settled. True the Krushchevites tried to slip in their revisionist influences, and some concessions were unavoidable and the need to rebuild a new Communist International was not mentioned. But these declarations resulted from hard class struggles in which comrade Enver Hoxha defended Stalin, Marxism-Leninism and Proletarian Internationalism against massive revisionist attacks. The renewed condemnation of Yugoslav revisionism was the beginning of a world wide struggle against modern revisionism and an essential strike against the Soviet revisionists and all the other revisionist parties who dominated the Conferences.

The speech of Comrade Enver Hoxha, delivered at the meeting of 81 Communist and Workers` parties in Moscow on November 16, 1960 is a historical document that rejects the revisionist theses of the XX congress of the Soviet Union and the anti-Marxist-Leninist stand of the Khrushchev revisionists. Comrade Enver Hoxha wished to protect the unity of the »socialist camp«, but he couldn't succeed in something that did not any longer exist, as could be seen later on. The camp had in reality, only rested upon the only two socialist countries that had existed in this world - namely the USSR and Albania.

Albania protected this important unity by the defence of Stalin, and by maintaining the dictatorship of the proletariat in Albania. The only and first socialist internationalism which was born in this world was that between the USSR and Albania, between Enver Hoxha and Stalin. In his speech Enver Hoxha stated:

»We are Marxist-Leninists and we are not allowed to flatten and to slacken the struggle against revisionism and imperialism in any moment until we have liquidated both of them.«

Today and in future we have to defend and to continue this true Marxist-Leninist line of Enver Hoxha!

After the demarcation against Chinese revisionism the Marxist-Leninist movement in the world was consolidated by the PLA. Regularly meetings in Albania were supported by the PLA. There were different opinions about the intensity with which to enlarge the international threads of the Marxist-Leninist parties. Scientific, ideological conferences took place in Tirana. Delegations of the Marxist-Leninist parties participated at international meetings in several countries. Radio Tirana informed the world about the strengthening of the Marxist-Leninist movement at every local place in the world, day by day.

There were some important resolutions of conferences among some regional groups of Marxist-Leninist parties eg. in South and Middle America, in Scandinavia and among some European Marxist-Leninist parties. One of the biggest cooperative steps, was the demarcation against Chinese revisionism and Mao's ideas of the "Third-World-Theory". The Marxist-Leninist movement organised international youth camps at different places in the world yearly. They were prepared and organized by the local parties and their youth organisation. A theoretical organ was edited by some Marxist-Leninist parties as a forum and platform of their basic political standpoints. There were some Marxist-Leninist parties who did not join this magazine which was edited irregularly. There were also some different opinions about the internationalist tactic of the PLA who had the most extensive influence and the largest help and solidarity. There were parties who advocated a more intensive working together and better, more centralised organizational forms. These opinions, however were discussed internally and not openly.  

The weakest point of the Marxist-Leninist movement after the betrayal of the 20th Congress of the CPSU was the hesitation concerning the clear affirmative decision to prepare the necessary rebuilding of the Communist International. The Communist International was defended as a matter of history and maybe as a future matter, but it was not seen as a task that had to be solved in present times. So in consequences the Marxist-Leninist movement was not completely able to raise the pulled down banner of the Communist International by concrete efforts to build it up on Bolshevist principles.

This weakness was caused by the revisionists. Without self-criticism we cannot overcome this lack. We must support those forces who agree with cooperations among the Marxist-Leninist parties. We also agree with the sentiment that the unity of the Marxist-Leninist movement, is only a necessary first step to build the new Communist International.

We must remember that the Krushchevists created the idea of »bilateral and multilateral meetings« under their own despotic control to undermine unification. They aimed to hinder the foundation of the new Communist International and to weaken and isolate all the parties one by one, and to force their revisionist line upon each of them. This can be read in the »Krushchevites«, memoires of Enver Hoxha. Conferences of »common orientation« were led by the soviet-revisionists, eg. The Moscow Conferences. The Cominform - on the contrary - was an attempt to improve the conditions of cooperation between some parties and the CPS(U) to resist revisionist influences within the world communist movement but not intended to be a germ-cell of the new Communist international.

And we must continue to struggle against those revisionist forces within the Marxist-Leninist movement who hinder the building of a new Communist International and who are »content« with bilateral and multilateral meetings to exchange experiences - which are not tied to common decisions and actions.

They prefer the »movement« instead of an »international party«. And there are forces who support the ideas of Marx and Engels concerning the »communist manifesto« but not in connection with the Bolshevist party - type of the Comintern. As well there are forces who support an centrist international association in which anti - Marxist-Leninist streams co-exist with Marxist-Leninist forces.

As Marxist-Leninists we must convince the revolutionary proletariat and the honest comrades of these parties to support us and to separate them from all revisionist influences. And we start with an attack against the neo-revisionist leaders who pretend to be »anti-revisionist« but in deed follow an old revisionism, who pretend to be true »Marxist-Leninists, for Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin«, but who are anti-Marxist-Leninists.

 



III : THE PREVIOUS INTERNATIONALS AND THE REBUILDING OF THE NEW MARXIST-LENINIST INTERNATIONAL.

WHAT ARE THE LESSONS AND CONCLUSIONS ON THE 1ST, 2ND AND 3RD INTERNATIONALS ?

In this section we cannot provide a full detailed history of the Comintern. We support the writings of Lenin and Stalin upon the International. We specifically support the founding documents of the Third International and the Requirements of membership of Comintern drafted by Lenin. We do recognize that even early on, hidden revisionists carried influences which rapidly grew, even within the Comintern. Therefore a blanket endorsement of the Comintern's attitudes and writings cannot be accepted without considerable M-L consideration.

The following is a summary of the main motive forces at various historical periods of the Communist Internationals.

 

 

 

The following capital is gathered from the article: »The path towards a new Communist, Marxist - Leninist International« , written by Hari Kumar; Alliance (M - L);issue no: 19:

 

(remark: with the foundation of the Comintern/ML, on December 31rd, 2000, the ideological demarcation-line was drawn against Alliance, ISML and Hari Kumar)

 

 

1: THE FIRST INTERNATIONAL - THE INTERNATIONAL WORKING MENS' ASSOCIATION (IWMA) 1867-1874

The birth of the IWMA was explicitly motivated by an international proletarian solidarity to support the Polish workers. It grew from thee rapidly. But as it grew revisionist forces develoepd iwthin its heart. In faat the death of the IWMA is traced to the influences of hidden revisionism. Lenin summarised the work of the First International as a work of unity that hammered out a uniform tactic:

"In uniting the labour movement of various countries striving to channel into joint activity the various forms of non-proletarian pre-Marxist socialism (Mazzinni, Proudhon, Bakunin, liberal trades unionism in Britain, Lassallean vacillations to the right in Germany etc) and in combatting the theories of all these sects and schools, Marx hammered out a uniform tactic for the proletarian struggle of the working class in the various countries."

At that time, this was only possible by virtue of a united front. Sixteen years after the dissolution of the IWMA, Engels in May, 1890 explicitly recognised that non-Marxist strands of the workers movement could not be shut out, but should be brought into a United Front, on a principled basis. He showed how this strategy of the United Front had succeeded inside the IWMA :

»The IWMA came into being. Its aim was to weld together into one huge army the whole militant working class of Europe and America. Therefore it could not SET OUT from the principles laid down in the Communist Manifesto. It was bound to have a programme which would not shut the doors on the English Trade Unions, the French Italian and Spanish Proudhonists and the German Lassalleans. This Programme - the Preamble to the Rules of the International was drawn up by Marx with a master hand.«

To Summarise The Work of the First International :

1) It was set up to respond to a practical need for an organisation of the international workers in response to capitalist provocations in Poland.

2) It was formed at time when the full strategy and tactics of the Marxist-Engelist revolution was being finalised. A single unitary line at this time was not possible. It was a united Front of Broad dimension in the beginning.

3)Through this strategy of a united front, the principle of a unitary single line became possible, even though at the outset it was not.

4) But objective circumstances ie petit bourgeois influences in the IWMA, made it necessary to dissolve the IWMA to prevent it from falling into the wrong hands. For the first time the bourgeoisie had penetrated the workers movement by hidden conscious disrupters and saboteurs.

2. THE SECOND INTERNATIONAL 1889-1814

The 2nd International started in 1889. The period was marked by the ideological triumph of Marxism within the Labour and socialist movement. But to battle this, the bourgeoisie refined their counter-attack, and corrupted Marxist ideology using hidden revisionists. The ideological broader Front of the previous First International had already narrower, as anarchists had been excluded, and the slogans of the »Class struggle and the abolition of wage labour« were won. There was an enormous growth of the mass movements. But these mass labour movements were torn between two contending forces. Either the Marxist Internationalists forces led by Engels - or the Reformists led by the Trade Union aristocrats. As the Labour Aristocrats had not yet been fully exposed, Engels insisted on an open discussion. In his Closing speech to the Zurich meeting sponsored by the Socialist Workers Group of Aug 12 1893, he contrasted the First to the Second International :

»The Old International had reached its zenith. The perpetuation of the Old International would have led to sacrifices out of proportion with the results; it transferred its seat to America, it withdrew from the scene. The proletariat in the various countries was left to organise itself in its forms. This happened and the International is now much stronger than before. In accordance with this we must continue to work on common ground. We must permit discussion in order not to become a sect, but the common standpoint must be retained. The loose association, the voluntary bond which is furthered by congresses is sufficient to win us the victory which no power in the world can snatch from us again.. »

But, as is well known the Second International too was dissolved, in 1914, due to the opportunist stand of the Second International on the inter-imperialist First World War. This was Lenin's assessment of The Second International :

"The Second International existed from 1889-1914, up to the war. This was the period of the most calm and peaceful development of capitalism, a period without great evolutions. During this period, the working class movement gained strength and matured.. but the workers leaders had become accustomed to peaceful conditions and had lost the ability to wage a revolutionary struggle. When in 1914, there began the war.. these leaders deserted to their respective governments. They betrayed the workers, they helped to prolong the slaughter, they became the enemies of socialism, they went over to the side of the capitalists."

The collapse of the Second International reflected the rise of opportunism :

"The collapse of the Second International.. signifies the complete victory of opportunism, the transformation of the Social Democratic parties into national-liberal parties, is mainly the result of the entire historical epoch of the Second International - the close of the 19 th Century and the beginning of the 20 th Century. The objective conditions of this epoch - transitional from the consummation of West European bourgeois and national revolutions to the beginnings of socialist revolution - engendered and fostered opportunism.. a split in the working class and socialist movements.. which in the main was a cleavage along the lines of opportunism.. The crisis created by the great war has torn away all coverings.. exposed an abscess. and revealed opportunism as the true ally of the bourgeoisie.. In Russia the complete severance of the revolutionary.. proletarian elements from the petty bourgeois opportunist elements has been prepared by the entire history of the working class movement. Those who disregard that history and declaim against "factionalism" ..are) incapable of understanding the real process of formation of a proletarian party.. are rendering that movement the worst possible service."

The collapse had completed the full exposure of Social Democracy. Now the united Front was even narrower, because it was split into two. On one side was social reformism On the other were the Marxists. The leadership of the latter was won by the Internationalists at Zimmerwald and then passed to the Bolsheviks of the Russian Communists.

To Summarise the Work of The Second International :

1) It was set up at the time of intense proletarian-isation and growth of the labour trades unions in the metropolitan countries. At its very beginning it started with the ideological achievements of the end of the First International. Namely the exclusion of anarchism insistence on class struggle and abolition of wage labour.

2) During this period the labour aristocracy grew and ensured that the bourgeoisie further penetrated workers movements and led them to senseless slaughter.

3) It was the opportunist leaders of the mass proletarian parties and trades unions who betrayed the »principal consideration« & who »repudiated class struggle«.

4) In the belly of the rotten 2nd International the foul conditions already had given rise to the germ of the new Third International.

5) Conditions had radically changed from the times of Engel's injunctions not to appear »splittist« and for »openness«. Now the class traitors had unmasked themselves and the »demarcation« had been drawn.

3. THE THIRD INTERNATIONAL 1919-1943

The collapse of the Second International created the need for a new International, which was formally founded in 1919, after the Bolshevik Revolution. But in reality the actual founding of the International had been earlier :

"The Third International actually emerged in 1918, when the long years of struggle against opportunism and social chauvinism, especially during the war led to the formation of Communist parties in a number of countries. Officially the Third International was founded at the First Congress in March 1919, in Moscow."

In fact even longer before 1918, the need for a new International was recognised. This was the meaning of the formation of the ZIMMERWALD LEFT.

In The Conference of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Parties (RSDLP) Abroad, Lenin had pointed this out in February 1915. Because of the enormous ideological advances the new international was already at a high level. This was reflected in the more cohesive and narrower nature of its membership. It was now no longer a united Front of Marxists and fellow travellers. It was now fully a COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL (CI), A COMINTERN.

Undoubtedly the victory of the Bolshevik Revolution made this possible. The »social democratic« conceptions of change were clearly exposed, the demarcation lines were clear. But now the new CI was »in vogue«. A tendency developed for the old Centrist parties to disguise themselves as »changed«; and to apply for membership to the CI. The Communists, to maintain the movement's higher level, insisted on clearer Rules of conduct for parties. This was not possible in the previous Internationals, as social opportunism had not been so clearly exposed. Even at the First Inaugural Congress of the CI, there was no insistence upon strict Terms of Admission, as Lenin later admitted. This became necessary as the true Communist parties developed in other countries, and separated away from the Communist »trends«. As they did this, the Centrists tried to penetrate the movement of the new CI :

»The Second International has definitely been smashed. Aware of this.. the intermediate groups and parties of the »Centre« are trying to lean on the CI.. At the same time however they hope to retain a degree of »autonomy« that will enable them to pursue their previous opportunist or »Centrist« polices. The CI is to certain extent becoming the vogue... The Second World Congress deems it necessary to lay down absolutely precise terms for the admission of new parties and also to set forth the obligations incurred by the parties already affiliated.«

These terms of Admission stressed Communist - as opposed to centrist and reformist activity. They insisted on the need for all organisations joining the CI to remove »Centrists« from their apparatuses. They also insisted on an adoption of real communist programmes, and the discipline of the Comintern.

But in both the CPSU(B) and all other world parties, the open enemies of socialism went underground. This was bound to affect the CI itself, as seen in the: Role of the 7 th World Congress of CI in promoting class peace and social reformism; the subversion of the correct strategy of revolution in colonial and semi-colonial countries; the subversion of the struggle for the second stage of the revolution in effecting the socialist revolution; the perversion of correct United Front Tactics and the opportunism of the Peoples' Front Governments.  

That the CI had been penetrated by revisionism, is shown by the manner of its' dissolution. It is true that Stalin was elected to be one of the 45 members of the Executive Committee of the Communist International (ECCI) at its last Congress in August 1935. However he was not elected as one of the 7 members of the Secretariat, who included the hidden revisionists GEORGI DIMITROV, OTTO KUUSINEN, DIMITRY MANUILSKY, ANDRE MARTY, WILHELM PIECK, PALMIRO TOGLIATTI. Stalin's views on why to dissolve the CI, did not agree with the Secretariat. When the Secretariat proposed dissolution he agreed only that: »The dissolution of the Communist International is proper and timely.«

In fact the secretariat's grounds for the dissolution were: Firstly that the world situation was too complicated for an international Center to function and such a Center held back the development of national parties; Secondly that the political maturity of the national parties and their leaders made an international center unnecessary.

Stalin could not but reject this obviously false analysis. As a genuine Marxist-Leninist, he could not oppose the dissolution of the CI as it was now revisionist-led, no longer serving the world's working class. But, he supported the dissolution of the CI, in order to take back the initiative, and to move to a new organisation led by Marxist- Leninists - the COMMUNIST INFORMATION BUREAU OR THE COMINFORM.

But as a Marxist-Leninist, he was bound by the principles of DEMOCRATIC CENTRALISM. He could NOT therefore directly express the real reasons for his support of the dissolution of the CI. Stalin gave four reasons, which boil down to one: It would help as the dissolution :

»Will result in a further strengthening of the United Front of the Allies and other united nations in their fight for victory over Hitler-ite tyranny.«

It was not a concession to the Western imperialist powers. We know that Stalin held that concessions to imperialism which WERE contrary to the interests of the world working class were impermissible concessions. Stalin accepted the ECCI decision to dissolve recognising that the next step would be to organise a different forum that would take on the hidden revisionists - the Cominform.

To Summarise The Work of The Third International :

1) The Comintern followed a period of theoretical and practical clarity. The Rules for Admission now could be framed as Bolshevik; as the Old Yellow 2nd International and Social-democracy were exposed.

2) However the Third International too became infiltrated by hidden revisionists who claimed to be Marxist-Leninists. These revisionists led it first into Pseudo- Leftism, and then into a Right revisionism.

3) Stalin therefore willingly agreed to its dissolution.

4) Instead of relying on the old useless Third International, Stalin set up the Cominform, to expose the new hidden revisionists.

4. THE COMINFORM 1947-1956

The Cominform was set up in October 1947, by Stalin with the most trusted Marxist-Leninist - ANDREY ZHDANOV. The leadership of the Cominform leadership is significant. Previous leaders of the ECCI such as Dimitrov, were excluded by Stalin. There is only one explanation, that Stalin had become convinced of their sabotage:

»As early as June 1946, Stalin had spoken with Dimitrov and Tito about the need of establishing an Information Bureau.. Rather than simply reviving the Comintern, on which Stalin heaped a torrent of insults and abuse which caused Dimitrov to become alternately pale and flushed with repressed anger«

The intent was to expose the hidden revisionists. Due to 7 th World Congress and the Popular Front Governments, a creeping Parliamentarism entered the workers movement. This necessitated exposing the hidden revisionists leaders of firstly, the French and the Italian Communist Parties. At the First Conference, criticism was opened by Zhdanov. The Italians and French had taken the line of the Parliamentary Road to socialism, after EARL BROWDER but before Khrushchev. Both LUIGI LONGO and JACQUES DUCLOS recanted on behalf of their parties. Duclos admited : »There was opportunism, legalitarianism and parliamentary illusions...>>

The Cominform next turned its attention to JOSIP BROZ TITO. As the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) was exposed, another strand of RIGHT revisionism was purged from the international movement.

Both the French and the Yugoslav versions of revisionism depended upon clouding the distinction between the First stage of the National Democratic Revolution and the progress to the Second stage ie the Socialist Revolution. This was important as the victory of fascism had created the possibility of moving rapidly from the first stage to the second stage of revolution in many countries. Both the Western European CP's and the CPY refused to "move rapidly". After exposuring the CPY, Stalin pulled the Warsaw pact countries towards the Second Stage. Only the Albanian CP had of itself moved to the second stage.

When Stalin died the Khruschevites dissolved the Cominform hastily to appease Tito. The mask of »peoples democracy«, in reality as shown later to be social-fascism, intended to build up revisionist countries. The revisionists didn't need the Cominform for this. The new revisionist line on relationship between these revisionist parties was:

»Each party will find ....new useful forms to create contacts and connections among all the parties...in their own judgement..« (declaration of Dissolution, 17th of April, 1956). They also intended to cooperate with bourgeois parties for »peace and democracy« in the spirit of the »peaceful coexistence« of Khrushchev. The date of dissolution of the Cominform was the same of the 20th Congress of the CPSU.

The international Marxist-Leninist movement was then effectively leaderless. The movement was hijacked by Khruschevite revisionism. For objective reasons, including the strength of both internal (ie Albanian) and external revisionism, Enver Hoxha was unable to provide a strong enough centre to weld the international Marxist-Leninist movement together.

To Summarise The Work Of the Cominform:

1) The Cominform intended to combat the revisionisms of the Comintern.

2) Stalin ensured that the leadership was not the same as the Comintern.

3) The Cominform effectively exposed right revisionism in the French, Italian and Yugoslav parties.

4) This moved the Warsaw Pact countries toward socialism.

  1. After Stalin's death the Cominform was dissolved by Khrushchev and its actions were reversed.

13. SOME OVERALL CONCLUSIONS FROM THE PREVIOUS INTERNATIONALS

1) At various times the International was a broad front and at more recently, it was a narrow fighting Bolshevik vanguard.

2) When it came after clarification within the movement, the International was a vanguard and continued exposing various revisionism.

3) But opportunism infiltrated all the Internationals repeatedly.

4) After the dissolution of an Internationals, only a very brief period passed before the new International. This allowed it to capture the highest level attained by the older International. After the Cominform a long hiatus was experienced. Ideology was corrupted further.

  1. Previous Internationals had one main, or at worst 2 main, internal ideological enemies. In the IWMA this was social reformism and anarchism. In the Second International it was social reformism, and then ultra-Leftism. In the Comintern it was mainly right revisionist parliamentarism. Now, there are many »isms«. Until they are either exposed or vindicated, it is not possible to form a Single unitary line in the International Marxist-Leninist movement. A single line this will require as it did, in the earlier Internationals - the First and the Second - some vigorous discussion first.

 

 

 

We must ask what is the correct line? If the issues arising from basic questions such as the Stages of the Revolution were so important for Stalin to clarify with respect to the French and Italians, and the CPY - why should we not clarify them today with respect to Mao Ze Dong?

It is insufficient only to exchange only consultations. This is only the first step. We must build a centralist, disciplined, Bolshevik international organisation. The 1st International, was destroyed by anarchist revisionism. The 2nd International was destroyed by social-reformists. The 3rd International, was destroyed by hidden revisionists.

The method of criticism and self - criticism is needed to set a solid ground for the rebuilding of the Comintern. We must direct fire at the revisionists who retard the new International. So we have at first to defeat neo-revisionism( renewal of revisionism). The new International depends not on the quantity and width of the Marxist-Leninist parties but on the ideological and political clearness.



14. WHERE IS THE DEMARCATION - LINE ?

The Communist International and its revolutionary historical roots must be defended against all splitters and liquidators. These include the revisionists or hidden revisionists, Bukharinites, Trotskyites, Brandlerists, Browderists, Dimitrovists, Togliattists, Ulbrichts, Titoites and others.

Revisionists savagely attack, or misrepresent the great work of the Comintern, precisely because it created and developed the communist parties in the world on the highest level.

World revolution will only succeed when social-democracy and revisionism are smashed. No collaboration with these imperialist agencies within the communist world movement! The establishment of a clear line of demarcation over this question is of major principled importance.

Proletarian Internationalism means anti-imperialism but extends beyond it. We must distinguish revisionist from revolutionary views of the anti-imperialist struggle. Proletarian Internationalism means the elimination of the whole system of capitalism all over the world. This cannot be done simply with »anti-imperialism«. »Anti-imperialistic struggle« or »anti-monopolist struggle« as an independent stage on the »spontaneous and peaceful way towards socialism«, is a blind alley.

We do not support »good» capitalism against »bad« capitalism to reach socialism. Capitalism cannot be reformed and socialism cannot be reached by reforms. Revisionists try to renounce revolutions. Subordination under the national bourgeoisie »against« imperialism, or supporting one imperialists against others is nothing else then preventing the proletariat from revolution. We agree with the decisions of the 4th Congress of the 3rd Comintern in 1922 concerning the anti-imperialist movement for colonial type countries.

We struggle against the reformist principles of Kautsky's theory concerning »ultra-imperialism« and Bukharin`s transformation-theory.

We struggle against all revisionist concepts that pose intermediate systems between dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and of the proletariat.

We struggle against the Maoist »Three World Theory« and »people's war« - which is anti-communist and counter-revolutionary. And as well the Yugoslav theory of the »block-free world« damages the revolutionary struggle of the peoples.

Furthermore Dimitrov's »theory of the antifascist and people's front« from the 7th Congress of the 3rd Comintern was a treason against the international socialist unity front. The anti-fascist front can only be led by the communist party. The people's front cannot be considered as the leading force. Even the soviets are not allowed to stay above the party. The party leads all mass organisations nationally and internationally.

There is no peaceful way to socialism, not by Trotskyite models like » self-administration« and unionist illusions, not by bourgeois parliamentarism and not by all the other »isms« that will be created by the revisionists based on the hybrid system of class - reconciliation and collaboration with the bourgeoisie.

The struggle against revisionism includes strengthening the struggle AFTER the dictatorship of the proletariat. To restore capitalism the revisionists create many »isms« that must be destroyed by the class - struggle of the victorious proletariat.

All the revisionists try to deny the Marxist-Leninist party and the Communist International. Revisionists try to split the revolutionary movement in the world with the methods of »Trojan Horses«. The earlier the deviations from Marxism-Leninism are combated, the better this will be for the Marxist-Leninists. We must expel all enemies out of the party when they appear - not after they damage party life. We must practice criticism and self-criticism.

Where Marxists-Leninists are pushed into minorities, they must try first to regain the majority within democratic centralism to re-establish the old correct political line of the party. In case of failure - the Marxist-Leninists must organize as a faction within the party. If even this is in vain, if no possibility remains to get rid of the enemies using the democratic centralist party statutes, then - and only then - must Marxists-Leninists leave the old party to rebuild the party on the old correct principles and to struggle openly against the degenerated party.

The practice of refusing to leave the party after the victory of open revisionism, using a "theory" »of overcoming« revisionists within the party by ideological struggle, »to get rid of these elements« within the party is dangerous. This would lead the party to laming and chronic sickness. After the 20th Congress of the CPSU the Marxist-Leninists had to begin to rebuild the Comintern in the spirit of Lenin and Stalin. Enver Hoxha and the Albanian delegation of the Moscow Conference were the only comrades who consistently defended Marxism-Leninism and Proletarian Internationalism. But this did not lead to a new Communist International. This was a painful lack due to both revisionism as well Marxist-Leninists weakness and errors. This is why we make self- criticism.

 

15. THE GENERAL NECESSITY OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL (MARXIST-LENINISTS)

The Communist International must be urgently rebuilt. But only a very few Marxist-Leninist parties are as yet ready to make efforts to make unprejudiced concrete and theoretical preparations. The disregard of the new Communist International results from revisionist influences which are now decades old.

Some parties agree to rebuild the Comintern in the spirit of Lenin and Stalin. But they say: "later on" it will be necessary, but it is not necessary today. Other parties put forward many "conditions" and "arguments", such as that there is no "mass-movement" and no "mass-party"; no "revolutionary" situation; or the Marxist-Leninist parties are "too few" in their quantity or "too low" in their quality or not "yet enough developed"; or the time is not "ripe", or the times of the Comintern and of today are not "comparable"; or whatever.

What is the ideological aim of these lame excuses? We must ask: "how many" Marxist-Leninist parties must exist? And how big need they to be? And when will they be "developed"? When is the time "ripe"? When is the time "comparable"?

What does the slogan "Proletarian of all countries, unite mean to us Marxists-Leninists today? Do we really have to ask the same questions: Are the proletarians "strong" enough to unite? Are they "ripe" enough to unite? Can the times of unification be "compared" with times of the Comintern? To fulfill this slogan is a very conscious act of the world worker's movement! This has nothing to do with revolutionary impatience or Trotskyism.

We do not deny that the matter of preparing the organisation of the organisations must be solved as soon as possible - but without making important mistakes. The slogans "Proletarian of all countries, unite!" and "Rebuild the Comintern!" have an inseparable dialectical unity.

A centralist movement without a centralist ideological, political and practical organisation is insufficient and will fail. The arithmetical sum (an old mechanist method of the revisionists; "replace the quality by quantity!") of all the parties does not result a powerful Marxist-Leninist movement in the world but the proletarian instrument of a central organisation like the Comintern makes the difference and the possibility to change quantity into a higher quality.

The world proletariat needs a leading revolutionary organisation like the 3rd Comintern to dash the rotting imperialism to the ground. Since the 1st International of Marx and Engels, there is no credible argument that the international organisation of the proletariat is superfluous. That is so, irrespective of the subjective or objective factors, and irrespective of the stage of the class-struggle. The subjective factor is not only determined by building a strong communist party in each country, but is also assisted by the building of an international organisation. As Lenin said, the world revolutionary process is a single process that depends upon objective and subjective conditions for the triumph of the revolution in one or several countries. The triumph of the revolution is possible in one or several countries because of the objective fact that in the period of imperialism, and after the October Revolution, the whole world capitalist system is objectively ripe for the revolution.

"Now we must speak of the world proletarian revolution," Stalin emphasized," because the individual national fronts of capital have become links of the one chain which is called the world imperialist front and which must be confronted with the common front of the revolutionary movement in all countries... Now the proletarian revolution must be seen, first of all, as the result of the development of the contradictions in the world imperialist system, the result of the breaking of the chain of the world imperialist front in this or that country." (Stalin, complete works, German edition, 1971)

In essence, the program of the Communist International is still practicable to start with. Naturally there must be consideration of the lessons of subsequent experiences i.e. with the revisionism before and after the death of Stalin and the new political and economical changes of the imperialist development in the world of today. In short - the absence of a socialist world. But a missing program in the beginning does not excuse a hesitation to rebuild a new Communist International. The different stages of development of each communist party is no reason to delay. Also, the fact of a missing leading center compared with the one of Lenin and Stalin, is no reason to stop efforts to prepare the rebuilding of a new Communist International.



16. CONCRETE TASKS IN THE BUILDING OF THE NEW COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL (Marxist-Leninists)

That the III. International was led by Lenin, Stalin and the Soviet Union, in the dictatorship of the proletariat was a great advantage. It surely also was an advantage for the Marxist-Leninist world movement to have the brave socialist Albania led by Hoxha. Surely however nowadays, the Marxist-Leninists do not have to wait until the next new socialist country will be established.

The new Communist International would create a center for connections and cooperation between different countries to liberate and defend the international proletariat. The Comintern decides over the residence and contact-address. Marxist-Leninist parties who want to create and join the Comintern would prepare the Foundation Congress to invite other parties. The Comintern starts to work out ideological principles. It informs members about the international class-struggle and the single Marxist-Leninist parties. Then different views can be fraternally discussed and criticized and improved to work out a fixed basis of mutual trust. The preparations should be serious and un-hurried to avoid mistakes. The admission-criteria into the Communist International will closely follow Lenin's »conditions of admission into the Communist International« decided on the II. Congress on August 6 th, 1920 and the »statute« decided on August 5th, 1920.

Historical changes must be taken into account. If possible the comrades of the Communist International have to be proletarians in the majority. We have to take into account that there are still only (at most) few forces who are powerful Marxist-Leninist parties. The Communist International must be experienced in actions, must be ready for criticism and self-criticism particularly in struggling against all hues of anti-marxism-leninism. This Communist International will gain international legitimacy only if sufficient representatives of numerous Marxist-Leninist parties join, from all continents and regions of the world.

The question arises, what sort of centrist majority decides on admission or its refusal on differ honesty from cheating. These questions cannot be discussed on the foundation-congress. The neo-revisionists, would overflow the boat and it would sink before it started to reach the other side of the river. Lenin stressed this:  

»We are full-heartedly for the unification of the Internationalists. We like to see more of them. However, we cannot be self-deceptive, we cannot count persons and organisations to the Internationalists, who are in Internationalism »dead souls«. What do we mean by Internationalism? Can we - for instance - call those as Internationalists, who want to re -establish the International on the basis of mutual »amnesty«? The most famous defender of »amnesty« is known as Kautsky. Victor Adler appeared in the same sense. We are of the opinion, that the defenders of »amnesty« are the most dangerous enemies of Internationalism. A re-established International based on the principles of »amnesty« would throw back socialism a big deal. Each concession, each agreement with Kautsky and Co. is absolutely inadmissible.« ( Lenin, Works, Volume 21, p. 155, Ger.)

So in the first process we have to discuss the conditions of admissions and the duties for those who would join the new Communist International. We must learn from Lenin and the II. Congress of the Comintern. Struggle against centrism on admission criteria, must be waged. But we must avoid eccentric »left« dogmatic and sectarian behaviour - which frightens away revolutionary workers. Later where the previous Internationals were consolidated, a watering of principles was noticed, that facilitated revisionist penetration into the Comintern. Several dangers exist. From:

The right danger of overestimating the mass-movements; the »left« sectarian line of spontaneity; the ignorance of the current Marxist-Leninist parties; the underestimation and isolation of the mass movement.

An international Marxist-Leninist organisation only arise, if there are independent Marxist-Leninist parties. In some countries difficult situations and conditions hinder the rebuilding of Marxist-Leninist parties. New or young parties enjoy equal rights to more established parties. Younger parties must be supported by other parties in the process of unification. There are some splinter groups which see their task to weaken and to liquidate the development of these young revolutionary forces. This splitting does not serve the strengthening of the Marxist-Leninists on either a national or an international stage.

Today it is »en vogue« to found one »International« after another. But an unprincipled "unification" of all these forces (at any cost purely for "Unity") is not what we strive for as Marxist-Leninists. This would mean an opportunism which would not serve a true Marxist-Leninist Communist International.

Centrism and reconciliationism guarantee the long term splitting of the principled unity of any proletarian organization, also the international organizations. The revolutionary, ideological hardening by permanent struggle against anti-Marxist-Leninist hues isn't only the main condition for the construction and the strengthening of the Marxist-Leninist parties, but also quite crucial for their cooperation. The struggle must be led at several fronts:

1) It must be ensured that revisionism is fought both by the Marxist-Leninist parties; and the Communist International - so that no cross joint infection can be spread.

2) Half-hearted »support« and »Exceptional National Paths« of single Marxist-Leninist parties opposing the Communist International must be combated.

3) Equally a Communist International line forcing a single »common« line upon the parties as Dimitrov did with the »antifascist« struggle within the Comintern.

To be able to build up a new communist international, we must organize a thorough ideological discussion about the reasons for the revisionist degeneration and for the dissolution of the 3rd International. Why did some sections of the Communist International degenerate and not others who held tight to the principles of Marxism - Leninism? The mistakes which led to the dissolving of 3.Comintern must be uncovered to avoid future dangers of repetition. The proletariat needs the whole truth. Without ideological demarcation - the III. International could not have been founded.

The Journal : "INTERNATIONAL STRUGGLE - Marxist-Leninist" works for the unity of the Marxist-Leninist movement to move to a new Communist Marxist-Leninist International. The journal is a common revolutionary, political platform for the Marxist-Leninist groups, organisations and parties in the world, for theoretical discussion and to exchange their experience of revolutionary struggle. Despite the urgent need and desire of an International, the truth is that the communist movement is divided into many contradictory camps, which do not discuss and debate. Sectarianism not only divides the movement but acts as a brake for the theoretical development of the movement.

 

(remark: In 2001 we revised our attitude to ISML and accuse them as Neo-Sectarians ( »Anti-sectarianism in words, but sectarianism in deeds!«)

 

The main enemy we must fight and defeat, that Marx and Engels had to fight against, is still revisionism. In such a situation it is impossible to build an international unless the communists create at the least, an international forum where theoretical differences can be aired and debated. They must answer the Questions: "How did revisionism, temporarily defeat the world's communists, led by Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin? Why has this happened? Why was the struggle for Socialism temporarily defeated?" The Marxist-Leninist hold that without such a firm theoretical and historical clarity, it will be impossible to form a principled "United" International.

At a critical stage in the development of the Russian Communist movement, Comrade Lenin called for "LINES OF DEMARCATION":

"We declare that before we can unite and in order that we may unite we MUST first of all draw firm and definite lines of demarcation as Iskra demands". (Works Vol 5; Moscow 1977; p.367).



18. WHAT ARE THE LONG - TERM TASKS OF THE NEW COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL ?

Struggling for the foundation of the new Communist Marxist - Leninist International we Marxist - Leninists should not exclude the discussion of the future common tasks that will face the world proletariat, once a successful revolution occurs. Suggestions are:  

- Establishing international organs of the proletarian dictatorship to protect socialism from capitalist restoration and to ensure the transition up to communism against revisionist infiltration

- Co-operation of all socialist and liberated countries on the basis of Proletarian Internationalism

- The armed mobilization of the proletariat, its alliance and the peoples liberation fronts,

- a red internationalist army taking as a model the experiences of the Spanish brigades

- destruction of all international armed instruments and alliances (NATO, UN-Forces, special counter-revolutionary and "anti-terrorist"- organisations, destruction of imperialist war production, scrapping old dangerous weapons, etc.) of the world imperialism, especially dissolution of the international oppression-machinery of the US-imperialism

- destruction of the international political and ideological instruments, annulment of treaties and associations of world imperialism (i.e UNO)

- foundation of international political organs of the all soviet - republic union of the world compared with the model of the soviet-union in times of comrade Stalin.

- annihilation of the economic centers of the imperialist finance-capital

- socialization of international imperialist property, annulments of international debts

  • creation instruments of world-wide socialist communications and productions ( technical science, industrial as well as agricultural productions), trade, energy, transport, distribution, recycling and utilization

  • foundation of international organisations which help with the most urgent problems of developing aid, labour, social and health needs of mankind international protection instruments for ecology and nature; corrections of imperialist destruction, abolishment of atom-energy.



 19. WHAT ARE THE CURRENT INTERNATIONAL EFFORTS OF REBUILDING THE NEW COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL AND HOW DO THE REVISIONISTS TRY TO HAVE THEIR FINGER IN THE PIE?

These may be considered under several sub-headings:

(i) MEETINGS AIMING CONSCIOUSLY AT THE FORMATION OF A NEW INTERNATIONAL.

 In chronological order these are :

1. Pyongyang November 1992. Sponsored by the state of North Korea and initially signed by 70 Parties, now signed by 200.

    2»Europe« November 1993; signed by 11 parties.

    3Various Meetings in Brussels, sponsored by Parti du Travail de Belgique: May 1993; 1994; 1995; signed by about 55 parties.

4. Quito, August 1994; initially signed by 17 parties.

5. Sofia Fall 1995; attended by 3 parties.

6. Ischia Dec 1995; attended by 15 parties.

Judging from the signatories there appears to be a pattern. Meetings 1 and 3 appear to form one bloc; while in the main 2 and 4 appear to form another block. Several signatories of the 2 blocks attended or actually co-signed both blocks. Meetings 5 and 6 appear different.



The Quito meeting

of August 1994 proclaimed the »Communist Call to the Workers and Peoples«, published in the journal :«Unity and Struggle- Organ of the International Conference of Marxism-Leninist parties and Organisations«, July 1995.«

Unsurprisingly, we declare solidarity with the aims of Quito, because we have to support basically and generally the ideas of communism in difficult times today. We welcome this initiative.

 

(remark: later on the Comintern/ML exposed the Quito-Declaration as a neo-revisionist declaration)

 

 

But, we must criticize some aspects of the declaration of Quito. We mention this in solidarity and do not attack the signatories. Under some circumstances it might be acceptable that the declaration make compromises and concessions to achieve for wide support - but not if ideological clarity is impaired. Unfortunately the Quito declaration holds open doors through which opportunists, centrists, and revisionists are invited in. For this reason we must criticize some half-heartedness and ambiguities:

1. The lead review refers to the silence on the need for a new Communist International. The declaration confines itself to the slogan of Marx and Engels »Proletarians of all countries - unite! And to their »Communist Manifesto«. This is correct. However, we ask the signatories of Quito what explains the origins of the opportunist and revisionist betrayal of the Communist Internationals? The world proletariat and the peoples must get a clear answer about the whole truth.

The declaration says: »Communist parties are inalienable instruments to organize the revolution in all our countries ».

That is doubtless true. But this definition suffers from a one-sidedness. If the Marxist-Leninist parties are only to organize the revolution in their country this renders their work a purely national affair. However, communists are internationalists and the Marxist-Leninist parties are not an exclusively national phenomena. Leninism embodies the international Bolshevik party and is not restricted to national definitions.

2. »Revisionism« and »opportunism« are only talked about in the abstract. But without mentioning the revisionists and opportunists by name the world proletariat and the peoples in the world cannot tell enemies from friends. So we ask the signatories: Who are the revisionists and opportunists up to date? Where is the demarcation - line?

3. The declaration of Quito states: »All occurences since the October- Revolution in 1917, the 2nd World War, the defeat of fascism, the liberation from colonialism, the Chinese, Vietnamese and other revolutions, the progresses in building up socialism, the latest imperialist attacks and the situation of the present struggle of the peoples prove the Leninist thesis of the epoch, in which we live.«

Why? This enumeration of the quotation is half the truth: Why did the signatories of the declaration of Quito just stress the Chinese revolution and the Vietnamese Revolutiuon to prove Lenin's thesis? We do not disdain these revolutions but they unfortunately did not lead to socialism. In this sense this would not be a good example to prove the thesis of Lenin; on the contrary, the revolution in Albania led to socialism - and only this proves Lenin`s thesis »of the epoch in which we live«. We think it necessary for the proletariat and the peoples to quote and explain Lenin's definition of the epoch, »in which we live«, but the declaration of Quito missed this:

»Leninism is the Marxism of the epoch of imperialism and the proletarian revolution. More exactly: Leninism is the theory and tactic of the proletarian revolution in general and the theory and tactic of the dictatorship of the proletariat particularly.«

If this theory is put into practice, we surely could have avoided the harmful influences of revisionism. The enumerations of the declaration of Quito are NOT a proof of Lenin's thesis, BUT »occurences« of neglect and hindrance on the way of socialism.

4. We cannot understand why the signatories of the declaration of Quito confine the dictatorship of the proletariat only to »peoples democratic forms of the dictatorship of the workers class«. Is that allowed without leaving the Marxist-Leninist lessons on the dictatorship of the proletariat?

5. Quito states:»The basic contradictions of this epoch still exist«. What about the basic contradiciton between socialism and capitalism? Does it »still exist«?

6. The declaration of Quito speaks of »necessary people movements against this imperialistic war politics« and of the necessity to organise and support this peoples movement. We doubt that this is a sufficient and only way to oppose imperialist wars successfully. The slogans of Proletarian Internationalism against imperialist wars are combinations of:

  1. Transmission into a civil war that consists of the armed struggle of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie, of expropriation of the capitalist class in the developed countries and;

  2. Of democratic revolutions in the undeveloped countries.

7. The declaration talks of » alliances«. The world proletariat and the peoples ask: »With whom and not with whom and to what time?« There is no answer on this question. This is again a weakness of the declaration of Quito. The alliance with the poor peasants isn't mentioned at all.

Even with kind regards we have to come to the conclusion that some tendencies of opportunism are present. We perceive uncertainty and indistinctness. The declaration of Quito avoids clear and irrevocable interrogative statements. Further weaknesses can be cited, but we confine ourselves to the above arguments. Our criticism of single parties which have signed this declaration will not be discussed here either.

Besides we agree with the criticism of the organisations of the ISML regarding lacks of invitation - procedures in opposite to all the organisations who require to participate the discussions. Why were several organisations excluded?

We propose that the signatories of the declaration of Quito should make a self-criticism and revise the faults and weaknesses as a contribution to proceed in the unification of the Marxist-Leninists in the world.

We welcome the signatories of the declaration of Quito to discuss our suggestions for the solution of the international question critically and jointly.

 

 

 On the Meetings of Pyongyang and Brussels; The pro-CPC Block:

This Block is revisionist. We cannot seriously speak about the foundation of a new Communist International, sanctioned, sponsored and hosted by a revisionist, social-fascist.

The Pyongyang Declaration tries to overcome ideological differences between revisionism and Marxism-Leninism as a matter of goodwill. This is not acceptable. This means centrism and neglects the principles of Marxism-Leninism. "Collecting" every movement is the wrong way to unite. The new International Communist Movement would split before it began to move! First of all is needed the discussion on clearness in our common aims and the agreement on our demarcation - line against the revisionists and other anti-Marxist-Leninists. There are ideological differences that can be solved by the methods of criticism and self-criticism within the united organisation. But there are also ideological differences with an antagonistic character that cannot be solved within the Communist International. As Marxist-Leninists we cannot mix up this. It is true that we must not be dogmatic. But we cannot simply ignore these fundamental questions.

What we need is the unity of the Marxist-Leninists - no other unity is needed. Above all we cannot accept the statement that there are still existing »socialist« states. Only the USSR of Lenin and Stalin and Albania of Enver Hoxha had been socialist countries. We also critisize that Pyongyang and Brussels excluded Marxist-Leninist organisations to discuss free and openly their opinions of the solution of the international question ie the CL.

Concerning the ideological meaning of the Meetings of Brussels we refer to the open letter to Ludo Martens »Parti du Travail« Belgium signed by Alliance Marxist - Leninist (North America) and CL (Communist Legue [UK]) and Marxist - Leninist Communist Party (Turkey). The leading role of the PTB stands on revisionist fundament.

 

 

Meeting Of Sofia Fall 1995

So far as we have the correct information we can state: One of the present parties was the »KPD/East« that supported Honecker and his social fascist regime. In our opinion this Meeting had nothing to do with the earnest efforts of the Marxists - Leninists to build up a new Communist International based on Marxist-Leninist principles.

 

 

Ischia Meeting November 1995

The last meeting to be discussed is that of Ischia. Under the aegis of »L'Uguaglianza« a commemoration of Frederick Engels' centenary of death, was held near Naples in Ischia, Italy. It was suggested by several groups to L'Uguaglianza that it consider this as a launching pad for a new Marxist-Leninist journal. Consequently the 15 groups that took part agreed after much discussion to establish such a journal. The lines of dissent from this main agreement were as follows :

That it was incorrect to conduct debates that questioned any of the many strands in the international Marxist-Leninist movement, that no one had any right to do so. This viewpoint was defeated pointing out that without principled scientific criticism and right of reply, the Marxist-Leninist movement becomes simply a religious viewpoint.

The other dissenting viewpoint was that there needed to be a single unitary line for the International. This viewpoint was argued against by the majority of the meeting who pointed out that many honest comrades are in disagreement about certain issues. This did not however make them into enemies of Marxism-Leninism.

An editorial board was elected whose mandate is to ensure that each Marxist-Leninist group - that is those groups who view themselves as such - will receive the Editorial Principles and the Announcement of the journal. As yet they are still in the final stages, but the major agreements have been

achieved. They are thus appended to this document. There may still be minor changes, but the thrust as can be seen is to a forum for principled debate and counter-debate. The editors are mandated to bring together many groups to debate these issues.

We support this approach. One part of ISML has declared: "Because we are so fragmented, we need to have clear points of discussion. We need principled guidelines for discussion. Discussion cannot be loose, or at the level of name calling. Discussions of Marxist-Leninist in the past have been trenchant (This is no social soiree we are at!) But they have been based on factual, scientifically reasoned evidence. What is the evidence to state that Enver Hoxha was a great Marxist-Leninist? Those that have the temerity to state that should make their case!

 

 

 

 

LONG LIVE MARX, ENGELS, LENIN, STALIN AND ENVER HOXHA!

Any one else to be put up on the podium in front of us needs to be rigorously justified! The only forum that at the moment we must create is one where everyone in a Marxist-Leninist party can have the right to have their party's views heard in this debate. Any sectarian journals that limit the scope of discussion to exclude Marxist-Leninist views is only that - sectarian. At this time, we need to ideologically clear house. The example of Engels now who called for OPENNESS in discussion is appropriate. We a single line, the Marxist-Leninist line and it will be strengthened when more principled debates take place.

 

 

THE LINES OF DEMARCATION NEED TO BE DRAWN! "



20. SUMMARIZED CONCLUSIONS

Today the situation in the world has changed a great deal by the treason of revisionism. We cannot compare the Comintern in times of Lenin and Stalin which still remains as a strong, brilliant historical example of how the vanguard of the proletariat fought for the preparation of the socialist revolution, with the situation of the weakened communist movement of today. At that time the development of the strong proletarian dictatorship in the Soviet-Union and the strong socialism in one country and on the other hand the Communist International gave dynamic impulses to the revolution and liberation struggles in the whole world, was a fire that could lighten and inspire the socialist world revolution. This revolutionary situation is not yet present at least concerning the situation of the revolutionary, subjective factor of the Marxist-Leninist organisations. In so far the situation of the past cannot be dogmatically transferred into present times.

Of course, the question of today is not about blindly copying the practice of the struggle of the Comintern but about assessing correctly, from principled Marxist-Leninist positions, the entire activity of the Comintern, the militant and revolutionary spirit, its consistent and profoundly principled struggle against all right and "left" currents and deviations, its boundless loyalty to Marxism-Leninism and the revolutionary cause of the workers, its' creative Leninist way of solving the more important and complicated problems now and then emerging in the revolutionary worker's movement and the national liberation movement of the peoples against imperialism and reaction. In their struggle the Marxist-Leninist parties are guided by the teachings of our great classics, using the rich and all-sided heritage from the Comintern, rely on the experience of their own struggle against the revisionist betrayal and bear in mind the negative experience of the parties which degenerated into revisionism. All these lessons and this experience constitute a very great ideological, political, organizational, theoretical and practical wealth for tempering and strengthening the parties and the Marxist-Leninist movement in the direction of creating their new International.

Lenin once said before the Comintern was founded:

»We don't know and we cannot know, how the development on the international arena will pass on within the next years. But what we are sure of and of what we are convinced imperturbably, is this, that our party in our country under our proletariat will strive hard in the indicated direction and in the daily struggle, to build up the Russian section of the Marxist International.«



Comrades!

On earth there is only one banner that is worth while to struggle and to die under:

this is the banner of the New Communist International [ Marxist-Leninists ]!

Long live the 80th anniversary of the Third International!

Long live Proletarian Internationalism!

Long live the friendship of the Marxist-Leninist Parties and all the

Communists in the world!

Long live the honourable history of the 1st, 2nd and 3rd

International!

Long live world revolution!

Long live the dictatorship of the proletariat!

Long live Marxism - Leninism! 

Long live Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin and Enver Hoxha!



Long live the NEW Communist International (Marxist-Leninists),

the COMINTERN [ ML ] !

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Stalinist-Hoxhaist World

since 2000