Central Organ of the Comintern (SH)
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Thanks to our Chinese Section of the
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IMPERIALISM AND REVOLUTION
in Farsi language
امپریالیسم و انقلاب
MARX - ENGELS
Collected Works in Chinese language
LONG LIVE THE
THE FIRST INTERNATIONAL
- INTERNATIONAL WORKINGMEN'S ASSOCIATION -
Greeting Message of the Comintern (SH)
on occasion of the 150th anniversary of the foundation of the First International
28. 9. 1864 – 28. 9. 2014
Dear comrades !
Today, the Comintern (SH), its Sections and the whole communist world movement celebrate the 150th anniversary of the First International, whose founders were Karl Marx and Frederick Engels.
It was Karl Marx who issued the historical birth certificate for the communist world movement with his famous inaugural address.
It was Karl Marx who created the world communist movement in the spirit of proletarian internationalism.
It was Karl Marx who combined both the theoretical and practical international class struggle of the proletariat with the prior-ranking, world-revolutionary aim:
"To conquer political power has become the great duty of the working classes." (Marx, Inaugural-Adresse, 1864).
"My life will be devoted (...) to the triumph (...) of the universal rule of the proletariat." (1872, MEW, Marx - Volume 23, page 256, English edition).
The foundation of the First International is the most significant achievement in the history of the workers' movement of the 19th century.
The First international was the highest organisational expression of the first period of the international workers' movement - namely expressively under the banner of communism. The First International paved the way for the Second and Third International, and last not least for the Comintern (SH), as the communist world party of the world proletariat in its global struggle for the overthrow of world capitalism, for the construction of world socialism and finally creation of the classless world society.
In his famous book "Civil War in France" (1871), Marx himself called the First International:
"the international counter-organisation of labour against the world-bourgeois conspiracy of capital."
And Lenin appreciated the historical significance of the First International in the following quotations:
"The First International (1864-72) laid the foundation of an international organisation of the workers for the preparation of their revolutionary attack on capital. The Second International (1889-1914) was an international organisation of the proletarian movement whose growth proceeded in breadth, at the cost of a temporary drop in the revolutionary level, a temporary strengthening of opportunism, which in the end led to the disgraceful collapse of this International.
The Third International actually emerged in 1918, when the long years of struggle against opportunism and social-chauvinism, especially during the war, led to the formation of Communist Parties in a number of countries. Officially, the Third International was founded at its First Congress, in March 1919, in Moscow. And the most characteristic feature of this International, its mission of fulfilling, of implementing the precepts of Marxism, and of achieving the age-old ideals of socialism and the working-class movement - this most characteristic feature of the Third International has manifested itself immediately in the fact that the new, third, 'International Working Men's Association' has already begun to develop, to a certain extent, into a union of Soviet Socialist Republics."
„The revival of the democratic movements in the late fifties and in the sixties recalled Marx to practical activity. In 1864 (September 28) the International Workingmen's Association - the celebrated First International - was founded in London. Marx was heart and soul of this organisation, and author of its first Address and of a host of resolutions, declarations and manifestos. In uniting the labour movement of various countries, striving to channel into joint activity the various forms of non-proletarian, pre-Marxist socialism (Mazzini, Proudhon, Bakunin, liberal trade-unionism in Britain, Lassallean vacillations to the right in Germany, etc.), and in combating the theories of all these sects and schools, Marx hammered out a uniform tactic for the proletarian struggle of the working class in the various countries. Following the down fall of the Paris Commune (1871) - of which Marx gave such a profound, clear-cut, brilliant, effective and revolutionary analysis (The Civil War in France, 1871) - and the Bakunist-caused cleavage in the International, the latter organisation could no longer exist in Europe. After the Hague Congress of the International (1872), Marx and the General Council of the International transferred to New York. The First International had played its historical part, and now made way for a period of a far greater development of the labour movement in all countries in the world, a period in which the movement grew in scope, and mass socialist working-class parties in individual states were founded." (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 21, page 49, English edition). [ In 1876 the First International was officially disbanded at a conference in Philadelphia - remark of the editor]
"In 1864 Marx founded the International Working Men's Association, and led this society for a whole decade. Engels also took an active part in its affairs. The work of the International Association, which, in accordance with Marx's idea, united proletarians of all countries, was of tremendous significance in the development of the working-class movement. But even with the closing down of the International Association in the seventies, the unifying role of Marx and Engels did not cease. On the contrary, it may be said that their importance as the spiritual leaders of the working-class movement grew uninterruptedly. After the death of Marx, Engels continued alone as the counsellor and leader of the European socialists." (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 2, page 26, English edition)
"In the sixties the struggle shifted from the field of general theory to one closer to the direct labour movement: the ejection of Bakunism from the International. In the early seventies the stage in Germany was occupied for a short while by the Proudhonist Mühlberger, and in the late seventies by the positivist Dühring. But the influence of both on the proletariat was already absolutely insignificant. Marxism was already gaining an unquestionable victory over all other ideologies in the labour movement. By the nineties this victory was in the main completed. Even in the Latin countries, where the traditions of Proudhonism held their ground longest of all, the workers' parties in effect built their programmes and their tactics on Marxist foundations. The revived international organisation of the labour movement - in the shape of periodical international congresses - from the outset, and almost without a struggle, adopted the Marxist standpoint in all essentials. But after Marxism had ousted all the more or less integral doctrines hostile to it, the tendencies expressed in those doctrines began to seek other channels. The forms and causes of the struggle changed, but the struggle continued. And the second half-century of the existence of Marxism began (in the nineties) with the struggle of a trend hostile to Marxism within Marxism itself.( Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 15, page 32, English edition)
"The recent Congress in Stuttgart [18-24 August 1907] was the twelfth congress of the proletarian International. The first five congresses belong to the period of the First International (1866-72), which was guided by Marx, who, as Bebel aptly observed, tried to achieve international unity of the militant proletariat from above. This attempt could not be successful until the national socialist parties were consolidated and strengthened, but the activities of the First International rendered great services to the labour movement of all countries and left lasting traces." (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 13, page 82)
Lenin called "the International, the International led by Marx, which had begun to 'rally the legions' of the proletariat, to unite "the world of labour", which is 'abandoning the world of those who enjoy without working'." (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 18, page 27, English edition).
"The First International, founded by Marx, existed from 1864 to 1872. The defeat of the heroic workers of Paris - of the celebrated Paris Commune - marked the end of this International. It is unforgettable, it will remain for ever in the history of the workers' struggle for their emancipation. It laid the foundation of the edifice of the world socialist republic which it is now our good fortune to be building. (Lenin Collected Works, Volume 29, page 240, English edition)
"The First International laid the foundation of the proletarian, international struggle for socialism."
The Second International marked the a period in which the soil was prepared for the broad, mass spread of movement in a number of countries.
The Third International has gathered the fruits of the work of the Second International, discarded its opportunist, social-chauvinist, bourgeois and petty-bourgeois dross, and has begun to implement the dictatorship of the proletariat.
The epoch-making significance of the Third, Communist International lies in its having begun to give effect to Marx' cardinal slogan, the slogan which sums up the centuries-old development of socialism and the working-class movement, the slogan which is expressed in the concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat. This prevision and this theory - the prevision and theory of a genius - are becoming a reality."
(Lenin, The Third International and its place in history, April 15, 1919, Volume 29, page 307, English edition)
And the implementation of the dictatorship of the world proletariat - this is the great slogan of our Comintern (SH) !
The tendency of the globalization of the contradiction between Capital and Labour began to become effective in its very first stage of development, especially after the crisis of the fifties. This underlines the early beginning of the international Labour movement and the objective necessity of the foundation of the First International.
The success of the First International was based in the historical situation of the international awakening of the proletariat, based in the really existing workers' movement. The opportunists praised its spontaneism which was limited in reformist demands – leaving the power of capital untouched. In the contrary, Marx developed the First International as an revolutionary instrument of basically overcome and eliminate the world capital.
The First International united the economic with the political class-struggle. Whereas, economic struggle is a school of "guerrilla war between capital and labor, is a school of communism."
The proletariat realized that capitalism can not be overthrown without the formation of an united front of the workers of all countries. Therefore, the vanguard of the working class must form its own revolutionary political world organization in the fight against the rule of the bourgeoisie and for the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
The constant material and moral support for the striking and locked-out workers in different countries, increased and promoted the spread of the influence of the First International throughout the international labour movement. But the real importance of the First International was that it propagated the final aim of world communism. Above all, the success of the First International was the fact that it guided the broad masses of workers in the political struggle for the conquest of workers' power. The First International was the first organisation in the history of the workers' movement that coordinated the united proletarian actions internationally.
This was above all the merit of Karl Marx, who was at the head of the First International. For Engels, Marx was the only one "who was clear about what had to be done and what had to be founded. Marx was the man who heralded the slogan 'Proletarians of all countries, unite!' in the year of 1848."
If the First International would had done nothing else than making the proletariat conscious about the fundamental principle
"the emancipation of the working class must be conquered by the working class itself",
as Marx put it in the "Statutes", this would already be great enough . But the First International did more: it roused the spirit of international solidarity, and developed an independent international foreign policy of the working class.
While Marx guided the First International, he wrote at the same time the famous "Capital" of which Engels said; "No book had been of such importance to the workers as this book" (Engels, Volume 16, page 235, German edition). Marx applied many knowledges to his practical work of the First International that he gained in his book "The Capital" ( partly literally). The "Capital" was the most significant theoretical work and the First International was the most important practical work of Karl Marx.
Both the "Capital" and the First International were created at the same time and formed a theoretical and practical unity of the most powerful, invincible weapon of the proletariat (not only) in the 19th century. As long as the capitalist world slavery exists, the inseparability of these two great works will be of world-historical importance.
All wrong concepts that have been represented in the First International, expressed the passivity and subjugation of the proletariat under the capital. Karl Marx pushed away all these anti-proletarian influences within the First International. He pointed to the theoretical role and importance of the economic struggle of the workers and simultaneously he subordinated the economical struggle under the political aims - namely the liberation of labour from capital and the revolutionary overthrow of the entire capitalist world system:
" It is not the logically impossible "equalization of classes", but the historically necessary, superseding "abolition of classes" (abolition des classes), this true secret of the proletarian movement, which forms the great aim of the International Working Men's Association." (MEW, Volume 21, page 45, English edition).
There would not be a First International, if it would not be penetrated by Marxism, the revolutionary theory of the proletariat. No revolutionary movement - without revolutionary theory. No revolutionary movement without its revolutionary leadership, the revolutionary world party. These teachings of the First International are still important today. They will be also applied in regard of the Comintern (SH). There would not be a Comintern (SH), and no Stalinist-Hoxhaist World Movement, without the theoretical basis of the further development of Stalinism-Hoxhaism, thus without the development of revolutionary theory in the period of globalization in the late 20th and early 21st century.
Our first two Classics, Marx and Engels, were not only the founders of scientific communism, but also the practical leaders of the world communist movement, in which they verified their scientific ideas.
The organizational struggle of Marx and Engels for the First International was primarily a struggle for the proletarian party. The victory of Communism is impossible without communist organizations, particularly without its highest form, the proletarian International.
In the resolution on the political activities, Marx and Engels wrote:
Considering, that against this collective power of the propertied classes the working class cannot act, as a class, except by constituting itself into a political party, distinct from, and opposed to, all old parties formed by the propertied classes." (Resolution of the London Conference, MEW, Volume 22, page 427, English edition)
"We seek the abolition of Classes. What is the means of achieving it? The political domination of the proletariat." (Marx-Engels, September 21, 1871, MEW, Volume 22, page 417, English edition)
Marx was the real organizer, leader, the soul of the International. He wrote her programmatic documents and a large number of calls, declarations, resolutions, reports and other documents, which represent the most important stages of the glorious history of the First International. Marx was in fact the head of the General Council, the executive organ of the First International and the head quarter of the international labor movement. Marx was the leader of the international proletariat. He developed the ideological and organizational principles of a centrally guided world party. He united the various sections of the proletarians of all countries under the international banner of Marxism, under the banner of proletarian internationalism. The creation of a world proletarian party that unites the proletarians of all countries, is a basic condition for the emancipation of the workers. The First International was the highest form of the political and ideological organisation of the united international proletariat. The First International was the highest organisational expression of the world- revolutionary character of the only revolutionary class in the world, whose mission is to lead the proletarian revolution to victory and to establish the dictatorship of the international proletariat. The First International was the organisational form in which the working class expressed its independent, international and political leadership of the whole world society.
Marx based himself on the unequally developed different workers' movement in different countries and merged them into a single, great army of workers of Europe and America under the unified leadership of a centralized world organization in order to direct them to a single common goal - towards communism.
Engels underlined the special role of the Communist League that it played for the foundation of the First International:
"The present-day international workers’ movement is in substance a direct continuation of the German workers’ movement of that time, which was the first international workers’ movement of all time, and which brought forth many of those who took the leading role in the International Working Men’s Association. And the theoretical principles that the Communist League had inscribed on its banner in the Communist Manifesto of 1847 constitute today the strongest international bond of the entire proletarian movement of both Europe and America. After the centre of gravity had shifted from Paris to London, a new feature grew conspicuous: from being German, the League gradually became international. Like the open Association, so also the secret League soon took on a more international character; at first in a restricted sense, practically through the varied nationalities of its members, theoretically through the realization that any revolution to be victorious must be a European one. One did not go any further as yet; but the foundations were there. "
Engels wrote on Oktober 8, 1885:
"The international movement of the European and American proletariat has become so much strengthened that not merely its first narrow form — the secret League — but even its second, infinitely wider form — the open International Working Men’s Association — has become a fetter for it, and that the simple feeling of solidarity based on the understanding of the identity of class position suffices to create and to hold together one and the same great party of the proletariat among the workers of all countries and tongues. The doctrine which the League represented from 1847 to 1852, and which at that time could be treated by the wise philistines with a shrug of the shoulders as the hallucinations of utter madcaps, as the secret doctrine of a few scattered sectarians, has now innumerable adherents in all civilized countries of the world, among those condemned to the Siberian mines as much as among the gold diggers of California; and the founder of this doctrine, the most hated, most slandered man of his time, Karl Marx, was, when he died, the ever-sought-for and ever-willing counsellor of the proletariat of both the old and the new world. " (Frederick Engels: On The History of the Communist League 1885 Nov 12-26, 1885)
Before the First International so there was only the "League of Communists" which had clearly defined itself as an organization of proletarian internationalism.
Also, the founding of the German Social Democratic Workers Party (SDAP) was geared to the principles of Marxism in close co-operation with the guidance of Marx and Engels. At its foundation, on the 9th of August in 1869, the SDAP became a Section of the First International. So the First International played the decisive role for the creation of this first Marxist Party of Germany, which was simultaneously the very first Marxist party in the world. And also all the other Sections were established by the initiative of the First International - without exception. In the period before the establishment of the First International there was no single Marxist party in the world. The First International was - so to say - the "mother" of all the first Marxist parties.
In many respects, these circumstances are similar to those of the founding of the Comintern (SH) and its Sections. Their essential difference, however, is that there were no Marxist parties before the foundation of the First International, while, at the founding of the Comintern (SH), the Marxist-Leninist parties were degenerate as a result of neo-revisionism. The consequences were equal - namely both these world parties were forced to initiate the founding of their own Sections by themselves.
In both cases, the Sections were created by the proletarian International. And in both cases the founding of the proletarian International was not the result from the merger of parties in individual countries. Thus, the creation of Sections of the First International and the Comintern (SH) differs from that of the Second and Third Internationals.
The existence of the proletarian International does not at all end with the creation and strengthening of proletarian parties in each country. It is not at all the destination of proletarian parties to fill the shoes of the proletarian International. This revisionist thesis was the deathblow of the Comintern.
A proletarian International is as indispensable and irreplaceable as its own Sections. The proletarian International is and remains at the heart of proletarian internationalism and international communism.
It is a matter of fact that there was - now and then - the significant initiative of German comrades concerning the founding of the proletarian International. The reason is easily to be explained. This is historically rooted in the immortal, great, internationalist spirit of both the founders and leaders of the First International - Carl Marx and Frederick Engels.
Marx and Engels created and defended the democratic centralism of the First International in the fight against the anarchist Bakunin, who wanted to transform the First International in a "free federation of autonomous sections". Today, the splitting activities of the ICMLPO are determined by these similar federalist concepts. The ICMLPO rejects the re-establishment of the Comintern, and therefore, carries the enemy's position of poly-centrism instead of centralism. Just as Marx and Engels waged a victorious struggle against Bakunin, the Comintern (SH) will struggle against all branches of the neo-revisionists.
In its first stage of existence, the proletarian International is primarily confronted with the question: "Are you for or against the proletarian International?" In alignment with the motto "what is not allowed can not be", the question of the re-founding of the Comintern was opportunistically ignored by the adversaries of the Comintern for more than a half century.
In the course of its growing authority within the proletarian masses, the proletarian International, itself, will prove this question to become superfluous.
However, in its advanced stage, the proletarian International will be confronted with another question: "How can the proletarian International be eliminated, complementary from outside AND inside?"
The opportunistic "theory", that the founding of the Communist International must allegedly presuppose "advanced" Communist (mass) parties, is historically disproved by the foundation of both the First International and the Comintern (SH). It is well-known that both have NOT emerged from the merger of Marxist parties. This proves that this "theory" is only a tool in the hands of the bourgeoisie, to impede and prevent the re-founding of the Communist International for decades. Despite of all these bourgeois-revisionist "theorists", who try to deny or refute the indispensability of the Communist world party, the bourgeoisie could not prevent that the First International was re-established after its dissolution. The Second International emerged from the First International, the Comintern resulted from the Second International, and last not least, the Comintern (SH) arose from the Comintern. This historical development of the proletarian International was not, is not, and will never be stoppable.
It is noteworthy that Lenin defined the "Stuttgart Congress" (1907) of the Second International expressively as "the twelfth congress of the proletarian International ". We can therefore conclude that the names of all the previous Internationals can be basically summed up by the general term used by Lenin: "proletarian International". The world proletariat grows historically and so does the proletarian International. The different names of the Internationals are thus only expression of the special stages of the historical development of the one and only proletarian International. And that means nothing else than that all the previous Internationals form an inseparable unified whole. So if we defend the foundation of the First and Second International, and also the foundation of the Comintern and the Comintern (SH), then this means consequently that we defend the "proletarian International" as a whole - thus in all its historical stages of development - without excluding the one or other historical stage of the proletarian International. In this way, we Stalinist-Hoxhaists classify the First International and its founding on the scientific basis of the historical and dialectical materialism.
Many different anti-Marxist tendencies and organizations ( openly or hiddenly) swear by the First International, and they all pretend to fight "for" its Marxist goals. The Comintern (SH) struggles against all these Anti-Marxist currents and organizations on the basis of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism. We Stalinist-Hoxhaists are of the opinion that we can not defend the foundation of the First International , if we would not simultaneously defend the foundation of the Second International , the foundation of the Comintern  and the foundation of the Comintern (SH ) . Those who ignore or deny the inseparable context of these decisive four years- 1864, 1889, 1919 and 2000 - will understand neither the dialectical nor the historical meaning of the First International.
Today, it is not at all self-evident that there is a Communist International (Stalinist-Hoxhaists) which celebrates the 150th anniversary of the First International. In the whole time, since the establishment of the First International, the world proletariat fought without the proletarian International for a period of nearly a 100 years ! If the proletarian International would have existed uninterruptedly for 150 years, then the world of today would not be the same. In retrospect, there is no more important lesson of the 150th anniversary of the First International than that of Lenin's presage:
"Essentially the Communist International did not fall - lives on till this day and will also live on in future!”
The prospering of the Comintern (SH) confirms the truth of these words of Lenin, and they are our obligation and program at the same time.
What happened on the 100th anniversary in 1964 ? The revisionist criminals who dissolved the Comintern of Lenin and Stalin, 20 years ago, took the credit for the First International as its allegedly "legitimated heirs".
In fact, in their ceremonial documents the modern revisionists kept quiet about the glorious Comintern of Lenin and Stalin. They only mentioned the "Declarations of the Communist and Workers' Parties of 1957 and 1960" (in which the revisionist poison of the XX Congress of the CPSU was already incorporated), to "prove" their continuation of the ideas of the First International (see: speech of W. Ulbricht).
On their celebrations of the 100th anniversary of the First International these revisionist traitors (including the Maoists !) lost not a single word about the fact that the defense of the First International can be nothing else than the struggle for the re-establishment of the Communist International. Instead, in 1964, there was a power struggle between the two major revisionist parties - of the Soviet Union and China - who were both in agreement a) to prevent the re-establishment of the International, b) to split and liquidate the world communist movement and c) to extinguish the fire of the socialist world revolution.
In the fight against this betrayal of modern revisionism, new Marxist-Leninist parties were founded under the leadership of comrade Enver Hoxha and the Party of Labour of Albania. But the Marxist-Leninist world movement was still not able to re-establish the foundation of the Comintern. This happened with the turn of the century - by the founding of the Comintern (SH) - thus at a time, when the Marxist-Leninist world movement was almost completely liquidated after the collapse of the last socialist country - of Albania.
The First International was the first organization of the international proletariat which united the labor movement with scientific socialism; which combined the struggle for direct daily interests with the struggle for the communist ultimate goals. With the First International, the basic principles of the "Communist Manifesto" were implemented, namely a) to struggle in the current movement also for the future of the movement , and b) to struggle primarily for the overall interests of the entire world proletariat.
However, the First International did never confuse the achievement of the independence of the working class with its sectarian isolation from all other progressive movements outside the labor movement. One of the most important knowledges of Marx and Engels was the new form of class struggle that is fundamentally different from all previous forms of class struggle: "that the present-day oppressed class the proletariat, cannot achieve its emancipation without at the same time emancipating society as a whole from division into classes and, therefore, from class struggles. And Communism now no longer meant the concoction, by means of the imagination, of an ideal society as perfect as possible, but insight into the nature, the conditions and the consequent general aims of the struggle waged by the proletariat." (Frederick Engels: On The History of the Communist League 1885 Nov 12-26, 1885)
Marx and Engels, who fought for the support of any progressive, democratic movement all over the world, taught the proletariat and its pioneers in the First International, to take the position of a truly internationalist solidarity with the liberation struggle of the oppressed peoples. The First International was in the forefront of the liberation of the oppressed peoples. Marx and Engels created the principle of proletarian internationalism - namely to connect the own struggle of proletarian emancipation with the struggle of emancipation of the oppressed peoples.
Lenin proved to be the best follower of the First International when he taught
"that there is no other way of combating national hatred than by organising and uniting the oppressed class for a struggle against the oppressor class in each separate country, than by uniting such national working-class army to fight international capital." (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 1, page 156, English edition)
Marx and Engels condemned the narrow-minded nationalism, and simultaneously they taught that the national question can only be solved by the internationalist struggle of the proletariat. They called on the workers in the oppressor countries, to support the liberation struggle of the oppressed peoples, because the economic power of the bourgeoisie is based - to a great extent - on the exploitation of the colonies: "Any people that oppresses another people forges its own chains." – (Marx, MEW, Volume 21, page 89, English edition).
Marx created the "Provisional Rules of the Working Men's international Association" in which he emphasized:
„That the emancipation of labour is neither a local nor a national, but a social problem, embracing all countries in which modern society exists, and depending for its solution on the concurrence, practical and theoretical, of the most advanced
countries“.(MEW, Volume 20, page 14, English edition)
Unification of the proletarians of all countries for the overthrow of world capitalism, for the international conquest of workers' power, for the construction of a socialist world with the final aim of creating a classless society - this was already manifested in the founding documents of the First International - thus according to the "Communist Manifesto" in which the world-historical mission of the working class was defined for the first time.
And in his last speech, on the Hague Congress, Carl Marx proclaimed:
"Let us bear in mind this fundamental principle of the International: solidarity! It is by establishing this life-giving principle on a reliable base among all the workers in all countries that we shall achieve the great aim which we pursue. The revolution must display solidarity, and we find a great example of this in the Paris Commune, which fell because there did not appear in all the centres, in Berlin, Madrid, etc., a great revolutionary movement corresponding to this supreme uprising of the Paris proletariat.
For my part I will persist in my task and will constantly work to establish among the workers this solidarity which will bear fruit for the future. No, I am not withdrawing from the International, and the rest of my life will be devoted, like my efforts in the past, to the triumph of the social ideas which one day, be sure of it, will bring about the universal rule of the proletariat." (MEW, Volume 23, page 256, English edition).
Dear Carl Marx, be sure that the Comintern (SH) is sure of it !!!
Since the founding of the Comintern (SH) in 2000, we carry forward the flag of the inexorable triumph of world domination of the proletariat in all countries of the world. For this aim, Carl Marx and Frederick Engels fought all their life long, especially in the time of the glorious First International.
As the only organisation in the world, the Comintern (SH) preserves today the revolutionary heritage of the First International and fights for the realization of its goals. The triumph of the world domination of the proletariat is based on the correct implementation of the teachings of Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism-Hoxhaism!
On occasion of the 150th anniversary the Comintern (SH) publishes today numerous documents on/of the First International in various languages of the world.
The International will never perish and is invisible !
Long live the 150th anniversary of the foundation of the First International !
Long live Marx und Engels – the founders and leaders of the First International !
Long live the socialist world revolution and the establishment of the dictatorship of the world proletariat !
Long live world socialism and world communism !
Long live the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism:
Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Enver Hoxha !
Vorward with the Comintern (SH) !
Message of the Comintern (SH) available in
SPECIAL WEBSITE OF THE
13. 9. 2014
Nationwide "Monday-Demonstration" against unemployment and social cuts
in Berlin, Saturday, September 9, 2014
Update of the Website of the Georgian Section of the Comintern (SH)
Marx - Engels
special website in 63 (!) languages
(in cooperation with the Georgian Section)
in Russian language
COMPLETE WORKS OF
MARX AND ENGELS
in German language
Interview with comrade Agim Popa
on the Albanian Foreign Policy
(beginning of 1980)
INTERVIEW MIT DEM GENOSSEN AGIM POPA
For the victory of communism in every country of the world !
LONG LIVE THE WORLD-UNION OF SOCIALIST COUNTRIES !
LONG LIVE THE SOCIALIST WORLD-REPUBLIC !
LONG LIVE THE MERGER OF SOCIALIST NATIONS !
LONG LIVE WORLD-COMMUNISM !
OF THE COMMUNIST WORLD MOVEMENT
also available in
APPEAL OF THE COMINTERN (SH)
ON OCCASION OF THE DAY
AGAINST IMPERIALIST WARS
Today, we call on the world proletariat to participate in the demonstrations on occasion of the red anti-war day.
The red anti-war day emanated from the historical day of the beginning of the Second World War on September 1, 1939. For decades the world peace movement bases its activities on preventing the 3rd World War. The continuation and revival of this tradition is today more necessary than ever before. There was a strong peace movement in the beginning 80ies, especially among the youth. However, the weakness of the peace movement was based in its petty-bourgeois leadership which ignored the only class which is able to abolish imperialist wars - the proletariat. Therefore we draw our demarcation line against petty-bourgeois influence within the peace movement. What we want is to strengthen the proletarian influence in the struggle for world peace. It is not the petty-bourgeoisie which decides on the question of war and peace but the working class.
What we strive for is that the world proletariat must become the hegemonic power in the global peace movement. As the party of the world proletariat it is our task and duty to propagate our aims first and foremost within the workers' movement. The workers must take the leading position of the peace movement. At least, in the present situation of our organizational weakness we must give an answer to the urgent question how to prevent the world from the threat of a Third World War.
The question of war and peace will be decided in the class struggle between the world proletariat and the world bourgeoisie. The world proletariat is the only revolutionary class which is able and called to prevent or to finish imperialist wars through the overthrow of the brutal and bloody imperialist world system.
We, Stalinists-Hoxhaists, are not against every war. We are expressively for revolutionary wars against reactionary-imperialist wars. We focus on the class character of wars.
In his times, comrade Lenin already stressed that feature which characterizes imperialist wars – namely, the essential question of the class character of the war:
“The character of the war (whether it is reactionary or revolutionary) does not depend on who the attacker was, or in whose country the 'enemy' is stationed; it depends on what class is waging the war, and on what politics this war is a continuation of. If the war is a reactionary, imperialist war, that is, if it is being waged by two world groups of the imperialists, rapacious, predatory, reactionary bourgeoisie, then every bourgeoisie (even of the smallest country) becomes a participant in the plunder, and my duty as a representative of the revolutionary proletariat is to prepare for the world proletarian revolution as the only escape from the horrors of a world slaughter. I must argue … from the point of view of my share in the preparation, in the propaganda, and in the acceleration of the world proletarian revolution. That is what internationalism means, and that is the duty of the internationalist.” [Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 28, Proletarian Revolution and Renegade Kautsky, page 286 – 287, English version quoted in: Documents of the Comintern (SH), General-Line, Chapter II, World revolution and imperialist War, edition in English]
Imperialist wars are a dispute between bourgeois-capitalist-imperialist criminals combating to see who of them will have the “right” to accomplish maximum profits. Comrade Lenin showed that it is the law of unevenness of development of capitalism that gives rise to imperialist wars, which undermine the strength of imperialism and make it possible to break the front of imperialism at its weakest point. The nature of imperialist wars lies in the fact that the world is already totally distributed among imperialist great powers in their search for workforce, resources and colonies that could ensure them profit maximization – the final objective of all types of imperialism.
In fact, periods of apparent “peace” are always temporary while global capitalism-imperialism exists and while world bourgeois class rules the planet. Even during alleged “peaceful” periods, the implacable socio-economic laws of capitalist-imperialist system inescapably open the path to other imperialist wars. We also take this opportunity to denounce the bourgeois-revisionist media which spreads the ideology of pacifism which only paves the way towards ideological preparation of new imperialist wars.
After all, it is the same ruling class which instigated all imperialist wars in the past and which wages new imperialist wars today - the world bourgeoisie. It is necessary to explain the class-character of imperialist war and thus the necessity of the world proletarian war as the utter means of global proletarian class-struggle. Like comrade Lenin affirmed:
“Socialists have always condemned war between nations as barbarous and brutal. But our attitude towards war is fundamentally different from that of the bourgeois pacifists (supporters and advocates of peace) and of the Anarchists. We differ froth the former in that we understand the inevitable connection between wars and the class struggle within the country; we understand that war cannot be abolished unless classes are abolished and Socialism is created; and we also differ in that we fully regard civil wars, i.e., wars waged by the oppressed class against the oppressing class, slaves against slave-owners, serfs against land-owners, and wage-workers against the bourgeoisie, as legitimate, progressive and necessary. We Marxists differ from both the pacifists and the Anarchists in that we deem it necessary historically (from the standpoint of Marx’s dialectical materialism) to study each war separately.” [Lenin, The Present War is an Imperialist War, quoted in: Documents of the Comintern (SH), General-Line, Chapter II, World revolution and imperialist War, edition in English]
Nowadays, we witness that countless local imperialist wars are happening throughout the world. From Ukraine to Mali, working classes suffer unspeakably and perish by the millions so that world bourgeoisie can continue to exploit workforce and to accumulate endless profits. And taking into account the nature of the socio-economic system that originates them, these local wars can easily become a global imperialist war. In his times, comrade Enver Hoxha already warned:
“We have the duty to raise our voice and make every honest person in the world aware that American imperialism and Soviet revisionism are preparing for a third world war. Meanwhile they need limited local wars in order to suppress the peoples and divide their spheres of influence.” (Enver Hoxha, The Superpowers, 1986, edition in English)
Nowadays, circumstances may differ from those of comrade Enver’s times in some aspects. For example, the process of capitalist-imperialist globalization has further accelerated. The old kinds of modern revisionists are fading away and are being replaced by neo-revisionists (“anti-revisionists” in words but revisionists in deeds). But in other aspects, today’s situation has a lot of resemblances with those times. Nowadays, we also have two world imperialist superpowers fighting among them for undisputed global dominion, in spite of the fact that Soviet social-imperialist superpower was substituted by Chinese social-imperialist superpower. Therefore, we just have to substitute the words “Soviet revisionism” by Chinese revisionism if we want the above mentioned quotation from comrade Enver to be suitable to current conditions.
With this message, the Comintern (SH) aims at appealing to world proletarians, workers and other exploited and oppressed classes in the current situation, when the danger of a new World War is becoming more and more acute. Like our General-Line clearly affirms:
“It was the general crisis of the capitalist world system that has caused the First and Second World War. And again it was the general crisis of the capitalist world system, which, since the Second World War, has caused uninterruptedly wars in various parts of the world. It is the war strategy of U.S. imperialism to expand and maintain its supremacy in the world, especially in global markets. The contradiction between the collapse of the ancient world domination of Western imperialism and the emergence of new imperialist powers such as China, intensifies rapidly, and carries the risk of a third world war - waged to redivide the world. With the aggravation of the global crisis, the globalization of war becomes more likely. If we fail to stop this trend of globalization of wars, then this will inevitably mean that the world bourgeoisie will force a global, protracted, bloody civil war upon the world proletariat and the peoples. (…)
Herewith, Lenin has discovered the universal law of the imperialist wars.
This universal law can be defined as follows:
The imperialist war is the inevitable periodic redistribution of world by the continuation of the imperialist policy by military means.
The imperialist war is the inevitable sequel to the political struggle of the imperialists for world domination by military means.” [Documents of the Comintern (SH), General-Line, Chapter II, World revolution and imperialist War, edition in English]
Indeed, with several imperialist powers struggling among them for world domination, it is quite logical that the number of imperialist wars has increased and displays a tendency to continue increasing in the near future. During some years after the fall of Soviet social-imperialism, US imperialism was the only world superpower. However, it soon became obvious that the place formerly belonging to Soviet social-imperialists was being occupied by Chinese social-imperialists. And it also soon became obvious that, in spite of the disappearance of Soviet empire, Russian imperialism had survived and was ready to follow the footsteps of its oppressive predecessor.
This can be noted particularly in the present situation in Ukraine, where American / Western (British, German, French, etc.) imperialism and Russian imperialism are combating among them to win control over Ukraine’s assets, resources and workforce. After decades under the yoke of Soviet imperialists, Ukrainian workers fell under the yoke of Western imperialism and are now feeling the dreadful consequences of the war imposed upon their country by both Western and Russian imperialists. The first ones want to keep control over Ukraine, while the second ones aim at reconquer it back for themselves. And in this quest, each one of them counts with their respective fascist and social-fascist lackeys within and outside Ukraine. It is against them all that Ukrainian proletariat must struggle under the leadership of the Comintern (SH) and of its future Ukrainian Section.
Especially on this anti-war day we demonstrate our solidarity with the Palestinian people. The war of the Israeli against the people of Gaza sparks worldwide protests of millions – even thousands of people in Tel Aviv. Around the world, people stand with Gaza against Israeli massacres. Between 1948 and today the Palestinian people never surrendered and fights heroically for their freedom, independence and sovereignty - in spite of all the bloody wars that Israel has waged against these people. Israel has never and will never win its unjust war which lasts now for over 66 years. However, the victory of the Palestinian revolution is unavoidable because it is a just war of liberation. The power of Israel stand and falls with the rear cover, especially by that of the US-superpower and its European lackeys. It is our task to weaken and destroy this rear cover of the whole world imperialist system. Therefore, the best way to support the liberation war of the Palestinian people is to strengthen the anti-imperialist world front of the world proletariat as a lever of the socialist world revolution.
Another war-scenario is Iraq, a country which has been in a de facto state of war since the early 90’s, when U.S / Western imperialists decided to overthrow Saddam Hussein’s clique linked to the interests of Iraq’s national bourgeoisie and to replace it by a compradore clique loyal to themselves. For this, they subjected Iraquian working classes to the worst war sufferings. It is estimated that around 2 million people (most of them poor workers) has died as a consequence of the imperialist war waged by Western imperialism in Iraq since more than 20 years. Against the implacableness of imperialist quest for profit maximization, many Iraquian toilers have sought refuge in the ultra-reactionary Islamic religion, joining Muslim bourgeois fundamentalists that falsely promise them all kinds of “liberation”. Iraquian proletarians must fight both against these Islamic “radicals” and against the lackeys of American / Western imperialism inside and outside Iraq. And they must do this under the leadership of the Comintern (SH) and of its future Iraquian Section.
And the same can be said about Afghanistan, a country whose people had already displayed its courage in the struggle against the colonial invasion and war that Soviet social-imperialism imposed upon the country in the late 70’s and 80’s. A decade after the withdrawal of Soviet imperialists, it was the time for American / Western imperialists to occupy the country under the excuse of “fighting against terrorism” in order to replace the disobedient “Muslim nationalist” Taliban-clique by an equally repressive pro-Western compradore bourgeois clique. Afghani proletarians must fight both against the Muslim Taliban fundamentalists and against the agents of American / Western imperialism within and outside Afghanistan. And they must do this under the leadership of the Comintern (SH) and of its future Afghani Section.
Another country which much be mentioned is Syria. In this country, various imperialisms are involved which submerge the country and its toiling people into a complete state of war. Of course, on one side there is the bourgeois, social-fascist clique of Bashar Al-Assad which controls the country and mainly serves the interests of Chinese social-imperialism, although it also has links with Russian imperialism. And on the other side, we have American / Western imperialists who obviously do not conform themselves with being loosing undisputed dominance not only over Syria but over the entire world. But after spending in vain millions of $US in weaponry and equipment to help their local mercenary lackeys overthrowing Al-Assad, American / Western imperialism are desperately noticing that his pro-Chinese rule has survived. Syrian proletarians must fight against Chinese, Russian, etc. imperialisms, against American / Western imperialism and against their respective local lackeys inside and outside the country. And they must do this under the leadership of the Comintern (SH) and of its future Syrian Section.
Finally, we turn our eyes to African continent. Due to its enormous wealth, resources and workforce, Africa has long been a favourite target of imperialist plunder and war. But among the many armed conflicts that permeate this entire continent, we highlight that going on in Mali. This country stands as a bridge between the two main ethnic groups of Africa: the Arab peoples of the north and the Negroid peoples of the south. After the end of the century-long French colonialist domination over Mali, French imperialists did not abandon this country. On the contrary, they transformed it into a neo-colony and still nowadays, in spite of the influence of other Western imperialisms and of Chinese imperialism, French imperialists still hold key dominance over this African country full of valuable resources. In order to continue to exploit and oppress Malian labourers and to deviate their attention to convenient scapegoats keeping them away from Stalinism-Hoxhaism, French imperialists promoted racism and sharp ethnic hatred among the above referred groups that inhabit Mali. And when civil war broke out, French imperialists opportunistically took advantage of the occasion to intervene in the country through military means and to strengthen their neo-colonialist control over Mali. True, Arab peoples from northern Mali have been oppressed by the country’s bourgeois southern regime. However, instead of taking weapons against each other, Malian proletarians from all ethnicities must unite against the exploitation and oppression coming not only from French imperialism and other imperialisms but also from their respective servers within and outside Mali. And they must do this under the leadership of the Comintern (SH) and of its future Malian Section.
And as if all this was not enough, revisionists, neo-revisionists and other opportunists all over the world try to convince exploited and oppressed workers from both imperialist and neo-colonial countries that they must support the supposedly “anti-imperialist” national bourgeoisie that may be opposing this or that imperialist power in a determined context:
“Socialism in the oppressive and exploitative countries is only possible if the proletariat defeated the imperialist bourgeoisie, which instigates, leads and supports the national and imperialist wars. The socialist world revolution is only possible through the victorious unification of the proletariat of the exploitative and oppressive nations and the proletariat of the exploited and oppressed nations - namely in the spirit of proletarian internationalism, and guided by the teachings of the five classics of Marxism-Leninism. This ideological demarcation line is clear and distinct, however fact is that the anti-imperialist world-front, the front against imperialist and reactionary wars is still divided and split. This makes the victory of every revolutionary war impossible, whether on a national or global scale. Only on the basis of Marxism-Leninism and its struggle against opportunism we will overcome this precarious situation. The revisionists are against imperialist and reactionary wars, in words, however against revolutionary wars, in deeds.” [Documents of the Comintern (SH), General-Line, Chapter II, World revolution and imperialist War, edition in English]
In truth, all bourgeois class is equally exploitative, oppressive and wage slavagist, no matter if it is of imperialist / compradore type or of “patriotic” type. Only socialist revolution and construction and proletarian dictatorship always faithfully based on Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism-Hoxhaism can indicate workers the correct path to their definitive and total emancipation, and to accomplish this means to defeat and annihilate all bourgeois elements and forces without exception. In the same manner, everytime Western / American imperialism is clashing with other imperialisms, they encourage workers to defend these last ones, with non-Western imperialisms (Chinese, Russian, etc.) being depicted by them as having some kind of “progressive” and even “socialistic” and “anti-imperialist” aims, even openly denying their imperialist nature and continuing presenting to workers the false idea that Western / American imperialist powers are their only enemies. With this, they become lackeys of world imperialism because those who defend certain imperialisms are also inevitably defending all imperialisms as a whole and, consequently, they also inescapably defend the continuance of imperialist wars inevitably inherent to global capitalist-imperialist order. In our General-Line, we Stalinists-Hoxhaists already unmasked and denounced this position from revisionists and neo-revisionists as being anti-Marxist-Leninist:
“And the posing of the question that the imperialists of the "civilized world" are "worse" than the reactionaries in the "uncivilized" countries, is just as little Marxist-Leninist. For communists, there is no "solidarity" with the "small" criminals against the "big" criminals, no unity with the “leftist” enemies against the rightist enemies. One can not be a truly internationalist anti-imperialist, if one does not combat both the foreign bourgeoisie and the bourgeoisie in one's own country. In a predatory conflict between world imperialism and the national bourgeoisie one can side neither with the blood-thirsty world imperialists, nor with the reactionary national bourgeoisie who exploits and oppresses its own people brutally, who spills their blood on the streets. The Comintern / ML fights against EVERY exploitation and oppression -, against both the domestic and foreign exploitation and oppression. Principally, in every country of the world, the anti-imperialist front is directed against both the external and internal enemies. (…)
Expressively, we draw a principled demarcation line against the complete front of world imperialism: - the forces of world imperialism (ruled by the global financial oligarchy and the imperialist states with their armed interior and exterior terrorist apparatus) on the one side - AND the reactionary and fascist states of the nationalist bourgeoisie on the other side. All the forces of imperialism, reaction and war, they channel their struggle against the world revolution, in general, and against the revolution in every single country of the world, in particular. The world revolution has to combat all imperialists, reactionaries and nationalists all over the world - WITHOUT EXCEPTION - no matter if some of their members or blocs cooperate with each other or if they wage wars against each other. As a whole, they are the main enemies of 99 % of the world inhabitants.” [Documents of the Comintern (SH), General-Line, Chapter II, World revolution and imperialist War, edition in English]
This correct and principled Stalinist-Hoxhaist stand had already been confirmed by the Classics:
“To speculate on the victory of one or the other imperialist bourgeoisie is tantamount to becoming its lackey.” [Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 23, page 57, English edition quoted in: Documents of the Comintern (SH), General-Line, Chapter II, World revolution and imperialist War, edition in English]
“The very posing of the question that one imperialism is stronger and the other weaker, and is aggressive and the other tamed, is not Marxist-Leninist.” [Enver Hoxha, Imperialism and Revolution, Chapter II, English edition quoted in: Documents of the Comintern (SH), General-Line, Chapter II, World revolution and imperialist War, edition in English]
Almost 100 years ago, the victory of the October Revolution of 1917 confirmed clearly that the revolutionary perspective is not an adventurist position but a correct assessment of the main objective condition of the war - the aggravating crisis from outside and inside the countries. From these crisis, killings and destructions through the war emanated the increasing demand of the people who wanted to bring about the end of the war and who struggled for peace against the imperialist governments. And the impact of the first socialist construction in the history of mankind made this conclusion to be inescapable.
The most important characteristic of the historical period of imperialism (to which imperialist wars are inherent) is precisely to be the eve of the socialist world revolution. Imperialist wars emanate inevitably from imperialism. And international proletarian revolutions emanate inevitably from imperialist wars. The world revolution emanated in 1917 with the victory of the October Revolution, when began the dispersal of the October Revolution from Russia to all over the world. The October Revolution paved the way to the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat and to the creation of the socialist world camp.
Today, we, Stalinists-Hoxhaists, must be an efficient vanguard of the world proletariat in preventing another world imperialist war through accomplishment of world socialist revolution, world proletarian dictatorship, world socialism and world communism always faithfully applying the teachings of Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism-Hoxhaism. However, if we are not able to do this, then we have to achieve the transformation of world imperialist war into world revolutionary civil war for the complete and definitive annihilation of globalized bourgeois-capitalist-imperialist enslaving system:
“In the case where the world proletariat should not succeed in to prevent a new world war by the revolution, then the inevitable international civil war will be transformed in the world victorious dictatorship of the world proletariat. Our general policy expresses the shortest and most direct route of the socialist world revolution. It is the way towards world socialism through maximum possible avoiding victims. Therefore, the struggle of the world proletariat to world peace is an indispensable lever for the victory of world revolution. The struggle for world peace on Marxist-Leninist foundation - applied to the present conditions of globalization - is a central part of the general line of the Comintern / ML. (…) We are responsible for transforming reactionary and imperialist wars into a civil war of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie, for socialism in all countries - without exception.” [Documents of the Comintern (SH), General-Line, Chapter II, World revolution and imperialist War, edition in English]
Indeed, during the times of the October Revolution and of the Russian Civil War, the Russian Bolshevists led by comrades Lenin and Stalin successfully accomplished this at a national scale. They turned an imperialist war waged against their country into a revolutionary civil war that proletarians, workers and other exploited and oppressed classes won against their enemies inside and outside Russia, implementing proletarian dictatorship in their own country. And Albanian Marxists-Leninists-Stalinists led by comrade Enver Hoxha did the same in Albania, where after triumphantly overcoming wars, attacks and occupations imposed by Nazi-fascists and other imperialists, finally established proletarian dictatorship and initiated socialist construction.
The lessons of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism teach us that solely the complete destruction of world imperialism is absolutely precondition for the abolition of the inevitability of imperialist wars. Many decades ago, comrade Lenin already indicated that:
“What caused that war, what classes are waging it, and what historical and historic-economic conditions gave rise to it (…). From the point of view of Marxism, that is, of modern scientific socialism, the main issue in any discussion by the socialists on how to assess the war and what attitude to adopt towards it is this: what is the war being waged for, and what classes staged and directed it. We Marxists do not belong to that category of people who are unqualified opponents of all war. We say: our aim is to achieve a socialist system of society, which, by eliminating the division of mankind into classes, by eliminating all exploitation of man by man and nation by nation, will inevitably eliminate the very possibility of war. But in the war to win that socialist system of society we are bound to encounter conditions under which the class struggle within each given nation may come up against a war between the different nations, a war conditioned by this very class struggle. Therefore we cannot rule out the possibility of revolutionary wars, i.e., wars arising from the class struggle, wars waged by revolutionary classes, wars which are of direct and immediate revolutionary significance.” [Lenin, Collected works, Volume 24, pages 398 – 399, English version quoted in: Documents of the Comintern (SH), General-Line, Chapter II, World revolution and imperialist War, edition in English]
Based on our General-Line ("World revolution and imperialist wars" - chapter 2) we combine our struggle against imperialist wars with propagating the socialist world revolution as the only alternative for the abolition of imperialist wars - forever in the communist world society.
Therefore, our present class-struggle, our class-war against imperialist wars, can mean nothing but struggle for the victory of the socialist world revolution and the establishment of world socialism through the dictatorship of the world proletariat as the only guarantee for the abolition of the inevitability of imperialist wars. The victory of the socialist world revolution and the establishment of the dictatorship of the world proletariat – this is the only manner to abolish the inevitability of imperialist wars.
World exploited and oppressed classes – unite under the centralized leadership of the Comintern (SH)!
Strengthen the spirit of proletarian internationalism: workers do not shoot workers, peoples do not shoot peoples!
Unite under the leadership of the world proletariat in the struggle against the beginning of imperialist wars and during imperialist wars for the aim of its finish
Vote against war credits!
Form illegal revolutionary organizations in the armed forces!
Support fraternization among the soldiers at the front, and to fraternize the peoples on a global scale!
Organize revolutionary global actions of the workers and peasants against the war!
Turn the weapons against the own bourgeoisie in all imperialist countries!
Turn the weapons against the compradore bourgeoisie in the oppressed countries who are lackeys of the imperialist war!
Unite the anti-war-struggle of the world proletariat with the liberation struggle of the oppressed and exploited peoples for the overthrow of the common enemy – world imperialism!
Liberate the peoples from capitalist slavery, liberate colonies and dependent countries from the yoke of imperialism!
Convert the imperialist war into a civil war!
War against imperialist war means waging war of the proletarian red world army against all imperialist armies of the world!
Link up the cause of world's peace with the cause of the victory of the proletarian world revolution!
To eliminate the inevitability of war, it is necessary to overthrow the rule of the imperialist bourgeoisie both in one's own country and on a global scale!
The neo-revisionists are enemies of the socialist world revolution – they are thus against the only means of the abolition of imperialist wars!
To abolish imperialist wars means to abolish the imperialist world system!
Only world socialism guarantees the abolishment of the inevitability of imperialist wars!
Death to bourgeois-capitalist-imperialist system which submerges the world in blood for maximum profits!
Down with all kinds of revisionism, neo-revisionism and anti-communism!
Down with all kinds of predatory wars, fascism, capitalism, imperialism, colonialism, exploitation and oppression!
Long live the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism: Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Enver Hoxha!
Long live Bolshevist Soviet Union and the CPSU of comrades Lenin and Stalin!
Long live socialist Albania and the PLA of comrade Enver Hoxha!
Long live world violent socialist proletarian revolution!
Long live the future global red army!
Long live armed proletarian dictatorship all over the world!
Long live world socialism and world communism!
Appeal will be publishe also in
in Chinese language
translated by the
[ Constitution of Socialist Albania - 1976 ]
a brief Stalinist-Hoxhaist analysis
in German language
Serie in 17 parts published in the CO "Red Dawn" (" Roten Morgen")
reprinted in a booklet on decision of the CC of the KPD/ML - in 1986
published on occasion of the Red Anti-War-Day 2014
German social-fascists – taken in pay of the war of Russian imperialists !
Russia strives for its Eurasian empire in the style of Hitler – as a basis for its fascist world domination. In the service of this world-imperialist aim the Russian ruling class subordinates everything.
The Russian imperialism is not ready to relinquish his Ukrainian colony without a fight on the Western colonialists. The only alternative, that remains for them, is war. If Putin, the Kreml-Czare and the Russian ruling class have to cede its dominance over Ukraine involuntarily, then they will do this by "scorched-earth policy" - following the example of the Nazis.
Of course, they do not frankly speak out this truth in public.
They hide this truth behind their slogans of "War against Fascism", behind "Protection of Russian natives living in the Ukraine", and behind the mask of "Protecting the Ukrainian brother people from occupation by the Western capitalists".
Those Russian capitalists who had once overthrown and destroyed the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin, now avail themselves of the Soviet ideology, particularly that on the victory of the Great Patriotic War of Comrade Stalin. The Russian demagogues call their colonial war in the Ukraine = "People's liberation war". The Russian warmonger incite the peoples of the old Soviet Union to go to war for the Russian imperialist war. But this is not enough.
Moreover, the Goebbels ideologues of Russian imperialism try in vain to incite the western population for siding with Russia. But sympathy for the Russian imperialists is not sufficient for them.
The warmongering Russian imperialists try to mobilize the participants of the German "Monday demonstrations" for entering the Ukrainian battlefield in form of so-called "International Brigades" under the leadership of Russia's military intelligence (GRU).
Who are these people from Germany who levy a so called "Thalmann Battalion" and who makes propaganda for the recruitment among groups of "leftist" nationalists and the former "National People's Army" (NPA) of the GDR?
There is, for example, someone by the name of Alexander Kiefel.
Alexander Kiefel, the promoter of an alleged "Thalmann Battalion" in the Ukraine, was a member of an elite unit of the NPA, which was battlefield-tested in Afghanistan as mercenaries of the Russian social-imperialist Army (the picture shows him decorated with various medals of the Russian Army).
Alexander Kiefel was also known as a "Stasi" officer in the GDR (infamous Secret Police).
The "Thalmann Battalion" (a selection of 400 former paratroopers of the NPA) operates in Novorossiya and is part of an international military network that is set up and commanded by Igor Strelkov, an officer of the Russian military intelligence (GRU). These reportedly include a unit of twenty Israelis ("Aliya" battalion - Veterans of Israeli and Soviet armed forces) and a unit of the Serbs (Bratislav Zivkovic).
Social fascists like Alexander Kiefel belong to a generation that have been brought up since childhood with the poison of modern revisionism. The leaders of the GDR recruited willing tools of the East German bourgeoisie and the Russian overlords.
This young generation of "Thalmann pioneers" was inoculated day by day. Everything what happened in the GDR, happened allegedly under the mask of the "spirit of comrade Ernst Thalmann". It has been said to the children and young people in the GDR that Ernst Thalmann was the truest and most consistent defender of the Soviet Union. And, indeed, the social fascists were not wrong with this statement. But this is exactly the reason for their criminal betrayal. The modern revisionists have brought up the GDR generation in the belief that they would build up "socialism". Yes, they have built up a sort of "socialism", but a bourgeois socialism, a red-colored workers' and peasants prison - cut off from the outside world by the Wall, barbed wire and shooting instructions – and particularly separated from the Western part of the German people. These are the circumstances that can explain why a minority of the generation of the GDR believes that they must fight against fascism in Ukraine like the "Thalmann Battalion" in the Spanish Civil War. Allegedly this would be a symbol of internationalism. What is the nature of this kind of "internationalism", if being in the service of fascist Russia to fight Ukrainian fascists? It is pure counter-revolutionary to pull Russians chestnuts out of the fire. This is not the kind of proletarian internationalism for which comrade Ernst Thalmann has died and not the internationalism of the glorious Thalmann Battalion in the Spanish Civil.
What did comrade Ernst Thalmann fight for?
He has fought for the socialist revolution in Germany, for the socialist world revolution. That's why he supported the Soviet Union because it was the base and the lever for the socialist world revolution. And today? Will Putin fight for the socialist world revolution or will he fight for the global dominance of Russian imperialism? Yes, of course, Putin fights for the latter!
In sharp contrast to today, the dictatorship of the proletariat prevailed in the Soviet Union under Lenin and Stalin at the time of Ernst Thalmann. And it is the dictatorship of the proletariat why Ernst Thalmann became the most loyal and most consistent German defender of the Soviet Union.
And today? Whom do the German social-fascists support ? Socialism or Russian imperialism ? They support Russian imperialism and call this an act of "internationalism".
The Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin was transformed by the modern revisionists in an imperialist, fascist country. There no longer governed the working class, but the bourgeoisie. There, the working class is exploited and oppressed by a fascist regime of the type of Hitler, which has shot our comrade Ernst Thalmann in Buchenwald 70 years ago.
We know what we are talking about, because our comrade Ernst Aust, the truest and most consistent disciple of Ernst Thalmann, was threatened with murder - not by the West German stooges of Anglo-American imperialism, but by the modern revisionists - thus not by fascists, but social fascists ! Our comrades of the KPD / ML were in prison, not only in West Germany, but also in the GDR ! They languished there in Bautzen in prison - yes - exactly where Ernst Thalmann was imprisoned, before the fascists shot him.
Comrade Ernst Aust was only 62 years old - much too early to die. He had years of a chronic heart ailment, and we suspect that this must be caused by external influences. We can not rule out a murder of comrade Ernst Aust because we know by our own bad experiences, what kind of murderous methods of the STASI were practiced for getting rid of "disliked"persons . Finally, the STASI had classified and destroyed our Eastern Section of the Party, the KPD / ML, as the "main enemy no. 1 of the GDR".
Since the founding of our party in 1968, up to the present day, the social fascists chase the KPD / ML and us comrades (now we call ourselves "German Section of the Comintern [SH]").
Nothing and no one do the social fascists hate more than us Stalinist-Hoxhaists, who tear down their "red-colored" mask from their brown face, and we open the eyes of the workers.
On the occasion of his 29th death anniversary, the German Section of the Comintern (SH) publishes below an article by Comrade Ernst against the social-fascist death threats against his person.
And we are still alive, we old comrades of the KPD / ML in Hamburg, who have fought there at the side of Ernst Aust. We fought against the social-fascist thugs who trampled down our mourning wreaths on the 30th anniversary of the assassination of Ernst Thalmann. We were beaten down during our wreath ceremony in front of the memorial house where comrade Ernst Thälmann lived .
Therefore watch out !
Social fascists can murder us communists, but they cannot eliminate the revolutionary ideas of communism. The victory of communism over social fascism is inevitable.
If the social-fascists in Ukraine call for the International Brigades, very well then !
We will follow your invitation and will meet youon the battlefield. Who perpetrates crimes against humanity, against the Ukrainian people "on behalf" (by abusing the name) of the International Brigades, will be defeated by our genuine International Brigades who fight commonly with the Ukrainian working class against both fascism and social-fascim !
Long live the revolutionary liberation struggle of the Ukrainian people - BOTH against Western imperialism AND Russian imperialism - including all their lackeys inside and outside of Ukraine !!
Secret Police Officer (Stasi) Alexander Kiefel
Mercenary of the Soviet social-imperialist army in Afghanistan . On his medals is the blood of the revolutionary Afghan people. Let's inhibit the blood of the Ukrainian people on the medals of this social-fascist !
The social fascists who massacre the people of Ukraine on behalf of the Russian imperialists, and by abusing the name of our comrade Ernst Thalmann, must pay for their crimes !!
The glorious "Thalmann Battalion" of the Spanish Civil War fought heroically against the Franco-fascism. The so called fake " Thalmann Battalion " in Ukraine is nothing else but a gang of murderers which kills Ukrainian people on the orders of the fascists Putin
Death to social fascism - the twin brother of fascism!
Levy the RED ARMY in the Ukraine!
Long live the socialist revolution in the Ukraine!
Long live the dictatorship of the Ukrainian proletariat - in the spirit of Lenin and Stalin!
Long live the dictatorship of the world proletariat!
Create the Ukrainian WSection of the Comintern (SH)!
Long live the world socialist revolution!
Let's crush both the Western and Russian imperialism!
Let's smash world imperialism!
Long live the socialist Ukraine in a socialist world!
Long live the world socialism and world communism!
Freedom, Peace and Bread for the Ukrainian People !
75 Years ago ...
German-Soviet non-aggression treaty
August 23, 1939
Declaration of War on Maoists
Maoism and "Anti-Maoism"
- a dual ideology of anti-communism -
It is very important to distinguish our proletarian ideology of Anti-Maoism from all the different branches of bourgeois so called “anti-Maoism”.
The purpose of this article will be to denounce the bourgeois-capitalist nature of the false “criticism” of the revisionists, neo-revisionists and other opportunists who call themselves “anti-Maoists” but who are nothing else than agents of the bourgeoisie within the communist world movement.
Neo-Maoists are Anti-Maoists in words but Maoists in deeds.
The writing of the chapter IV of the Declaration of War on Maoists has been a project for us since more than one year ago. The importance of not letting our anti-Maoist struggle stand still was always evident to us after the first three chapters of the DWM. But unfortunately, various kinds of tasks for the Comintern (Stalinist-Hoxhaist - SH) have prevented us from accomplishing this purpose until now. Finally, it is time to continue developing that feature of our Marxist-Leninist-Stalinist-Hoxhaist (MLSH) ideology which is so crucial to our communist goals: anti-Maoism. The anti-Maoism of the Comintern (SH) is the only genuine proletarian anti-Maoism because it is exclusively based on Stalinism-Hoxhaism.
Those who openly or hiddenly struggle against Stalinist-Hoxhaist anti-Maoism of the Comintern (Stalinist-Hoxhaist - SH) by replacing it through various branches of bourgeois “anti-Maoism” - are enemies of the world proletariat and lackeys of the world bourgeoisie.
With this Chapter IV of the DWM we draw our principled demarcation-line against all hues of so called “anti-Maoism” which violate Stalinist-Hoxhaist anti-Maoism, in particular, and thus contradict with the lessons of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism, in general.
The antagonist class-character of proletarian and bourgeois anti-Maoism is irreconcilable.
Therefore the Stalinist-Hoxhaists struggle against any reconciliation and centrism between proletarian anti-Maoism and bourgeois (fake) “anti-Maoism”.
Our goal is the victory of the socialist world revolution on the basis of the lessons of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism which we must defend against Maoism and also against so called “anti-Maoism”. The victory of the lessons of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism depends on the defeat of both Maoism and bourgeois “anti-Maoism”- namely including the defeat of all attempts of centrist reconciliation.
It is impossible to defeat Maoism without defeat of all the various forms of bourgeois “anti-Maoism”.
The world bourgeoisie tries to defeat the lessons of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism by means of playing a double game between Maoism and bourgeois “anti-Maoism”. Unmasking the counter-revolutionary dual strategy between bourgeois Maoism and bourgeois “anti-Maoism” - this is the purpose of this chapter IV.
read more ...
* * *
(all Parts - I, II, III and IV)
- the greatest Stalinist of Germany, a great Stalinist leader of the Comintern and the greatest Bolshevist leader of the Communist Party of Germany
- the best son and leader of the German working class
executed and shot by Hitler - on August 18, 1944
"The revolutionary spirit of internationalism, the spirit of absolute faithfullness to the Communist International and the strong confidence in its guiding party, the CPSU, must live on - in all our thoughts and actions"
(Ernst Thälmann) - speech - 6th Congress of the Comintern - 1928).
* * *
"That what is valid for the world communist party, is also valid for the German Communist Party:
We are, we remain the party of the armed surrection, the socialist revolution, the proletarian dictatorship.
In this - and only in this sense - we are the party of the proletarian united front, the mass work, the daily struggles against the bourgeoisie. "
(Ernst Thalmann - November 26, 1926)
* * *
"A Red Army is on the battle-field, a second Red Army - on a world scale - is in the making. When we have organized a second Red Army in the world then we will smash the bullwarks and forts of the bourgeoisie, and only this way the world proletariat will gain the victory over world capitalism in the world revolution."
(Ernst Thalmann = Honor Soldier of the Red Army on 27 November 1926)
* * *
For our sturdy Comrade Thälmann
Raise your fist!
MESSAGE OF THE COMINTERN (SH)
ON OCCASION OF THE 70th DEATH DAY OF
- AUGUST 18, 1944 -
WHO WAS MURDERED BY THE FASCIST SS-THUGS
ON THE ORDERS OF HITLER
special website in
in Chinese language
Translated by the Chinese Section of the Young Communist International
“Mao Tsetung Thought”—An Anti-Marxist Theory
collection of quotations
(published in the year 2003 - written by Wolfgang Eggers)
Message of the Comintern (SH)
on occasion of the 119th anniversary
of comrade Engels’ death day
August 5, 1895 – August 5, 2014
119 years ago, comrade Friedrich Engels died. Being the 2nd Classic of Marxism-Leninism, comrade Engels’ legacy is immortal and it will live forever on the minds and hearts of every worker and of every true communist.
During his lifetime, comrade Engels was the closest friend and collaborator of comrade Marx (the First Classic of Marxism-Leninism). They both lived in various different European countries (Germany, Belgium, France, Great-Britain, etc.) where they developed theoretic scientific work and revolutionary practical activities, actively contributing to and participating in many relevant struggles of their epoch, like the 1848 revolution.
Both during and after Marx’s death, Engels strived in order to defend, consolidate and develop scientific socialism. Comrade Engels refused Hegelianism and, already together with Marx, reflected about human society in an anti-Idealist manner, concluding that it is not conscience that determines existence, but it is existence which determines conscience. When referring to the teachings of Marx and Engels, the 3rd Classic of Marxism-Leninism highlighted those concluding that:
“Hegel’s philosophy spoke of the development of the mind and of ideas; it was idealistic. From the development of the mind it deduced the development of nature, of man, and of human, social relations. While retaining Hegel’s idea of the eternal process of development, Marx and Engels rejected the preconceived idealist view; turning to life, they saw that it is not the development of mind that explains the development of nature but that, on the contrary, the explanation of mind must be derived from nature, from matter.... Unlike Hegel and the other Hegelians, Marx and Engels were materialists. Regarding the world and humanity materialistically, they perceived that just as material causes underlie all natural phenomena, so the development of human society is conditioned by the development of material forces, the productive forces. On the development of the productive forces depend the relations into which men enter with one another in the production of the things required for the satisfaction of human needs. And in these relations lies the explanation of all the phenomena of social life, human aspirations, ideas and laws. The development of the productive forces creates social relations based upon private property, but now we see that this same development of the productive forces deprives the majority of their property and concentrates it in the hands of an insignificant minority. It abolishes property, the basis of the modern social order, it itself strives towards the very aim which the socialists have set themselves. All the socialists have to do is to realize which social force, owing to its position in modern society, is interested in bringing socialism about, and to impart to this force the consciousness of its interests and of its historical task.” (Lenin, Frederick Engels, 1895, edition in English)
Furthermore, comrade Engels explained that the conditions of capitalist economic system causes that bourgeois class inevitably creates its own grave-digger: the proletariat. He explained that class struggle is the true locomotive of human history - which is constituted by a succession of combats and victories of certain classes over others - and that it is proletariat’s class struggle that will definitively annihilate bourgeois-capitalist class society, and put an end to all kinds of exploitations forever. He explained capitalisms’ true innate oppressive nature with outstanding scientific accuracy at an epoch when capitalism was still in ascension and its monopolist and imperialist character were still in an initial stage. He and comrade Marx analyzed the conditions of development of productive forces and concluded that the outcome of a socialist and later communist society is not an utopia, but an inescapable historic necessity to which there is no possible alternative.
As one of the major theoretical writers of communist ideology, comrade Engels authored many books, large numbers of them jointly with comrade Marx, like happened with The Holy Family and with certain volumes of Das Kapital. Among Engels’ most important works, we can mention: The Condition of the Working Class in England (based on Engels’ own observations of the poverty and misery of British proletariat), Anti-Durhing (in which many crucial issues concerning materialist conception of history and its respective philosophical and social-economic theory are analysed), Ludwig Feuerbach, The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State, among many other texts of variable size. All of comrade Engels’ genial Works are considered to be among the most significant works of Marxism and undoubtedly contribute to the opening of the doors towards the total and definitive liberation of the oppressed laboring classes from capitalist wage slavagist exploitation.
But besides this, comrade Engels was also one of the greatest proletarian internationalists of all times. In 1864, he and comrade Marx were co-founders of the first International Working Men’s Association, whose achieved purpose was to decisively contribute to the advancement of international workers’ movement through uniting the proletarians of all countries. Even after the end of the First International and of comrade Marx’s death, comrade Engels remained as the most important theoric and guide not only of working class movement, but also particularly of Europe’s socialist movement, whose leaders from multiple countries always took comrade Engel’s inestimable knowledge, experience and advises in consideration. Indeed, even during his lifetime, comrade Engels unmasked and condemned all bourgeois-revisionist influences that aimed at detaching world workers from the path of authentic Marxist science and from its genuinely revolutionary and proletarian nature attempting to turn it into a reformist ideology entirely inoffensive to the class dominion of the bourgeoisie. Even nowadays, we Stalinist-Hoxhaists take many valuable teachings from this struggle by comrade Engels.
For all these reasons, comrade Engels’ infallible and immortal teachings are an authentic guiding light for all those who follow the path towards world socialist revolution, world proletarian dictatorship, world socialism and world communism. Our ideology is called Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism-Hoxhaism, but we can never underestimate the teachings from comrade Engels, without which the lessons of the other Classics would never be complete. To uphold and defend comrade Engels’ irreplaceable revolutionary and proletarian legacy means to also uphold and defend the revolutionary and proletarian legacy of all Classics of Marxism-Leninism as a whole.
Long live comrade Engels, the 2nd Classic of Marxism-Leninism!
Long live the invincible teachings of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism: Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Enver Hoxha!
Long live violent world socialist proletarian revolution and world armed proletarian dictatorship!
Long live world socialism and world communism!
Long live the Comintern (SH)!
1914 - FRANCE
2014 - GAZA
Either sacrifice all civilisation and perish
throw off the capitalist yoke in the revolutionary way, do away with the rule of the bourgeoisie and win socialism and durable peace !
MESSAGE OF THE COMINTERN (SH)
ON OCCASION OF THE 100TH ANNIVERSARY
OF WORLD WAR I
JULY 28, 1914 – JULY 28, 2014
also available in German language ...
a neo-revisionist ideology
[ this text is also available in PDF-Format ]
also partly available in Chinese language
Chinese translation will be continued ...
Long live the Palestinian revolution!
DOWN WITH ISRAEL !
German Section - in Action !
FIFA - GO TO HELL !!!
Message of the Comintern (SH)
available also in
125 Years ago
(July 14, 1989 - July 14, 2014)
Foundation of the
Message of the Comintern (SH)
on occasion of the
of the Second International
July 14, 1889 – July 14, 2014
Today, 125 years ago, when the 100th anniversary of the “Storm of the Bastille” was being celebrated, the Second International was founded in Paris. As its own name indicates, it followed the First International (1864-1876) which had been founded by comrades Marx and Engels. The Second International was organized already after the death of comrade Marx, but it relied on the help of comrade Engels.
During its first years, the Second International tried to accomplish its purposes. It was a valuable tool of socialist revolution, as it promoted the union of exploited and oppressed classes from all countries across international boundaries thrown up to divide the working class. However, after the death of comrade Engels and with the intensification of class struggle in the early XX century, explicit divisions between Marxists and reformists started to appear clearly. This division was consummated when World War I began in 1914.
The failure of the International to oppose the imperialist war was correctly perceived by the authentic Marxists as a proof of its pro-bourgeois degenerated character. Indeed, instead of opposing the war, calling for the overthrow of their own capitalists and organizing armed strikes and uprisings against it, the various International sections in France, Germany and Britain, for instance, voted for war credits and effectively sided with their own capitalist class to wage a war whose only purpose was to determine what group of imperialists would accumulate more profits through exploitation and plunder of workforce and resources inside and outside Europe. At the time, the most coherent denouncers of this chauvinistic and revisionist betrayal were the Russian Bolsheviks with comrades Lenin and Stalin at their head.
During and after WWI, the “Second International” became an openly pro-capitalist and anti-communist organization only interested in deceiving laborers to keep them under wage slavagist bondage through providing them with some ridiculous alms (“social welfare”, etc.) given by the bourgeoisie to convince them that “there is no need to annihilate capitalism, it is possible to humanize it” – thus avoiding workers’ adherence to Marxism-Leninism and preventing socialist revolution and proletarian dictatorship.
The collapse of the Second International became unavoidable and the question arose either to keep it alive or to give it a deathblow and to create the Communist International on its ruins.
The Bolsheviki with Lenin at the head maintained the latter, thus the only genuine Marxist attitude. Lenin struggled successfully against the Kautskyite centristic reconciliation between Marxism and reformism-revisionism - namely against the so called “Second and a half International”.
But the “Second and a half International” was not the only problem. All the internationalists of the Zimmerwald and Kienthal conference of 1916 underestimated the danger of Kautskyite centrism which was tantamount to refraining from an irreconcilable struggle against opportunism. Therefore they all did not accept the Bolshevist line. However, Lenin criticized the mistakes of the inconsistent internationalists among the Left Social-Democrats, such as Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht, but at the same time he helped them to take the correct Bolshevik position. Three years later, in 1919, the Third International, the Comintern of comrades Lenin and Stalin, was founded.
After victory over the double play between the open and hidden opportunists, the Third International continued the struggle for the socialist revolution and proletarian dictatorship on a global scale. Nowadays, the fulfillment of this historical necessity is ensured by the Comintern (SH) which struggles against the double play between the open and hidden revisionism, against the neo-revisonist reconciliation with the open revisionists – which we call the “Four and a half heads” in the style of the “Second and a half International”.
Nevertheless, Friedrich Engels and V. I. Lenin played a revolutionary role within the Second International which was once a Marxist International and which must be defended by us Stalinist-Hoxhaists until its Basle Congress which adopted the last correct resolution on the proletarian revolution as the only consequent means against war.
The period of the II. International is of important ideological significance - the transitional period from Marxism to Leninism. In life-times of Engels the II. International was guided by Marxism. The III. International was guided by Marxism-Leninism.
The period of the II. International is of important organisational significance - the transitional period from the International Working-Men’s Association to the Communist International.
The period of the II. International is of important significance of the breadth of internationalization of the revolutionary proletarian movement - the transitional period between Paris Commune and October Revolution, the transitional period of the socialist workers' world movement to the communist movement of the world proletariat.
World proletarians and other working
exploited and oppressed classes – let’s
struggle against all kinds of reformist and
Down with the betrayal of the Second
International! Long live the Third
International of Lenin and Stalin!
Down with all kinds of revisionism, neo-
revisionism and anti-communism!
Only the Comintern (SH) is the faithful
continuator of the militant revolutionary
Bolshevist spirit of the glorious Comintern
(Third International) of comrades Lenin and
Down with all kinds of exploitation and
Long live Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism-
Long live world socialist revolution!
Long live proletarian dictatorship all over
Long live world socialism and world
Long live the Comintern (SH), the only truly
communist organization in the world, the
only vanguard party of the world proletariat!
special website available in
"Storming of the Bastille"
MESSAGE OF THE COMINTERN (SH)
ON OCCASION OF THE
OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION
July 14, 1789 - July 14, 2014
Today, 225 years ago, the Bastille was seized by the popular masses during the famous French Revolution that put an end to the feudal dominance of aristocracy. Although this occurred in France, this revolutionary fire rapidly spread across the entire European continent and it became clear that aristocratic rule and its feudalist socio-economic basis and production forces were perishing.
The Bastille was a well-known prison in Paris where the opponents of feudal-monarcho-aristocratic tyranny were imprisoned under unspeakable conditions. When the king Louis XVI was overthrown, the infuriated masses, tired of centuries of feudal oppression, invaded the prison, liberating all prisoners in an episode that is remembered until nowadays.
Stalin said in his interview with H. G. Wells in 1934:
"Take France at the end of the eighteenth century. Long before 1789 it was clear to many how rotten the royal power, the feudal system, was. But a popular insurrection, a clash of classes was not, could not be avoided. Why? Because the classes which must abandon the stage of history are the last to become convinced that their role is ended. It is impossible to convince them of this. They think that the fissures in the decaying edifice of the old order can be repaired and saved.
That is why dying classes take to arms and resort to every means to save their existence as a ruling class.
Was the great French Revolution a lawyers’ revolution and not a popular revolution, which achieved victory by rousing vast masses of the people against feudalism and championed the interests of the Third Estate? And did the lawyers among the leaders of the great French Revolution act in accordance with the laws of the old order? Did they not introduce new, bourgeois-revolutionary law?
The rich experience of history teaches that up to now not a single class has voluntarily made way for another class. There is no such precedent in history. The Communists have learned this lesson of history. Communists would welcome the voluntary departure of the bourgeoisie. But such a turn of affairs is improbable, that is what experience teaches. That is why the Communists want to be prepared for the worst and call upon the working class to be vigilant, to be prepared for battle."
The French Revolution of 1789 had very positive features: it represented an enormous step forward in the necessary evolution of productive relations from feudalism to capitalism, it was the beginning of the end of aristocratic class dominance, it ensured certain formal “rights” that popular masses had never enjoyed until then. However, this cannot make us forgetting its many and profound limitations. It is true that French Revolution decisively contributed to the annihilation of feudal-aristocratic order, but only to replace it by another kind of exploitation and oppression – that of capitalist-bourgeois wage slavagist order. At the same time, those formal “rights” were denied in practice to the popular masses, remaining a privilege of the new bourgeois dominators as much as feudal prerogatives had been of the aristocratic lords. The 1789 French Revolution was of bourgeois nature, the total and definitive liberation of labourers was still not at issue in it. Only almost a century after, with the emergence of Marxist scientific materialism and later with the 1917 October Revolution, the door for its accomplishment was opened.
We also take this opportunity to denounce the arrogance and presumption of French revisionists, who try to substitute the irreplaceable and glorious legacy of the Bolshevist 1917 Great October Revolution in Russia by the bourgeois 1789 French Revolution. Their objectives with this is to keep proletarians, workers and other exploited and oppressed classes under the influence of bourgeois-capitalist ideology, so wage slavagist bondage is able to survive. French revisionists like Thorez even use 1789 Revolution as a justification for their defence of a supposed “superiority” of France over the other European countries and peoples:
"And, once more, it is France, (…) the France of 1789, the France of Popular Front, that will lead the other European peoples towards the path of well-being, of progress, of freedom and of peace.” (Maurice Thorez, Oeuvres, Paris, 1950-1965, translated from French language)
Even without further analysing the fact that Thorez openly praises Dimitrov’s ultra-revisionist “popular front” theories and opportunistically replaces classes by nations, this is indeed proof of the great “internationalism” of French revisionists, which were always specialists in exacerbating chauvinist and nationalist feelings among French workers against the exploited and oppressed classes of other countries.
We Stalinist-Hoxhaists learn from the lessons of the Classics of Marxism-Leninism:
In 1852, Marx wrote in his "18th Brumaire":
"Men make their own history, but they do not make it as they please; they do not make it under self-selected circumstances, but under circumstances existing already, given and transmitted from the past !
Bourgeois revolutions like those of the eighteenth century storm more swiftly from success to success, their dramatic effects outdo each other, men and things seem set in sparkling diamonds, ecstasy is the order of the day- but they are short-lived, soon they have reached their zenith, and a long Katzenjammer [crapulence] takes hold of society before it learns to assimilate the results of its storm-and-stress period soberly. On the other hand, proletarian revolutions, like those of the nineteenth century, constantly criticize themselves, constantly interrupt themselves in their own course, return to the apparently accomplished, in order to begin anew; they deride with cruel thoroughness the half-measures, weaknesses, and paltriness of their first attempts, seem to throw down their opponents only so the latter may draw new strength from the earth and rise before them again more gigantic than ever, recoil constantly from the indefinite colossalness of their own goals -- until a situation is created which makes all turning back impossible
The social revolution of the nineteenth century cannot take its poetry from the past but only from the future. It cannot begin with itself before it has stripped away all superstition about the past. The former revolutions required recollections of past world history in order to smother their own content. The revolution of the nineteenth century must let the dead bury their dead in order to arrive at its own content."
The 20th century was the epoch of imperialism and proletarian revolution, the victory of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the first period of socialism.
Lenin said on May 19, 1919:
"Take the great French Revolution. It is with good reason that it is called a great revolution. It did so much for the class that it served, for the bourgeoisie, that it left its imprint on the entire nineteenth century, the century which gave civilisation and culture to the whole of mankind. The great French revolutionaries served the interests of the bourgeoisie although they did not realise it for their vision was obscured by the words “liberty, equality and fraternity”; in the nineteenth century, however, what they had begun was continued, carried out piecemeal and finished in all parts of the world.
In a matter of eighteen months our revolution has done ever so much more for our class, the class we serve, the proletariat, than the great French revolutionaries did.
They held out in their own country for two years, and then perished under the blows of united European reaction, under the blows of the united hordes of the whole world, who crushed the French revolutionaries, reinstated the legitimate monarch in France, the Romanov of the period, reinstated the landowners, and for many decades later crushed every revolutionary movement in France. Nevertheless, the great French Revolution triumphed.
Everybody who studies history seriously will admit that although it was crushed, the French Revolution was nevertheless triumphant, because it laid down for the whole world such firm foundations of bourgeois democracy, of bourgeois freedom, that they could never be uprooted.
In a matter of eighteen months our revolution has done ever so much more for the proletariat, for the class which we serve, for the goal towards which we are striving—the overthrow of the rule of capital—than the French Revolution did for its class. Even if the Bolsheviks would be exterminated to the last man, the revolution would still be invincible."
The 20th Century was the epoch of the struggle between the capitalist and socialist world camp.
The 21st Century is the Century of world-revolutionary transformation of globalized capitalism to globalized socialism.
Thus, we directly take steps to the second period of socialism, the period of globalized socialism. The time of the Comintern (SH) is the time for preparing the victory of the socialist revolution, of the proletarian dictatorship and of socialism on a world scale.
Therefore, the socialist world revolution is neither a continuation nor completion of the French Revolution. The aim of the French Revolution was the abolition of feudalism for paving the way towards the capitalist world society. In contrast, the aim of the socialist world revolution is the abolution of world capitalism for paving the way towards the socialist and then transformed communist world society.
Long live the 225th Anniversary of the
World workers – just like the prisoners from the Bastille, you too will be liberated from your chains!
Don’t be deceived by bourgeois-revisionist lies – only armed proletarian socialist revolution can truly emancipate you!
Down with all kinds of exploitation and oppression – slavagist, feudalist and capitalist-imperialist!
Long live Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism-Hoxhaism!
Long live world socialist revolution!
Long live proletarian dictatorship all over the world!
Long live world socialism and world communism!
Long live the Comintern (SH), the only truly communist organization in the world, the only vanguard party of the world proletariat!
special website available in
MARX - ENGELS
in Chinese language
J. V. Stalin
in Danish language
"Communism will triumph in the trade unions"
3. July 1921
Long live the 93rd Anniversary of the foundation of RILU !
The Congress took place in Moscow from July 3 to 19, 1921, and was attended by 380 delegates from 41 countries of Europe, America and Asia, among them Russia, Britain, Italy, Spain, France, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, Germany, Czechoslovakia, Austria, Poland, Finland, Korea, China and South Africa. The items on the agenda were:
1) Report of the Provisional International Council of Trade Unions, which was set uo in July 1920;
2) The world economic crisis and trade union tasks and tactics;
3) Trade unions and parties. The Red International if Labour Unions and the Communist International;
4) Trade unions, factory committees and sho stewards;
5) Trade unions and worker`s control over production;
7) International trade and idustrial unions;
8) Organisational questions
9) Women on production and trade unions
It was the Inaugural Congress of the Red International of Labour Unions, which existed till late 1937 and had a great influence on the world trade union movement.
message of greetings to the first International Congress of Revolutionary Trade and Industrial Unions:
"Please convey to the delegates my greetings and heartfelt wishes for the success of the Congress. It is hard to find words to express the full importance of the International Congress of Trade Unions. The winning of trade unionists to the ideas of communism is making irresistible headway everywhere, in all countries, throughout the world. The process is sporadic, overcoming a thousand obstacles, but it is making irresistible progress. The International Congress of Trade Unions will quicken this movement. Communism will triumph in the trade unions. No power on earth can avert the collapse of capitalism and the victory of the working class over the bourgeoisie.
Warm greetings and confidence in the inevitable victory of communism."
message of greetings to the first International Congress of Revolutionary Trade and Industrial Unions
Collection of Articles
Selections from the writings of
15. January 1919 – 95 Years Murder of Rosa Luxembourg and Karl Liebknecht (!)
21st of January 1924 - 90th Death Day of Lenin (!)
25. January - 3rd Anniversary of the Egypt Revolution - 2011
27. January 1944 - 70 Years end of Leningrad - Blockade
11. February 1979 - 35 Years - Victory of the Iranian Revolution
12. - 16. 2. 1934 - 80th Anniversary of the "February Uprising" in Austria
12. 02. 1814 - Jenny MARX ( von Westphalen) - 200th Birthday
27. February 1939 - 75th Death Day of Nadeshda Konstantinova Krupskaja
5. March 1953 - 61. Death Day of Josef V. Stalin
2. - 6. March 1919 - 95. Anniversary of the foundation of the Comintern
8. March - International Women's Day - Second Anniversary of the Foundation of the Women's Communist International
14. March 1883 - 131. Death Day of Karl Marx
Middle of March 1871 - 143nd Anniversary of the Paris Commune
15. March 1939 - 75 Years German invasion in Tchechoslovakia
21 March - 1. August. 1919 - 95 Jahre Hungarian Soviet Republic
28. March 1939 - Spanish Civil War : Franco-Troops march to Madrid (75 Years)
1. April 1939 - 75th Death Day of Makarenko (!)
7. April 1939 - 75 Years - Italian Fascists invade Albania
11. April 1985 - 29. Death Day of Enver Hoxha
13. April 1919 - 95th Anniversary of the Bavarian Soviet Republic
20 April 19 14 - 100 Years - "Ludlow Massacre" - coal miners' strike in Colorado
22nd of April 1870 - 144th birthday of Lenin
25. April 1974 - 40 Years Carnel-Revolution in Portugal
April 1920 - 94th Anniversary of the foundation of the Communist Women's International
First May (!) International fighting day of the working class
11th Anniversary of the re-foundation of the RILU
5th of May 1818 - 196th birthday of Karl Marx
5th of May - Memorial Day of the Heroes of Albania
9th of May 1945 - Capitulation of the Army of the Hitler-Nazis
7. 6. - 8. 7. 1924 - 90 Years 5th World Congress of the Comintern
June 22, 1945 - the Victory Day of the USSR in the Great Patriotic War of the Soviet
23 June 1921, Foundation of the Red Sport International (RSI)
6 June 1944 - "D-Day" - 70 Years
3. July 1921- 93rd Anniversary of the foundation of RILU
14. July 1789 in Paris - 225 Years -French Revolution: "Storm of the Bastille"
14. July 1889 in Paris - Foundation of the Second International (125 Years)
28. 07.1914 - 100 Years First World War (!)
5th of August 1895 - 119th Death Day of Friedrich Engels
1. 8. 1944 - 70 Years uprising of Warsaw Ghetto
4. August 1964 - Begin of Vietnam-War by the USA (50 Years)
18. August - 70th Anniversary of the Death Day of Ernst Thälmann
23. August 1939 - 75 Years German-Soviet Treaty
1st of September 1939 - Begin of the Second World War (75 Years)
1st of September - International Day against imperialist wars
28. 9. 1864 - 150th Anniversary of the First International (!)
16th of October 1908 - 106th birthday of Enver Hoxha
October 28 - 29, 1929 - 85 Years World Crisis ("Black Tuesday")
1. November 1954 in Algier - FLN Algerian War (60 Years)
5th of November 1922 - 92th Anniversary of the International Red Aid
7th of November 1917 - October-Revolution - 97th Anniversary
8th of November 1941 - Foundation of the PLA
8th of November 2011 - Foundation of the Sections of the Comintern (SH)
9th of November 1918 - 96 Years German November Revolution
10. 11. 1944 - 70 Years confirmation of the State of Albania by the Allies powers
20. November 1919 - 95th Anniversary of the foundation of the YCI
23rd of November 1941 - Foundation of the Association of Youth of Labour of Albania - 1st Anniversary of the Chinese and Albanian Section of the YCI
28th of November 1820 - 194th Birthday of Friedrich Engels
28th of November 1944 - 70th Anniversary of the Liberation of Albania (!) - 70 Years Congress of Permet
30. November 1939 - Finnish-Soviet "Winterwar" (75 Years)
December 1, 1934 - 80th Death Day of Kirov
December 1, 1924 - 90th Anniversary - Uprising in Reval
21st of December 1879 - 135th Birthday of Stalin (!)
* * *
further planned publications of the Comintern (SH):
1944 - 70th Year of The Great Patriotic War of the Soviet Union (!)
November 1917 – October 1922 - Civil War in Russia
1894 - 120 Years Lenin's book - "Volksfreunde"
1914 - 100 Years of writings of Lenin and Stalin
this is only our guide-line.
The complete implementation of our "Red Calendar 2014" depends on our forces.
World crisis can never be finished by the world capitalists. World crisis can only be finished by the world proletariat.
If - all over the world - every labourer, every unemployed worker, every cook, every poor peasant sees - not from the internet but with his own eyes -,
- that the world-state of the proletariat does not strive for "global wealth", but is helping the poor on this planet,
- that this world-proletarian state does not hesitate, to adopt world-revolutionary measures,
- that it confiscates ALL surplus stocks of provisions from ALL parasites on the globe and distributes them to the world's hungry,
- that it forcibly installs every homeless on earth in the houses of the rich,
- that it compels the rich to pay for milk, (but does not give them a drop until the children of ALL poor families are sufficiently supplied),
- that the land of the whole world is being transferred to the working people and the factories und banks all over the world are being placed under the control of the world proletariat,
- that immediate and severe punishment is meted out to every single millionaire who conceals his wealth,
- when the poor in every country see and feel all this,
then, never again, world capitalist forces, no forces of world finance capital, no forces of countries' finance capital, no force of exploiters in the countries which manipulates millions of millions, will tantalize the peoples,
then, the socialist world revolution will triumph all over the world and shall mature in all countries.