The Strategy and Tactics of the

Socialist World Revolution



General - Line


of the Communist International (Marxist-Leninists)


First German version, published in 2001/02


improved English version, published in 2011




CHAPTER II




The proletarian socialist world revolution


- definition of the proletarian socialist world revolution

- world revolution and negation of the negation

- world revolution and revolution of the single countries

- world revolution and international counter-revolution

- break-through of the weakest chain-link of the imperialist chain

- the creation of the world revolutionary chain of socialism

- world revolution and Lenin 's teachings on the imperialism as the highest stage of capitalism

- world revolution and the role of the global masses; the role of the workers' -, peasants' - and soldiers' Soviets; the role of the Marxist-Leninist party

- world revolution and Lenin' s teachings on the state

( hint: To study the theory of world revolution in detail, please look at this article:)

LENINISM - AN INFALLIBLE SIGNPOST FOR THE WORLD REVOLUTION”







Definition

of the proletarian socialist world revolution



What is the world-proletarian socialist revolution?

What are its bases and how does it differ from any other revolution?

What are the essential characteristics, requirements and conditions of the proletarian socialist world revolution?

As Marxist-Leninists, we do everything possible to prepare the world revolution. What is to be done ? How can we lead it to victory and - most importantly - how can we ensure its victory? First of all, we deal with the theoretical side of this definition.

The particular question of the practical application of the proletarian socialist world revolution will be defined later in the chapter entitled "Strategy and Tactics of the Comintern (ML)."

We speak about the term "Bolshevik world revolution" in regard of the Bolshevist theory and tactics.

Bolshevism has become the world-wide theory and tactics of the international proletariat.”

(Lenin, Volume 28, page 116, English edition, October 1918)

With this term we want to express that the coming proletarian socialist revolution has its origins and historical roots in the October Revolution of 1917.

The proletarian socialist world revolution bears a clearly Bolshevik character, the character of

the victorious theory and tactics of the Bolsheviks created by Lenin and Stalin. Bolshevism is an international theory and tactics, valid and inevitable for the whole world proletariat under present conditions of capitalism's globalisation.

The term "Bolshevik world revolution" is chosen by the Comintern (ML) because the proletarian, socialist world revolution is indeed the continuation and completion of the international victory of the October Revolution.

There can be no boundary line between the victories of the October Revolution and the victories of the international socialist revolution”

(Lenin, Volume 27, page 511, English edition July 1918)


Definition:

The world proletarian socialist revolution ...

.... is the violent, armed overthrow of the bourgeois capitalist world and the complete destruction of its oppressive and exploitive system. It is led by the world proletariat and its Communist International. The basic purpose is to break the chains of the world's productive forces from their imperialist relations of world production – by means of global expropriation of private property at the global means of production. To realize this purpose - and to resist the danger of restoration of world capitalism - , the world proletariat establishes its own armed dictatorship, and creates a global superstructure of the own world socialist system - by support of the alliance with the poor peasants.

The proletarian socialist world revolution is the most directly and shortest way to overcome world capitalism and to pave the way towards world socialism. The era of the world proletarian dictatorship is unavoidable for the whole transition-period between world capitalism and world communism - the future era of the classless world community. The proletarian, socialist world revolution makes possible the guarantee of the preventability of capitalist restoration - but its complete inevitability can still not be removed. This is guaranteed in the future communist world society - only then.


We believe in the proletarian, socialist world revolution, because it will inevitably come. Our whole political thinking and action, our entire devotional work, the only meaning and purpose of the Comintern (ML) is concentrated on the one and only goal:

the victory of the proletarian, socialist world revolution: the removal of the exploitation and oppression of man by man.

With the proletarian socialist world revolution, mankind knocks at the door of world communism. The world revolution is the greatest, most decisive, most complicated, most difficult and most selfless step of mankind' s history for leaving the old class-societies of exploitation and oppression, to go through the gate of the realm of freedom, to reach world socialism as the first stage of communism, where everybody can emancipate and associate himself with a new world-community of prosperity, welfare and human benevolence.

The world 's greatest movement for liberation of the oppressed class, the most revolutionary class in history, is impossible without a revolutionary theory. That theory cannot be thought up. It grows out of the sum total of the revolutionary experience and the revolutionary thinking of all countries in the world. The demand that socialism should become “rebellious” is full of profound content and is the sole correct thought, without which all talk about internationalism, the revolutionary spirit, and Marxism is sheer stupidity, and, as often as not, hypocrisy” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 21, pages 354 and 355, English edition).

Guided by the fundamental tenets of Marxist theory of revolution, by the Leninist scientific theory of the world revolution which is valid for the entire epoch of imperialism - we created the foundation of our general-line.

We understand the world revolutionary movement dialectically, as a single, complicated, complex process.

We analyze the role and characteristics of the driving forces of world revolution and the interaction of its main currents, and we create the theoretical basis for the consolidation of unity, the reinforcement and strengthening of the interaction between all the main currents of the world revolutionary process.

We analyze the conditions and prerequisites for a revolutionary situation as a dialectical unity of objective and subjective factors, not just in individual countries, but also and primarily on a global scale.

We worked out not alone the strategy and tactics of the preparation, implementation and validation of the world proletarian revolution in regard of the moment of the overthrow, but, simultaneously we draw our attention to its further wide-ranging applicability and its special functions for paving the way towards world socialism.

For promoting the maturation, the speed, flexibility and penetrating power of the world revolution in the breadth and depth ( optimally, effectively and sustainably ), the world proletariat needs the support of the Comintern (ML) which scientifically further develops the world-revolutionary theory - on the amount of our time and regarding the given and changing conditions.

Dialectical materialism is the key with which we get insight in the global historical events, with which we get answers about the whys and wherefores of different processes of the international class struggles and their global coherence and general significance for the world revolutionary process on the whole, in order to get a better understanding of the universal development of the world revolution.

We base our world revolutionary theory on the knowledge of the world-economic laws of mankind's development. The inevitability of the proletarian, socialist world revolution is based on the objective validity of economic laws of world-society's development. The material presupposition are given for its outburst, by now. Today, we Marxist-Leninists are well grounded in the needed knowledges of both the economical laws of world capitalism and world socialism - thanks to the teachings of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism. We have the Marxist theory of the political economy of capitalism; we have the Leninist theory of "Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism"; we have the Stalinist theory of the "economics of socialism in the USSR" and we have the Hoxhaist theory of socialism 's economy under conditions of the encirclement of the capitalist-revisionist world and experiences in our struggle against restored capitalism, we have Enver Hoxha' s "imperialism and revolution" - just to take it as an example. We have valuable experiences about socialism 's construction. Socialism is ripe to be established on a global scale - immediately, directly and without any transition-stages between world dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and world dictatorship of the proletariat. Yes, time is ripe for the proletarian, socialist world-revolution and the era of world socialism can begin - the world proletariat has all material means at its disposal which it needs. However, if the economic base of capitalist society has been exhausted, it will not fall like a ripe fruit into the lap of the new socialist society. The capitalist relations of world production do not change themselves (spontaneously) into socialist relations of world production.

This takes place in a revolutionary upheaval, in the ultimate process of increasing class-struggle, in a civil world war between the world bourgeoisie and the world proletariat to the bitter end, which will end with the defeat of the world bourgeoisie and the victory of the world proletariat. With the defeat of the world bourgeoisie begins the era of the world dictatorship of the proletariat which is as long in force as the class-society is completely abolished. With Kautsky 's mechanistic "theory of productive forces" the leading role of the Communist Party would become superfluous. The world proletariat would be doomed to wait, until the "productive forces are so far developed." This economism expresses the revisionist lagging-policy behind the spontaneous workers' movement, which inevitably leads to the restoration of world capitalism. Only the proletarian, socialist world revolution paves the way for the world socialist economy. The world-socialist economy does not develop itself spontaneously. It will be realised by means of the global five-year plan of the Communist International. While we can not abrogate the objective economic laws, not even the world revolution, because they are independent of the will of the people, but we can create conditions which bring forward and speed up the revolutionary processes. With the world revolution, the world proletariat chooses the shortest and safest way to world socialism, it can avoid the dangers of the restoration of capitalism and save itself a lot of failures and blind alleys - and above all unnecessary repetitions of abortive attempts. There is a proletarian world-party for that.

However, there are no absolute guarantees for the victory of world revolution, and there was also no guarantee for the spreading of the October Revolution to Western Europe to Asia, South-Eastern Europe or anywhere else. This has proven the history of communism.

Imperialism tore down national barriers and developed the productive world forces globally, however, imperialism also enchained the social character of the forces of production by private exploitation by means of the capitalist relations of production, destroys the productive forces in the quest for new maximum profit. As Stalin defined the basic economic law of modern capitalism:

Capitalism is in favour of new techniques when they promise it the highest profit. Capitalism is against new techniques, and for resort to hand labour, when the new techniques do not promise the highest profit.

That is how matters stand with the basic economic law of modern capitalism. The main features and requirements of the basic economic law of modern capitalism might be formulated roughly, in this way: the securing of the maximum capitalist profit through the exploitation, ruin and impoverishment of the majority of the population of the given country, through the enslavement and systematic robbery of the peoples of other countries, especially backward countries, and, lastly, through wars and militarization of the national economy, which are utilized for the obtaining of the highest profits.

It is said that the average profit might nevertheless be regarded as quite sufficient for capitalist development under modern conditions. That is not true. The average profit is the lowest point of profitableness, below which capitalist production becomes impossible. But it would be absurd to think that, in seizing colonies, subjugating peoples and engineering wars, the magnates of modern monopoly capital-ism are striving to secure only the average profit. No, it is not the average profit, nor yet super-profit - which, as a rule, represents only a slight addition to the average profit - but precisely the maximum profit that is the motor of monopoly capitalism. It is precisely the necessity of securing the maximum profits that drives monopoly capitalism to such risky undertakings as the enslavement and systematic plunder of colonies and other backward countries, the conversion of a number of independent countries into dependent countries, the organization of new wars - which to the magnates of modern capitalism is the "business" best adapted to the extraction of the maximum profit - and, lastly, attempts to win world economic supremacy” (Stalin, “Economic Problems of the USSR” - 7. The Basic Economic Laws of Modern Capitalism and of Socialism, 1952).


Socialism "in one country," shook the rule of world imperialism to the core, created bright conditions for its global demise, but on this stage of its development socialism could not yet abolish global capitalism without the world revolution. Under the conditions of the fast decay process as the spreading of the entire world capitalism in particular the rapid process of disintegration of social imperialism, under the conditions of his mature terminal stage, the world revolution is objectively overripe for its outburst.

Lenin defined 85 years ago (!) The epoch of imperialism as "the eve of the proletarian socialist revolution" and Lenin taught

... that the era of the world proletarian, communist revolution has begun.” (Lenin, Volume 29, page 100, English edition, February 1919).

In 1917, in his article, "Can the Bolsheviks Retain State Power", Lenin said:

Now that the immense4 experience of the advanced countries has accumulated a stock of engineering marvels, the employment of which is being hindered by capitalism, now that the class-conscious workers have built up a party of a quarter of a million members to systematically lay hold of this apparatus and set in in motion with the support of all the working and exploited people – now that these conditions exist , no power on earth can prevent the Bolsheviks, if they do not allow themselves to be scared and if they succeed in taking power, from retaining it until the triumph of the world socialist revolution” (Lenin, Volume 26, page 130).

And the Bolsheviks were also not scared of Kautsky 's bugaboo of "ultra-imperialism". Lenin has disproved the renegade 's thesis of the so-called 'peaceful survival' of capitalism, the gliding of imperialism into "ultra-imperialism", the illusion of the prolongation of imperialism 's life. Though, we Communists had also to notice that the struggle of survival of imperialism turned out to be not only very tough, world imperialism also had the power to transform socialism to capitalism, into social-imperialism, but Kautskyism has never established any proof of the real existing “ultra-imperialism”. Kautsky 's modern followers are defenders of the "renaissance" of the theory of "ultra-imperialism". They became already the next second most powerful superpower - hoping to be on the fast lane to outdistance world imperialism on the "left" lane and world socialism on the right lane. This dream of the Neo-Krushchevites and Neo-Brezhnevites in today's Russia, the dream of the labour aristocracy, is over before it began, and also in China, that dream is like a soap bubble to burst. The proletarian, socialist world revolution decides on the destiny of world capitalism or world socialism, in between there is no place. World imperialism can be integrated into world socialism just as little as, vice versa, world socialism into world imperialism. It is the destiny of world imperialism to abdicate and to make room for world socialism. And this destiny will be sealed by the proletarian, socialist world revolution. This whole course of development does not refute Marxism-Leninism, but rather confirm it, confirms Lenin, how the laws of imperialism take effect. We will fight as Leninists against the revisionists for the victory of the world revolution - to forestall the restoration of world capitalism - so that socialist history in "one" country does not repeat itself on a global scale. We were given a bitter defeat, but we got ​​valuable lessons, which we take to heart and which shall help us to pave the way to the second Stage of socialism, to "international socialism" - this time more thorough, safer and faster.

We shall protect all the newly planted world-socialist countries from revisionist germs and revisionist poisoners, who can draw upon many years of experience of the former degeneration of the "people's democracies" and the revisionist degeneration of the former socialist camp. We shall fight against reconciliatory putrefactive. We shall fight against all the new upcoming packs of hyenas which try to descend on the achievements of the proletarian, socialist world revolution. We lean on Enver Hoxha and Stalin who achieved socialism in an optimal way under the then given different historical conditions, and who developed socialism to a great international force which caused to the world imperialists a lot of headache and heartburn. The world bourgeoisie is not afraid of "terrorism", but fears the proletarian, socialist world revolution which is defined to be "terror-driven", to deceive the masses, and to inhibit them of communism.

Lenin wrote:

Now that this epoch has most definitely arrived, Kautsky once again swears to be a Marxist in the coming epoch of ultra-imperialism, which may or may not arrive! In short, any number of promises to be a Marxist in another epoch, not now, not under present conditions, not in this epoch! Marxism on credit, Marxism in promises, Marxism tomorrow, a petty-bourgeois, opportunist theory - and not only a theory - of blunting contradictions today. This is something like the internationalism for export which is very popular today with ardent—oh, so ardent!—internationalists and Marxists who sympathise with every manifestation of internationalism - in the enemy camp, anywhere, but not at home, not among their allies (…)

Can it be denied, however, that a new phase of capitalism is “imaginable” in the abstract after imperialism, namely, ultra-imperialism? No, it cannot. Such a phase can be imagined. But in practice this means becoming an opportunist, turning away from the acute problems of the day to dream of the unacute problems of the future. In theory this means refusing to be guided by actual developments, forsaking them arbitrarily for such dreams. There is no doubt that the trend of development is towards a single world trust absorbing all enterprises without exception and all states without exception. But this development proceeds in such circumstances, at such a pace, through such contradictions, conflicts and upheavals—not only economic but political, national, etc.—that inevitably imperialism will burst and capitalism will be transformed into its opposite long before one world trust materialises, before the “ultra-imperialist”, world-wide amalgamation of national finance capitals takes place” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 22, page 107, English edition)

Therefore, 'inter-imperialist' or 'ultra-imperialist' alliances, no matter what form they may assume, whether of one imperialist coalition against another, or of a general alliance embracing all the imperialist powers, are inevitably nothing more than a 'truce' in periods between wars, and in their turn grow out of wars; the one conditions the other, producing alternating forms of peaceful and non-peaceful struggle on one and the same basis of imperialist connections and relations within world economics and world politics” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 22, page 295, English version; “ Imperialism, the highest stage of capitalism”).

We can read in the Programme of the Communist International – 1928, paragraph I, chapter 4, IMPERIALISM AND THE DOWNFALL OF CAPITALISM:

Being the highest phase of capitalist development, imperialism, expanding the productive forces of world economy to enormous dimensions, and re-fashioning the whole world after its own image, draws within the orbit of finance capitalist exploitation all colonies, all races and all nations. At the same time, however, the monopolist form of capital develops increasingly the elements of parasitical degeneration, decay and decline within capitalism. In destroying, to some extent, the driving force of competition, by conducting a policy of cartel prices, and by having undivided mastery of the market, monopoly capital reveals a tendency to retard the further development of the forces of production. In squeezing enormous sums of surplus profit out of the millions of colonial workers and peasants and in accumulating colossal incomes from this exploitation, imperialism is creating a type of decaying and parasitically degenerate rentier-class, as well as whole strata of parasites who live by clipping coupons. In completing the process of creating the material pre-requisites for socialism (the concentration of means of production, the enormous socialisation of labour, the growth of labour organisations), the epoch of imperialism intensifies the antagonisms among the “Great Powers” and gives rise to wars which cause the break-up of its single world economy. Imperialism is therefore capitalism moribund and decaying. It is the final stage of development of the capitalist system. It is the threshold of world social revolution.”


On one side were the objective conditions for revolution the world has never matured as they are today. But on the other side were the subjective factors never been weaker than today, caused by the influence of anti-communism in general and in particular revisionism. Despite - or perhaps because of - the urgent task of the world revolution, we Marxist-Leninists of today bear tremendous responsibility. We can't go on like this, cannot struggle in self-isolation. We have to rebuild the Comintern unconditionally and to organize our struggle on the basis of a world-revolutionary general-line which is obligatory for all Marxist-Leninists over the world.

Otherwise we would be steamrolled by the waves of revolution and we would lag behind the masses, helplessly.

As Lenin taught us: There is no world-revolutionary movement without world revolutionary theory. And die world-revolutionary theory cannot be put into practice without a general-line.

The freedom of humanity presupposes the insight in its necessity. The liberation of humanity from the world imperialism requires not only insight into the necessity of world revolution, but above all to promote and prepare its realization. The ABC of proletarian internationalism, as Lenin stressed, is the participation of the world proletariat at the preparation, propagation and acceleration of the proletarian world revolution ! If the masses will be gripped by the idea of the world revolution, they will consequently take up arms to smash down world imperialism.

The oppressed and exploited of the world are invincible - invincible is the proletarian, socialist world revolution.

Marxism-Leninism shall not die together with the revisionism however live further in the fight against revisionism, namely as long as all Marxist-Leninists of the world take part in the continuation of the further advancement and application of the world revolutionary theory, as long as we are waging a ruthless fight against all its revisionist disfigurements. Without our further development of the theory of world revolution, we can not change the world on the revolutionary way. Instead, some opportunistic alleged "world revolutionary theories" will spread to take their influence within the working world movement.


It is the great world-historical merit of the 5 classics that they have shown the conjoint role, the collective tasks and the common mission of the proletarians of all countries: to rise as the first for the revolutionary struggle against capitalism, and to unite all the toilers and exploited in this struggle.

The general-line is based on the universal tenets of Marxist-Leninist theory of revolution, which are summarized in the following classic quotes:




Some essential Quotes

of the classic Marxist-Leninist

theory of the revolution


Stalin:

Marxism is the science of the laws governing the development of nature and society, the science of the revolution of the oppressed and exploited masses, the science of the victory of socialism in all countries, the science of building communist society” ( Marxism and Problems of Linguistics, by J.V. Stalin ; published in the June 20, July 4, and August 2, 1950 issues of Pravda).

Stalin:

Concerning questions of Leninism

The definition of Leninism:

Leninism is Marxism of the era of imperialism and the proletarian revolution. To be more exact, Leninism is the theory and tactics of the proletarian revolution in general, the theory and tactics of the dictatorship of the proletariat in particular.” (Stalin, Works, Vol. 8, January-November, 1926, pp. 13

Enver Hoxha:

That phenomenon of the time of Lenin, when the break - away from the Second International was followed by the creation of new Marxist-Leninist parties, is taking place today. The revisionist betrayal has brought about the setting up and strengthening of genuine communist parties, as it is bound to do, everywhere, and these parties have taken up and raised high the banner of Marxism-Leninism and the revolution, which the revisionists have rejected and trampled in the mud. On them devolves the burden of opposing the glorious Leninist strategy of the revolution, the great theory of Marxism-Leninism to the global strategy of world imperialism and revisionism. On them devolves the burden of making the masses fully conscious of the objectives and the right road of the struggle and the sacrifices it demands, of uniting, organizing, guiding and leading them to victory (Enver Hoxha, Imperialism and Revolution”, April 1978, English version).

At its 7th Congress, our Party exposed all the different revisionist currents, including the Chinese theory of “three worlds”. Stressing the vital importance of Marxism-Leninism for the triumph of the revolution, socialism and the liberation of the peoples, it resolutely rejected the bourgeois-opportunist theses and views on the present stage of the world historical process, which repudiate the revolution and defend capitalist exploitation, and emphasized strongly that no change in the evolution of capitalism and imperialism justifies the revisionist ”inventions” and fabrications. Principled criticism and ceaseless exposure of the anti-revolutionary and anti-communist theories are absolutely necessary to defend Marxism-Leninism, to carry forward the cause of the revolution and the peoples, to demonstrate that the theory of Marx Engels, Lenin and Stalin is always young, and remains the unerring guide to future victories.”

The task of our Party, and of all the genuine communists of the world, is to fight with dedication to defend our Marxist-Leninist theory and cleanse it of all the distortions which the bourgeoisie, the modern revisionists and all opportunists and traitors make of it.

Marxism-Leninism is the triumphant ideology. He who embraces, defends and develops it, is a member of the glorious army of the revolution, of that great and invincible army of genuine communists, who are leading the proletariat and all the oppressed to transform the world, to destroy capitalism and to build the new world, the socialist world(Enver Hoxha, “Imperialism and Revolution”, Tirana 1979).

Lenin:

Just as the bourgeoisie will not die until it is overthrown, a trend nurtured and supported by the bourgeoisie, and expressing the interests of a small group of intellectuals and members of the labour aristocracy that have joined hands with the bourgeoisie, will not die unless it is 'killed', i.e., overthrown, deprived of all influence on the socialist proletariat. This trend is strong in its links with the bourgeoisie. In such conditions, it is our duty, not only to 'blame', but to ring the tocsin, ruthlessly unmask, overthrow, and oust this parasitic stratum from their posts, and destroy their 'unity' with the working-class movement, because such 'unity' means, in practice, unity of the proletariat with the national bourgeoisie and a split in the international proletariat, the unity of lackeys and a split among the revolutionaries” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 21, pages 354 and 356, English edition).

Stalin:

Revolutions in the past usually ended by one group of exploiters at the helm of government being replaced by another group of exploiters. The exploiters changed, exploitation remained. Such was the case during the revolutions of the slaves, the revolutions of the serfs, the revolutions of the commercial and industrial bourgeoisie. The October Revolution differs from these revolutions in principle. Its aim is not to replace one form of exploitation by another form of exploitation, one group of exploiters by another group of exploiters, but to abolish all exploitation of man by man, to overthrow all groups of exploiters” (Stalin: “Synopsis of the Article 'The International Character of the October Revolution' “, October 1927; Works, Vol. 10, August - December, 1927)

With the proletarian socialist revolution the world imperialism topples, ends the last exploiting class society in the world, begins the abolition of the class society. The proletarian, socialist world revolution is an objective law of social development in human history that takes effect independently of human will.


Lenin:

In order to make a genuinely Marxist assessment of the revolution, from the standpoint of dialectical materialism, it has to be assessed as the struggle of live social forces, placed in particular objective conditions, acting in a particular way and applying with greater or less success particular forms of struggle. It is on the basis of such an analysis, and only on that basis of course, that it is appropriate and indeed essential for a Marxist to assess the technical side of the struggle, the technical questions which arise in its course” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 15, page 55, English edition).

The fundamental task of proletarian tactics was defined by Marx in strict conformity with all the postulates of his materialist-dialectical Weltanschauung . Only an objective consideration of the sum total of the relations between absolutely all the classes in a given society, and consequently a consideration of the objective stage of development reached by that society and of the relations between it and other societies, can serve as a basis for the correct tactics of an advanced class. At the same time, all classes and all countries are regarded, not statically, but dynamically, i.e., not in a state of immobility, but in motion (whose laws are determined by the economic conditions of existence of each class). Motion, in its turn, is regarded from the standpoint, not only of the past, but also of the future, and that not in the vulgar sense it is understood in by 'evolutionists', who see only slow changes, but dialectically: '...in developments of such magnitude twenty years are no more than a day,' Marx wrote to Engels, 'though later on there may come days in which twenty years are embodied' (Briefwechsel, Vol. 3,p. 127). At each stage of development, at each moment, proletarian tactics must take account of this objectively inevitable dialectics of human history, on the one hand, utilising the periods of political stagnation or of sluggish, so-called 'peaceful' development in order to develop the class-consciousness, strength and militancy of the advanced class, and, on the other hand, directing all the work of this utilisation towards the 'ultimate aim' of that class's advance, towards creating in it the ability to find practical solutions for great tasks in the great days, in which 'twenty years are embodied.' “(Lenin, “Karl Marx”; collected works, Volume 21, page 75, English edition).

Marx and Engels: “German Ideology” (1845):

History as a Continuous Process

In history up to the present it is certainly an empirical fact that separate individuals have, with the broadening of their activity into world-historical activity, become more and more enslaved under a power alien to them (a pressure which they have conceived of as a dirty trick on the part of the so-called universal spirit, etc.), a power which has become more and more enormous and, in the last instance, turns out to be the world market. But it is just as empirically established that, by the overthrow of the existing state of society by the communist revolution (of which more below) and the abolition of private property which is identical with it, this power, which so baffles the German theoreticians, will be dissolved; and that then the liberation of each single individual will be accomplished in the measure in which history becomes transformed into world history. From the above it is clear that the real intellectual wealth of the individual depends entirely on the wealth of his real connections. Only then will the separate individuals be liberated from the various national and local barriers, be brought into practical connection with the material and intellectual production of the whole world and be put in a position to acquire the capacity to enjoy this all-sided production of the whole earth (the creations of man). All-round dependence, this natural form of the world-historical co-operation of individuals, will be transformed by this communist revolution into the control and conscious mastery of these powers, which, born of the action of men on one another, have till now overawed and governed men as powers completely alien to them. Now this view can be expressed again in speculative-idealistic, i.e. fantastic, terms as “self-generation of the species” (“society as the subject”), and thereby the consecutive series of interrelated individuals connected with each other can be conceived as a single individual, which accomplishes the mystery of generating itself. It is clear here that individuals certainly make one another, physically and mentally, but do not make themselves.

This “alienation” (to use a term which will be comprehensible to the philosophers) can, of course, only be abolished given two practical premises. For it to become an “intolerable” power, i.e. a power against which men make a revolution, it must necessarily have rendered the great mass of humanity “propertyless,” and produced, at the same time, the contradiction of an existing world of wealth and culture, both of which conditions presuppose a great increase in productive power, a high degree of its development. And, on the other hand, this development of productive forces (which itself implies the actual empirical existence of men in their world-historical, instead of local, being) is an absolutely necessary practical premise because without it want is merely made general, and with destitution the struggle for necessities and all the old filthy business would necessarily be reproduced; and furthermore, because only with this universal development of productive forces is a universal intercourse between men established, which produces in all nations simultaneously the phenomenon of the “propertyless” mass (universal competition), makes each nation dependent on the revolutions of the others, and finally has put world-historical, empirically universal individuals in place of local ones. Without this,

(1) communism could only exist as a local event;

(2) the forces of intercourse themselves could not have developed as universal, hence intolerable powers: they would have remained home-bred conditions surrounded by superstition; and

(3) each extension of intercourse would abolish local communism. Empirically, communism is only possible as the act of the dominant peoples “all at once” and simultaneously, which presupposes the universal development of productive forces and the world intercourse bound up with communism. Moreover, the mass of propertyless workers – the utterly precarious position of labour – power on a mass scale cut off from capital or from even a limited satisfaction and, therefore, no longer merely temporarily deprived of work itself as a secure source of life – presupposes the world market through competition. The proletariat can thus only exist world-historically, just as communism, its activity, can only have a “world-historical” existence. World-historical existence of individuals means existence of individuals which is directly linked up with world history.

Communism is for us not a state of affairs which is to be established, an ideal to which reality [will] have to adjust itself. We call communism the real movement which abolishes the present state of things. The conditions of this movement result from the premises now in existence.” ( from Marx-Engels Collected Works, Volume 5; “German Ideology”, Part I: Feuerbach. Opposition of the Materialist and Idealist Outlook; A. Idealism and Materialism; History as a Continuous Process )

Marx and Engels:
The German ideology, Part I: Feuerbach. Opposition of the Materialist and Idealist Outlook; D. Proletarians and Communism; Individuals, Class, and Community [5. The Contradiction Between the Productive Forces and the Form of Intercourse as the Basis for Social Revolution]

This contradiction between the productive forces and the form of intercourse, which, as we saw, has occurred several times in past history, without, however, endangering the basis, necessarily on each occasion burst out in a revolution, taking on at the same time various subsidiary forms, such as all-embracing collisions, collisions of various classes, contradiction of consciousness, battle of ideas, etc., political conflict, etc. From a narrow point of view one may isolate one of these subsidiary forms and consider it as the basis of these revolutions; and this is all the more easy as the individuals who started the revolutions had illusions about their own activity according to their degree of culture and the stage of historical development.

Thus all collisions in history have their origin, according to our view, in the contradiction between the productive forces and the form of intercourse. Incidentally, to lead to collisions in a country, this contradiction need not necessarily have reached its extreme limit in this particular country. The competition with industrially more advanced countries, brought about by the expansion of international intercourse, is sufficient to produce a similar contradiction in countries with a backward industry”

The Necessity of the Communist Revolution

Finally, from the conception of history we have sketched we obtain these further conclusions:

(1) In the development of productive forces there comes a stage when productive forces and means of intercourse are brought into being, which, under the existing relationships, only cause mischief, and are no longer productive but destructive forces (machinery and money); and connected with this a class is called forth, which has to bear all the burdens of society without enjoying its advantages, which, ousted from society, is forced into the most decided antagonism to all other classes; a class which forms the majority of all members of society, and from which emanates the consciousness of the necessity of a fundamental revolution, the communist consciousness, which may, of course, arise among the other classes too through the contemplation of the situation of this class.

(2) The conditions under which definite productive forces can be applied are the conditions of the rule of a definite class of society, whose social power, deriving from its property, has its practical-idealistic expression in each case in the form of the State; and, therefore, every revolutionary struggle is directed against a class, which till then has been in power.

(3) In all revolutions up till now the mode of activity always remained unscathed and it was only a question of a different distribution of this activity, a new distribution of labour to other persons, whilst the communist revolution is directed against the preceding mode of activity, does away with labour, and abolishes the rule of all classes with the classes themselves, because it is carried through by the class which no longer counts as a class in society, is not recognised as a class, and is in itself the expression of the dissolution of all classes, nationalities, etc. within present society; and

(4) Both for the production on a mass scale of this communist consciousness, and for the success of the cause itself, the alteration of men on a mass scale is, necessary, an alteration which can only take place in a practical movement, a revolution; this revolution is necessary, therefore, not only because the ruling class cannot be overthrown in any other way, but also because the class overthrowing it can only in a revolution succeed in ridding itself of all the muck of ages and become fitted to found society anew.” ( MEW, Volume 5, English edition)

Engels:

Active social forces work exactly like natural forces: blindly, forcibly, destructively, so long as we do not understand, and reckon with, them. But, when once we understand them, when once we grasp their action, their direction, their effects, it depends only upon ourselves to subject them more and more to our own will, and, by means of them, to reach our own ends. And this holds quite especially of the mighty productive forces of today. As long as we obstinately refuse to understand the nature and the character of these social means of action — and this understanding goes against the grain of the capitalist mode of production, and its defenders — so long these forces are at work in spite of us, in opposition to us, so long they master us, as we have shown above in detail.

But when once their nature is understood, they can, in the hand working together, be transformed from master demons into willing servants. The difference is as that between the destructive force of electricity in the lightning in the storm, and electricity under command in the telegraph and the voltaic arc; the difference between a conflagration, and fire working in the service of man. With this recognition, at last, of the real nature of the productive forces of today, the social anarchy of production gives place to a social regulation of production upon a definite plan, according to the needs of the community and of each individual. Then the capitalist mode of appropriation, in which the product enslaves first the producer, and then the appropriator, is replaced by the mode of appropriation of the products that is based upon the nature of the modern means of production; upon the one hand, direct social appropriation, as means to the maintenance and extension of production — on the other, direct individual appropriation, as means of subsistence and of enjoyment.

Whilst the capitalist mode of production more and more completely transforms the great majority of the population into proletarians, it creates the power which, under penalty of its own destruction, is forced to accomplish this revolution. Whilst it forces on more and more of the transformation of the vast means of production, already socialized, into State property, it shows itself the way to accomplishing this revolution. The proletariat seizes political power and turns the means of production into State property.

With the seizing of the means of production by society, production of commodities is done away with, and, simultaneously, the mastery of the product over the producer. Anarchy in social production is replaced by systematic, definite organization. The struggle for individual existence disappears. Then, for the first time, man, in a certain sense, is finally marked off from the rest of the animal kingdom, and emerges from mere animal conditions of existence into really human ones. The whole sphere of the conditions of life which environ man, and which have hitherto ruled man, now comes under the dominion and control of man, who for the first time becomes the real, conscious lord of nature, because he has now become master of his own social organization. The laws of his own social action, hitherto standing face-to-face with man as laws of Nature foreign to, and dominating him, will then be used with full understanding, and so mastered by him. Man's own social organization, hitherto confronting him as a necessity imposed by Nature and history, now becomes the result of his own free action. The extraneous objective forces that have, hitherto, governed history,pass under the control of man himself. Only from that time will man himself, more and more consciously, make his own history — only from that time will the social causes set in movement by him have, in the main and in a constantly growing measure, the results intended by him. It is the ascent of man from the kingdom of necessity to the kingdom of freedom.

III. Proletarian Revolution — Solution of the contradictions. The proletariat seizes the public power, and by means of this transforms the socialized means of production, slipping from the hands of the bourgeoisie, into public property. By this act, the proletariat frees the means of production from the character of capital they have thus far borne, and gives their socialized character complete freedom to work itself out. Socialized production upon a predetermined plan becomes henceforth possible. The development of production makes the existence of different classes of society thenceforth an anachronism. In proportion as anarchy in social production vanishes, the political authority of the State dies out. Man, at last the master of his own form of social organization, becomes at the same time the lord over Nature, his own master — free.

To accomplish this act of universal emancipation is the historical mission of the modern proletariat. To thoroughly comprehend the historical conditions and this the very nature of this act, to impart to the now oppressed proletarian class a full knowledge of the conditions and of the meaning of the momentous act it is called upon to accomplish, this is the task of the theoretical expression of the proletarian movement, scientific Socialism.”

( Frederick Engels: Socialism: Utopian and Scientific, III [Historical Materialism], Volume 24, English edition).

Engels:

Under the capitalist mode of production, production reaches such a high level that society can no longer consume the means of life, enjoyment and development that have been produced, because for the great mass of producers access to these means is artificially and forcibly barred; and therefore every ten years a crisis restores the equilibrium by destroying not only the means of life, enjoyment and development that have been produced, but also a great part of the productive forces themselves. Hence the so-called struggle for existence assumes the form: to protect the products and productive forces produced by bourgeois capitalist society against the destructive, ravaging effect of this capitalist social order, by taking control of social production and distribution out of the hands of the ruling capitalist class, which has become incapable of this function, and transferring it to the producing masses – and that is the socialist revolution(Dialectics of Nature. Frederick Engels 1883, Notes and Fragments [The struggle for life]).

J. V. Stalin September 1938; Dialectical and Historical Materialism:

"Up to a certain period the development of the productive forces and the changes in the realm of the relations of production proceed spontaneously independently of the will of men. But that is so only up to a certain moment, until the new and developing productive forces have reached a proper state of maturity After the new productive forces have matured, the existing relations of production and their upholders – the ruling classes – become that "insuperable" obstacle which can only be removed by the conscious action of the new classes, by the forcible acts of these classes, by revolution. Here there stands out in bold relief the tremendous role of new social ideas, of new political institutions, of a new political power, whose mission it is to abolish by force the old relations of production. Out of the conflict between the new productive forces and the old relations of production, out of the new economic demands of society, there arise new social ideas; the new ideas organize and mobilize the masses; the masses become welded into a new political army, create a new revolutionary power, and make use of it to abolish by force the old system of relations of production, and to firmly establish the new system. The spontaneous process of development yields place to the conscious actions of men, peaceful development to violent upheaval, evolution to revolution.

"The proletariat," says Marx, "during its contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled, by the force of circumstances, to organize itself as a class...by means of a revolution, it makes itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps away by force the old conditions of production...." (Manifesto of the Communist Party, 1938, p. 52.)

And further:

"The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by degrees, all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralize all instruments of production in the hands of the State, i.e., of the proletariat organized as the ruling class; and to increase the total of productive forces as rapidly as possible." (Ibid., p. 50 )

"Force is the midwife of every old society pregnant with a new one." (Marx, Capital, Vol. I, 1955, p. 603.)

Here is the formulation – a formulation of genius – of the essence of historical materialism given by Marx in 1859 in his historic Preface to his famous book, A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy:

"In the social production of their life, men enter into definite relations that are indispensable and independent of their will, relations of production which correspond to a definite stage of development of their material productive forces. The sum total of these relations of production constitutes the economic structure of society, the real foundation, on which rises a legal and political superstructure and to which correspond definite forms of social consciousness. The mode of production of material life conditions the social, political and intellectual life process in general. It is not the consciousness of men that determines their being, but, on the contrary, their social being that determines their consciousness. At a certain stage of their development, the material productive forces of society come in conflict with the existing relations of production, or – what is but a legal expression for the same thing – with the property relations within which they have been at work hitherto. From forms of development of the productive forces these relations turn into their fetters. Then begins an epoch of social revolution. With the change of the economic foundation the entire immense superstructure is more or less rapidly transformed. In considering such transformations a distinction should always be made between the material transformation of the economic conditions of production, which can be determined with the precision of natural science, and the legal, political, religious, aesthetic or philosophic – in short, ideological forms in which men become conscious of this conflict and fight it out. Just as our opinion of an individual is not based on what he thinks of himself, so can we not judge of such a period of transformation by its own consciousness; on the contrary this consciousness must be explained rather from the contradictions of material life, from the existing conflict between the social productive forces and the relations of production. No social order ever perishes before all the productive forces for which there is room in it have developed; and new, higher relations of production never appear before the material conditions of their existence have matured in the womb of the old society itself. Therefore mankind always sets itself only such tasks as it can solve; since looking at the matter more closely, it will always be found that the task itself arises only when the material conditions for its solution already exist or are at least in the process of formation." (Marx, Selected Works, Vol. I, pp. 269-70.)

Marx:

As soon as this process of transformation has sufficiently decomposed the old society from top to bottom, as soon as the labourers are turned into proletarians, their means of labour into capital, as soon as the capitalist mode of production stands on its own feet, then the further socialization of labour and further transformation of the land and other means of production into socially exploited and, therefore, common means of production, as well as the further expropriation of private proprietors, takes a new form. That which is now to be expropriated is no longer the labourer working for himself, but the capitalist exploiting many labourers. This expropriation is accomplished by the action of the immanent laws of capitalistic production itself, by the centralization of capital. One capitalist always kills many. Hand in hand with this centralization, or this expropriation of many capitalists by few, develop, on an ever-extending scale, the cooperative form of the labour process, the conscious technical application of science, the methodical cultivation of the soil, the transformation of the instruments of labour into instruments of labour only usable in common, the economizing of all means of production by their use as means of production of combined, socialized labour, the entanglement of all peoples in the net of the world market, and with this, the international character of the capitalistic regime. Along with the constantly diminishing number of the magnates of capital, who usurp and monopolize all advantages of this process of transformation, grows the mass of misery, oppression, slavery, degradation, exploitation; but with this too grows the revolt of the working class, a class always increasing in numbers, and disciplined, united, organized by the very mechanism of the process of capitalist production itself. The monopoly of capital becomes a fetter upon the mode of production, which has sprung up and flourished along with, and under it. Centralization of the means of production and socialization of labour at last reach a point where they become incompatible with their capitalist integument. This integument is burst asunder. The knell of capitalist private property sounds. The expropriators are expropriated.” (K. Marx, “Das Kapital”, Marx-Engels Werke (MEW), Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1956--, vol. 23, p. 791)

The perspective of world revolution - the mightiest revolution of all time - becomes visible by studying the materialistic conception of history and its application to the present conditions of globalization.

The proletariat plays a role not only in world history as the gravedigger of the old world, but as builders of the new socialist world.

What Marx and Engels in The Communist Manifesto formulated, basically applies to the present conditions on a global scale. Capitalism has proven incapable to solve the present and future problems of mankind. The ruling order of the world lost its footing, and the more it tries to get out of the mess all the deeper it slides into the next crises:

Marx/Engels, “Manifesto of the Communist Party”:

The advance of industry, whose involuntary promoter is the bourgeoisie, replaces the isolation of the labourers, due to competition, by their revolutionary combination, due to association. The development of Modern Industry, therefore, cuts from under its feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie produces and appropriates products. What the bourgeoisie, therefore, produces, above all, are its own grave-diggers. Its fall and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable....

Of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie today, the proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class. The other classes decay and finally disappear in the face of Modern Industry; the proletariat is its special and essential product.

All the preceding classes that got the upper hand sought to fortify their already acquired status by subjecting society at large to their conditions of appropriation. The proletarians cannot become masters of the productive forces of society, except by abolishing their own previous mode of appropriation, and thereby also every other previous mode of appropriation. They have nothing of their own to secure and to fortify; their mission is to destroy all previous securities for, and insurances of, individual property.

All previous historical movements were movements of minorities, or in the interest of minorities. The proletarian movement is the self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in the interest of the immense majority. The proletariat, the lowest stratum of our present society, cannot stir, cannot raise itself up, without the whole superincumbent strata of official society being sprung into the air.

In depicting the most general phases of the development of the proletariat, we traced the more or less veiled civil war, raging within existing society, up to the point where that war breaks out into open revolution, and where the violent overthrow of the bourgeoisie lays the foundation for the sway of the proletariat.

The modern labourer, on the contrary, instead of rising with the process of industry, sinks deeper and deeper below the conditions of existence of his own class. He becomes a pauper, and pauperism develops more rapidly than population and wealth. And here it becomes evident, that the bourgeoisie is unfit any longer to be the ruling class in society, and to impose its conditions of existence upon society as an over-riding law. It is unfit to rule because it is incompetent to assure an existence to its slave within his slavery, because it cannot help letting him sink into such a state, that it has to feed him, instead of being fed by him. Society can no longer live under this bourgeoisie, in other words, its existence is no longer compatible with society.

The essential conditions for the existence and for the sway of the bourgeois class is the formation and augmentation of capital; the condition for capital is wage-labour. Wage-labour rests exclusively on competition between the labourers. The advance of industry, whose involuntary promoter is the bourgeoisie, replaces the isolation of the labourers, due to competition, by the revolutionary combination, due to association. The development of Modern Industry, therefore, cuts from under its feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie produces and appropriates products. What the bourgeoisie therefore produces, above all, are its own grave-diggers. Its fall and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable.

The Communist revolution is the most radical rupture with traditional property relations; no wonder that its development involved the most radical rupture with traditional ideas.

The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by degree, all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralise all instruments of production in the hands of the State, i.e., of the proletariat organised as the ruling class; and to increase the total productive forces as rapidly as possible.

When, in the course of development, class distinctions have disappeared, and all production has been concentrated in the hands of a vast association of the whole nation, the public power will lose its political character. Political power, properly so called, is merely the organised power of one class for oppressing another. If the proletariat during its contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled, by the force of circumstances, to organise itself as a class, if, by means of a revolution, it makes itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps away by force the old conditions of production, then it will, along with these conditions, have swept away the conditions for the existence of class antagonisms and of classes generally, and will thereby have abolished its own supremacy as a class.

In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and class antagonisms, we shall have an association, in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all.

The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communistic revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win. Working Men of All Countries, Unite!”

Marx/Engels Manifesto of the Communist Party, Selected Works, Vol. One, English edition).



The objective and historical tendency of capitalist accumulation, as Karl Marx had proved scientifically in the "Capital", leads inevitably to the final abolition of capitalist private ownership of the means of production. With the world revolution, we apply to this objective law. We direct our entire revolutionary action and aspiration to this historical necessity and task. We mobilize the revolutionary driving forces for the transformation of society. We harmonize the process of the world revolution with the objective laws of development of the world society to make it faster, better, deeper, safer, more thorough, etc., etc. - in the interest of the human progress.


Engels:

Because the condition of the workers of all countries is the same, because their interests are the same, their enemies the same, they must also fight together, they must oppose the brotherhood of the bourgeoisie of all nations with a brotherhood of the workers of all nations” ( Engels' Speech at the International Meeting held in London on November 29,1847 to mark the 17th Anniversary of the Polish Uprising of 1830; MECW Volume 6, p. 388 , English edition).


The unification and brotherhood of nations is a phrase on the lips of all parties today, especially those of bourgeois free traders. A certain kind of brotherhood does of course exist among the bourgeois classes of all nations. It is the brotherhood of the oppressors against the oppressed, of the exploiters against the exploited. Just as, despite the competition and conflicts existing between the members of the bourgeoisie, the bourgeois class of one country is united by brotherly ties against the proletariat of that country, so the bourgeois of all countries, despite their mutual conflicts and competition on the world market, are united by brotherly ties against the proletariat of all countries. For the peoples to be able truly to unite, they must have common interests. And in order that their interests may become common, the existing property relations must be done away with, for these property relations involve the exploitation of some nations by others: the abolition of existing property relations is the concern only of the working class. It alone has also the means for doing this. The victory of the proletariat over the bourgeoisie is, at the same time, victory over the national and industrial conflicts which today range the peoples of the various countries against one another in hostility and enmity. And so the same time the he last to wish for its restoration. (…) But the loss of the old society is no loss for those who have nothing to lose in the old society, and this is the case of the great majority in all countries at the present time. They have rather everything to gain by the downfall of the old society, which is the condition for the establishment of a new society, one no longer based on class antagonisms” ( Marx' Speech at the International Meeting held in London on November 29,1847 to mark the 17th Anniversary of the Polish Uprising of 1830; MECW Volume 6, p. 388 , English edition).



Lenin

characterized the features of the proletarian revolution as follows (quotation from Stalin, Concerning questions of Leninism; IV THE PROLETARIAN REVOLUTION AND THE DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT:

The second enormous difficulty . . . was the international question. The reason why we were able to cope so easily with Kerensky’s gangs, why we so easily established our power and without the slightest difficulty passed the decrees on the socialisation of the land and on workers’ control, the reason why we achieved all this so easily was only that a fortunate combination of circumstances protected us for a short time from international imperialism. International imperialism, with the entire might of its capital, with its highly organised military technique, which is a real force, a real fortress of international capital, could in no case, under no circumstances, live side by side with the Soviet Republic, both because of its objective position and because of the economic interests of the capitalist class which is embodied in it—it could not do so because of commercial connections, of international financial relations. In this sphere a conflict is inevitable. Therein lies the greatest difficulty of the Russian revolution, its greatest historical problem: the necessity of solving the international tasks, the necessity of calling forth an international revolution” (see Vol. XXII, p. 317).

Such is the intrinsic character and the basic meaning of the proletarian revolution.

Can such a radical transformation of the old bourgeois order be achieved without a violent revolution, without the dictatorship of the proletariat?

Obviously not. To think that such a revolution can be carried out peacefully, within the framework of bourgeois democracy, which is adapted to the rule of the bourgeoisie, means that one has either gone out of one’s mind and lost normal human understanding, or has grossly and openly repudiated the proletarian revolution.

This thesis must be emphasised all the more strongly and categorically for the reason that we are dealing with the proletarian revolution which for the time being has triumphed only in one country, a country which is surrounded by hostile capitalist countries and the bourgeoisie of which cannot fail to receive the support of international capital.

That is why Lenin says that:

The emancipation of the oppressed class is impossible not only without a violent revolution, but also without the destruction of the apparatus of state power which was created by the ruling class” (see Vol. XXI, p. 373).

First let the majority of the population, while private property still exists, i.e., while the rule and yoke of capital still exists, express themselves in favour of the party of the proletariat, and only then can and should the party take power—so say the petty-bourgeois democrats who call themselves ‘Socialists’ but who are in reality the servitors of the bourgeoisie(see Vol. XXIV, p. 647).

We say: Let the revolutionary proletariat first overthrow the bourgeoisie, break the yoke of capital, and smash the bourgeois state apparatus, then the victorious proletariat will be able rapidly to gain the sympathy and support of the majority of the toiling non-proletarian masses by satisfying their needs at the expense of the exploiters” (ibid.).

In order to win the majority of the population to its side,” Lenin says further, “the proletariat must, in the first place, overthrow the bourgeoisie and seize state power; secondly, it must introduce Soviet power and smash the old state apparatus to bits, whereby it immediately undermines the rule, prestige and influence of the bourgeoisie and petty-bourgeois compromisers over the non-proletarian toiling masses. Thirdly, it must entirely destroy the influence of the bourgeoisie and petty-bourgeois compromisers over the majority of the non-proletarian toiling masses by satisfying their economic needs in a revolutionary way at the expense of the exploiters(ibid., p. 641).

Such are the characteristic features of the proletarian revolution.

What, in this connection, are the main features of the dictatorship of the proletariat, once it is admitted that the dictatorship of the proletariat is the basic content of the proletarian revolution?

Here is the most general definition of the dictatorship of the proletariat given by Lenin:

The dictatorship of the proletariat is not the end of the class struggle, but its continuation in new forms. The dictatorship of the proletariat is the class struggle of the proletariat, which has won victory and has seized political power, against the bourgeoisie, which although vanquished has not been annihilated, has not disappeared, has not ceased its resistance, has increased its resistance” (see Vol. XXIV, p. 311).


Enver Hoxha:

    »Of course, the world revolution will not break out within a day, and it will not be won within a day. The struggle will be long and difficult, will claim many victims, however the idea of the revolution and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat shall come up in the world, impetuously. « (Enver Hoxha, »25 Years of struggle and victory on the way towards socialism“, Tirana 1970, page 83, translation from German edition).



    These were some of the key quotes about the Marxist-Leninist theory of revolution. As part of the general-line we have limited ourselves to the most essential ones, because the theory of revolution can be assumed to be known or be studied extensively in the works of the five classics of Marxism-Leninism.










World Revolution

and Negation of the Negation



In the modern ideology of the world bourgeoisie the law of negation means “abrogation” of socialism – “the wipe-out” of socialism in history and the “invincibility” of the ruling capitalist world order. At the very least, this is what the bourgeoisie likes to make the proletariat believe. However, from the standpoint of the world proletariat, socialism cannot be wiped out from history. Socialism' s further development is based on axiomatic, objective laws of the social-economic development of mankind.

The dialectical materialism, particularly the law of negation of negation, means integration of former elements of socialism in 'one' country into the future globalised socialist world-system, however, on a higher qualitative level. Globalisation of socialism goes in spirals. Returning to the initial point of “socialism in 'one' country” is returning to a higher form, but differing in its wealth of content, in its inner structure. In this dialectical sense, the Comintern (ML) speaks about globalised socialism as the “rebirth” or “renaissance” of socialism 'in one' country; is the recovery, the regeneration, the renewal, the restoration of socialism on a global stage.

Today, this is one of the key findings from the history of socialism and a unchallengeable new theoretical foundations of Marxism-Leninism. This is the result of the further development of Marxism-Leninism worked out by the Comintern (ML). This world-historical discovery is the quintessence of our general-line. It is the general-line of the further development of socialism on a global stage.

The negation of negation of the revisionist restoration of capitalism is the Marxist-Leninist restoration of socialism on a global scale. The restoration of the capitalist mode of appropriation as the result of the restored capitalist mode of production, restored the private property in the Soviet-Union and in Albania. Meanwhile restored capitalism is integrated in globalised capitalism. The negation of negation teaches that capitalism is only a transitional class-society between feudalism and socialism, and capitalism cannot withdraw from the inevitability of its demise ( the inevitability of the transition of antagonistic antipodes into their contrary).

Stalin emphasised in: Marxism and Problems of Linguistics”, published in the June 20, July 4, and August 2, 1950 issues of Pravda).:

Marxism does not recognize invariable conclusions and formulas, obligatory for all epochs and periods. Marxism is the enemy of all dogmatism” ( inclusively, the dogmatism of the capitalist world).

The antagonism of the contradiction between capitalism and socialism globalised by means of the contradiction between proletariat and bourgeoisie – and according to this development – the qualitative leap for the solution of this contradiction can only be a globalised socialist revolution. Socialism, with its inexorability of a law of Nature follows its own negation. The old type of socialism 'in one' country cannot survive any more in the present period of the globalisation of capitalism. However, in spite of this, every former socialist country gets back its socialist property. This time however, through the proletarian world revolution which marks the beginning of the global acquisition of capitalism. The construction of socialist world-economy will prospectively be based on the ensemble of all globally socialised means of production. The negation of the law of the globalisation of capitalist appropriation is the law of the globalised expropriation of private, capitalist property.


The globalised economic structure of capitalist society has emerged from the national economic structure of individual capitalist countries – emanated from feudalism' overthrow. The globalization trend - in comparison with the national trends - has become the dominant trend in world economic development (globalisation is a law of negation of capitalist nations). Given this fact, it is clear that the old economic structures of socialism "in one" country were not transformable into the needed global structures ( law of the negation of the type of socialism 'in one' country). Latest with the destruction of the Stalinist world socialist camp by the modern revisionists and with the help of imperialism, this development of globalised socialism was curtailed. Henceforward, Albanian economy was faced by the economic power of the whole capitalist-revisionist world. Only by the proletarian, socialist world revolution the world proletariat will be able to remove the global capitalist relations of production and replace it by socialist relations of production - not by socialist relations of production from the old type of socialism 'in one' country, but by globalising socialist relations of production, namely in all socialist countries of the world.


Let 's have a look at Marx ' “Das Kapital”:

The capitalist mode of appropriation, the result of the capitalist mode of production, produces capitalist private property. This is the first negation of individual private property, as founded on the labour of the proprietor. But capitalist production begets, with the inexorability of a law of Nature, its own negation. It is the negation of negation. This does not re-establish private property for the producer, but gives him individual property based on the acquisition of the capitalist era: i.e., on cooperation and the possession in common of the land and of the means of production. (K. Marx, “Das Kapital”, Marx-Engels Werke (MEW), Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1956--, vol. 23, p. 791).


Engels wrote on “negation of negation”:

The true, natural, historical, and dialectical negation is (formally) the moving source of all development - the division into opposites, their struggle and resolution, and what is more, on the basis of experience gained, the original point is achieved again (partly in history, fully in thought), but at a higher stage.” ( F. Engels, Preparatory Materials for Anti-Dühring, Karl Mark Frederick Engels Collected Works, New York: International Publishers, 1976--, vol. 25, pp. 606-7 – underlined by the Comintern ML).


Thus the essence of the law of the negation of the negation, the essence of thesis, antithesis, and synthesis in the division of unity, in the struggle of opposites and in the resolution of this contradiction, that is, in the origin of new developmental tendencies. “Processes,” Engels wrote in Anti-Dühring,which have an antagonistic nature contain a contradiction inside them. The transformation of one extreme into its opposites and, finally, as the basis of everything, the negation of the negation” (F. Engels, Anti-Dühring, Karl Mark Frederick Engels Collected Works, New York: International Publishers, 1976-, vol. 25, pp. 130, or Herrn Eugen Dührings Umwälzung der Wissenschaft, Marx Engels Werke, Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1956--, vol. 20, p. 131).


Lenin wrote on Karl Marx” (collected works, Volume 21, page 54 – 55):

A development that repeats, as it were, stages that have already been passed, but repeats them in a different way, on a higher basis ('the negation of negation'),

a development, so to speak, that proceeds in spirals, not in a straight line;

a development by leaps, catastrophes, and revolutions; 'breaks in continuity';

the transformation of quantity into quality;

inner impulses towards development, imparted by the contradiction and conflict of the various forces and tendencies acting on a given body, or within a given phenomenon, or within a given society;

the independence and the closest and indissoluble connection between all aspects of any phenomenon (history constantly revealing ever new aspects), a connection that provides a uniform, and universal process of motion, one that follows definite laws – these are are some of the features of dialectics as a doctrine of development...”


Comrade Enver Hoxha defined the “three-world-theory” as a negation of the Marxist-Leninist theory:


The theory of 'three worlds' is in opposition to the theory of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin, or more exactly, is a negation of it. It is of no consequence to know who first invented the term the 'third world', who was the first to divide the world in three parts, but it is certain that Lenin did not make such a division, while the Communist Party of China claims paternity to it, asserting that Mao Tsetung invented the theory of 'three worlds'. If he is the author who first formulated this so-called theory, this is further evidence that Mao Tse-tung is not a Marxist. But even if he only adopted this theory from others, this, too, is proof enough that he is not a Marxist. (Enver Hoxha, “Imperialism and Revolution”).


Mao Tse-tung applied idealistically the dialectical method of the negation. His ideas "on the contradiction" led him to the counter-revolutionary "three-world-theory" which even deceives and fraudulent conceals the existence of socialism in Albania. However, by applying the law of negation to materialism, comrade Enver Hoxha taught us that the world proletariat and the Marxist-Leninists all over the world fulfil their task of proletarian internationalism. They give their support to the proletarians in the revisionist countries, to smash down the rule of the revisionist cliques and to raise the banner of the world revolution and socialism. The Marxist-Leninist struggle against restoration of capitalism and its revisionist ideology is not restricted on national borders, not limited in socialist countries (to avoid capitalist restoration) and revisionist countries (to destroy restored capitalism), however an international task which must be solved by the revolution of the whole world proletariat.

The teachings of the negation of negation are not limited in the critical reflections on capitalism and its transformation to socialism. We Marxist-Leninists apply this method also to our own communist world movement, particularly its dialectical transitional development before, during and after the first period of socialism (in “one” country). Just, as we discovered the laws of negation of the negation of capitalism, we discover the negation of negation of restored capitalism – and in the result this is nothing but restored socialism.

And this includes our necessary application of Enver Hoxha's teachings on the restoration of capitalism to the restoration of socialism – last not least by means of the dialectical method of negation of negation.


The "negation of negation" is one of the methods of dialectical materialism, which illuminates the progressive course of development of world revolution in theory, more precisely, the knowledge of the inner connection of the individual stages of the world revolution, its tendency and direction of motion, the apparent return to the old, the apparent repetition of the same process, but qualitatively on a higher level, in a more perfect development.

The negation of the negation of the world revolution takes effect by the conditions of continuity between both the components, the ones which are the "negators" and the others which are the "negated". Consequently, the dialectical negation differs from ignorance towards the previous world revolutionary development, from the abandonment of previous general history of the revolution that began with the Paris Commune and the October Revolution. In the contrary, the dialectical negation is rather a precondition, a potential of experience, a historical treasure, is the basis and starting point for new development opportunities - through repetition ( at least through the repetition of its still valid elements) at a higher level. The dialectical method of negation is based on critical, differentiated and relativised analysis of the development of our own world-revolutionary movement. This includes the analyses of our negative experiences and defeats. Their avoidance saves us unnecessary meanders, in future. They help us to take the enemy stronghold by storm. We reproduce all the world-revolutionary ideas of Marxism-Leninism on a higher qualitative level, and thus forming our general-line to better determine the course of the world revolution according to its changed present conditions.

Therefore, the law of development of Bolshevik criticism and self-criticism is - to certain degree - also a law of negation of negation, by which we can detect many negative developments and errors of past revolutions. Every revolution, every popular revolution, every revolution, where masses of the oppressed classes are overthrowing the oppressing classes ( as a rule not confined to "individual revolts and uprisings"), is always a creative revolution, has a future perspective, because this revolution does not only smash the old order of the ruling classes, but moreover, uses the things of the old order to create the new society. Marx stressed that the proletarian revolution differs itself from any other revolution because it changes constantly and incessantly every stage of its own processes. These processes are even terminated, rejected and corrected constantly - by strengthening its own revolutionary self-criticism.

Defeats and setbacks, slowing and hindrances of the revolution, etc. are unavoidable part of our revolutionary class struggle. They teach us revolutionary patience and discipline. However, this reduces the petty-bourgeoisie to despair:

This class believes “in nothing”, neither in reforms, which are “too long in coming”, nor in the world revolution which “will still not come”. There has never and nowhere been a revolution without some social layers which had been despaired , and just as little, there were defeats and setbacks in which these phenomena occurred .

Engels discovered the basic law “that each advance in organic evolution is at the same time a regression, fixing one-sided evolution and excluding the possibility of evolution in many other directions” (Dialectics of Nature. Frederick Engels 1883, Notes and Fragments [Biology])


The fruits of the October revolution were reaped by imperialism temporarily. However, the fruits of socialism will still come to greater maturity in world socialism. There will be no other consumers of its fruits, but the producers themselves - if the world proletariat is the only possessor of the means of production all over the world. A heavy defeat in battle (against revisionism in power) is a fact of greater revolutionary importance than an easily won victory. The Russian and Albanian proletariat have been deprived of its fruits, but that will awaken their desire for revenge and retribution in the moment when they realized the treason of revisionism. The strongest flame of the proletarian world revolution is sparked by those proletarians who have lost their dictatorship. There is no stronger driving force of the world revolution than that of the will to reconquest the lost dictatorship of the proletariat.

With the method of 'negation of negation', the ebb and tide of the revolution is extricated from any fatalistic character of spontaneism (defeatism during the ebb and exuberance during the tide). World revolutionaries encourage the world proletariat in the ebb of the world revolution and they teach them awareness in its tide.

The 'negation of the negation' breathes new consciousness into the world-revolutionary forces to always optimally prepare, collect, mobilise and activate the world revolution uninterruptedly from its very beginning to its very end - namely quite independently from any phase and zig-zagging  of its development. Each setback of the world revolution also means simultaneously a progress, in the sense of 'negation of negation'.

Negation in dialectics does not mean simply saying no, or declaring that something does not exist, or destroying it in any way one likes. I must not only negate, but also sublate the negation. I must therefore so arrange the first negation that the second remains or becomes possible. Every kind of thing therefore has a peculiar way of being negated in such manner that it gives rise to a development, and it is just the same with every kind of conception or idea” (Volume 25, Anti-Dühring by Frederick Engels 1877, Part I: Philosophy ; XIII. Dialectics. Negation of the Negation).

How to “arrange the first negation that the second remains or becomes possible” – discovering these secrets and successfully applying the negation of the negation in practice - this means mastering the proletarian socialist world revolution, this means guaranteed victory.

The mistaken attitude of passively waiting for the revolution and twiddling one's thumbs, cannot be corrected by the other extreme – the world revolution can't be forced or hyped.

Comrade Enver Hoxha said:

There are many hot-heads in the world, with good or evil intentions, who think that the revolution can be carried out at any time, at any moment, at any place. But such people are mistaken. The revolution cannot be carried out at any time and at any place, according to one's wishes. The revolution breaks out and is carried through at that link of the capitalist chain which is the weakest. For the revolution to break out and triumph, the; appropriate objective and subjective conditions must exist, and the favourable moment must be found for launching into revolution” (Enver Hoxha, “Imperialism and Revolution”, chapter III, “The revolution and the peoples”).

Lenin criticized the Trotzkyites in some critical moments of the October Revolution in which they masked their own fatalism and capitulationism behind “ultra-revolutionary” phraseology. They accused Lenin of “capitulationism” because he signed the peace treaty of Brest-Litovsk.

Contrary to this Trotzkyite masquerade, some other leading comrades did quite openly express their fear of the revolution. In the moment of its outburst, in the moments of its first setbacks, they cast doubts on Lenin's general-line: ”That's torn it!" - “We shouldn't have taken up arms!” Thus, in the struggle against “left” and right opportunism, in face of the hot revolutionary phase, the victory of the October Revolution really dangled on the string.

Lenin was asked: "Where is the last line of retreat?" And today, we've got some analogue question by some comrades: "How far can we retreat within our Marxist-Leninist World Movement?" Lenin replied:

This question reflects a mood of despondency and dejection, and is absolutely groundless. We heard the same sort of question at the time we concluded the Brest-Litovsk peace. It is wrong to put such a question, because only when we have pursued our new policy for some time shall we have material on which to base our reply to it. We shall go on retreating until we have completed our education; until we have made our preparations for a definite offensive. I cannot say more than that. It is very unpleasant to retreat. But when heavy blows are being struck, nobody stops to ask whether it is pleasant or unpleasant; the troops retreat, and nobody is surprised. Nothing useful will come of asking how long we shall go on retreating. Why anticipate hopeless situations ? Instead of doing that, we must get down to definite work. We must closely examine the concrete conditions, the concrete situation, decide what position we can hold (…). Because only when we are able to hold our ground shall we be able to pass to the offensive. We must not give way to despondency; we must not shirk the problem by shouting propaganda slogans, which are all very well in their proper place, but which in the present case can do nothing but harm” (Lenin, collective works, Volume 33, page 107 – 108, English edition).

What Lenin said here, is also applicable on the "propaganda slogans" of the Maoists . They are shouting themselves hoarse: "The main-tendency in the world is revolution!" This slogan is "very well in its proper place", as Lenin said, but misused by the Maoist petty-bourgeois revolutionarism in any inproper place - they shout it at every opportunity. The determinism of the world revolution solidifies to metaphysics, if it has left historical materialism. To carry out "every few years" a cultural revolution, as proposed by Mao Zedong, is just as un-Marxist and non-dialectical as skipping the doldrums of the revolution. Either the world revolution takes an upswing - then we must lead it to an end. Or it ebbs away - and then we cannot immediately tackle the task of the revolution. With "revolutionary" phraseology, with sectarianism, the world revolution cannot be defended against the open revisionists. In principle, there is no difference between the sectarians and the revisionists. The latter betray openly the world revolution and the former ones hide their betrayal ( = encapsulation and isolation from the mass-movement) behind “revolutionary” phraseology.

Without a world-revolutionary theory there can be no world-revolutionary movement in general and in particular, the world-revolutionary theory must be deepened and broadened in its criticism against the “theory” of spontaneity on a global scale, by means of the emphasis of the necessity of the (theoretical, practical and organizational) role of the vanguard of the movement on both the regional and global scale.


The world revolution develops in a series of different stages.

They relate to each other in such a way that the one stage is formed by the negation of the other.

There is no revolution which develops without the negation of its former mode of existence.

Negation and 'negation of the negation' are mutually dependent.

The socialist world revolution is the negation of world capitalism and its negation of the negation is world communism.

The proletarian socialist world revolution spans the whole period of revolutionary upheavals between the capitalist and communist world society – establishing the world dictatorship of the proletariat is the negation of the negation of any kind of class-dictatorship.

The proletarian world revolution is a revolution of the world proletariat, is the negation of negation of any class-society, of any political revolution at all - and with all future times.

In this whole period setbacks and defeats are unavoidable, they are moreover the necessary immanent parts of the whole world-revolutionary process. To suppress the unavoidable facts of setbacks of the world revolution can really endanger the whole world-proletarian matter. The world proletariat must know about the whole truth of any critical situation of the world revolution, must master the dialectical laws of 'negation of the negation'. The way, the world revolution goes, is anything else but a picture-perfect example .

Before you reach the peak of the world revolution, it is a long way to leave the trough behind. The world revolutionary energy generates by using the highest potential of tension of the antipodal movement of the ebb and tide of world revolution. The sweeping force of world revolutionary waves becomes effective only at a point when they gradually winded up each other in the different countries. The peaks and troughs of the revolutionary sea shall swell up and drag the whole world proletariat along. Finally, the revolutionary waves are whipping up the surf with such force of nature that the counter-revolutionary bulwarks burst.

Stalin:

What does victory 'on a world scale' mean? Does it mean that such a victory is equivalent to the victory of socialism in one country? No, it does not. In his writings, Lenin strictly distinguishes between the victory of socialism in one country and victory 'on a world scale'. When Lenin speaks of victory 'on a world scale', he means to say that the success of socialism in our country, the victory of socialist construction in our country, will have such tremendous international significance that victory cannot be confined to our country, but is bound to call forth a powerful movement towards socialism in all capitalist countries, and that, moreover, if it does not coincide in time with the victory of the proletarian revolution in other countries, it must at any rate usher in a powerful movement of the proletarians of other countries towards the victory of the world revolution” (Stalin, THE SEVENTH ENLARGED PLENUM OF THE E.C.C.I.; November 22-December 16, 1926; Pravda, Nos. 285, 286. 294, 295 and 296,December 9. 10, 19, 21 and 22, 1926).

The Party considers that we are in a period between revolutions, Stalin emphasised this in disagreement with the opposition. Indeed, this concerns the period between the October Revolution in Russia and the revolutions in the capitalist countries, the period between the first stage of socialism ( 'in one' country) and the second stage of socialism ( in a world scale). In this period between revolutions” we are moving towards revolution and the principal task of the Communist Parties is to establish a path to the masses, to strengthen connections with the masses, to win the mass organisations of the proletariat and prepare the broad mass of the workers for the coming revolutionary clashes” (ibid). The opposition, however, having no faith in the internal forces of our revolution, and fearing the fact of the partial stabilisation of capitalism as capable of destroying our revolution, considers (or considered) it possible to deny the fact of the partial stabilisation of capitalism. But what does disregarding the facts, disregarding the objective course of things, mean? It means abandoning science for quackery” (ibid).

    Marx saw the transformation of the revolution, from an ascending to a descending line:

It is the reverse with the Revolution of 1848. The proletarian party appears as an appendage of the petty-bourgeois-democratic party. It is betrayed and dropped by the latter on April 16, May 15, and in the June days. The democratic party, in its turn, leans on the shoulders of the bourgeois-republican party. The bourgeois republicans no sooner believe themselves well established than they shake off the troublesome comrade and support themselves on the shoulders of the party of Order. The party of Order hunches its shoulders, lets the bourgeois republicans tumble, and throws itself on the shoulders of armed force. It fancies it is still sitting on those shoulders when one fine morning it perceives that the shoulders have transformed themselves into bayonets. Each party kicks from behind at the one driving forward, and leans over in front toward the party which presses backward. No wonder that in this ridiculous posture it loses its balance and, having made the inevitable grimaces, collapses with curious gyrations. The revolution thus moves in a descending line. It finds itself in this state of retrogressive motion before the last February barricade has been cleared away and the first revolutionary authority constituted” (The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte”, chapter III; Karl Marx 1852).

This law is not limited to bourgeois revolutions. It is valid as general law of revolution and thus also applicable with the socialist world revolution.


The negation of socialism "in one country" - considered dialectically by the Marxist-Leninists - is the fusion of all socialist countries to a unit, to socialist internationalism.

The negation of socialism " in one country" - considered by the revisionists - is "socialist" nationalism, is restored bourgeois nationalism, is transformed into social-imperialism and integrated into world imperialism. Through negation, in particular through the negation of revisionism, we improve the theory of world revolution, we eliminate those obstacles which have hindered the revolution in all earlier stages of development. The Soviet Union followed the general-line of the Paris Commune and Albania followed the general-line of the Soviet Union - on a qualitatively higher level, at the relative time. This general-line follows exactly the cyclic, spiral development of the world revolution. Thus, the higher form of development of socialism in Albania will not remain standing. The lessons from the neo-revisionist betrayal will be learned on this solid evidence base. New, qualitatively more developed socialist countries will follow by avoiding the mistakes and shortcomings of their predecessors. Maybe the world revolution does not win in the first instance, maybe it needs more than one attempt. But all these repeated attempts are like a ladder on which the world proletariat climbs up to its final victory. The revolutions in all countries which complete the world revolution is like a circle-spiral-process. They arrive at a much higher level of its development than at their historic starting point of the October Revolution, although they have followed it on the same principled general-line. The circles of the development of world revolution develop as a spiral. On this spiral you find the decisive knot-points of a qualitative leap e.g. the smashing of the dictatorship of the world bourgeoisie. Starting from those kind of qualitative leap-points the world revolution continues its loops to higher stages of the development of world socialism. Each stage takes up the entire wealth of previous development stages of the world revolution, both the material and spiritual wealth. Also, on each stage of its development, the world revolution gets rid of the old historic junk, or recycles this.

The negation of the negation of the socialist revolution in “one” country is the socialist world-revolution in all countries of the world.

The negation of the negation of socialism in "one" country is world-socialism in all countries of the world.









World revolution

and revolution of the single countries


Enver Hoxha:

If the Marxist-Leninists apply the Marxist-Leninist theory correctly and with determination, on the basis of the present international conditions and the national conditions of each country, if they ceaselessly strengthen proletarian internationalist unity in merciless struggle against imperialism and modern revisionism of all trends, they will certainly overcome all the difficulties they will encounter on their road, however great they may be. Properly applied, Marxism-Leninism and its immortal principles will inevitably bring about the destruction of world capitalism and the triumph of the dictatorship of the proletariat, by means of which the working class will build socialism and march towards communism” (Enver Hoxha,Imperialism and Revolution, April 1978, English version).

Lenin:

The international revolutionary movement of the proletariat does not and cannot develop evenly and in identical forms in different countries. The full and all-round utilisation of every opportunity in every field of activity comes only as the result of the class-struggle of the workers in the various countries. Every country contributes its own valuable and specific features to the common stream; but in each particular country the movement suffers from its own one-sidedness, its own theoretical and practical short comings of the individual socialist parties. On the whole we clearly see a tremendous step forward of international socialism, the rallying of million-strong armies of the proletariat in the course of a series of practical clashes with the enemy, and the approach of a decisive struggle with the bourgeoisie – a struggle for which the working class is far better prepared than in the days of the Commune, that last great proletarian insurrection.

And this step forward of the whole of international socialism, along with the sharpening of the revolutionary-democratic struggle in Asia, places the Russian revolution in a special and especially difficult position. The Russian revolution has a great international ally both in Europe and in Asia, but, at the same time, and for that very reason , it has not only a national, not only a Russian, but also an international enemy. Reaction against the mounting proletarian struggle is inevitable in all capitalist countries, and it is uniting the bourgeois governments of the whole world against every popular movement, against every revolution both in Asia and, particularly, in Europe” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 15, page 187 – 188, English edition).

Lenin wrote all this in 1908 - related to the First Russian Revolution of 1905 ! But this question came up also in the next revolution in Russia - the October Revolution. It is about the general question of the inner coherence of the different national forms and the general international character of any socialist revolution. It is a general question of the relationship between the world revolution and the revolution in the single countries. It is the key-question of the whole world-revolutionary process, the determination of the development of international socialism. It is imperative to deepen and spread this development theoretically and practically. All this was worked out by the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism and is now laid down in the general-line of the Comintern (ML).

The victory of the revolution of the proletariat is unavoidable in every capitalist country – without exception. This truth is unchallengeable. However, the socialist revolution is not yet guaranteed without the destruction of the political power of the whole global class of the bourgeoisie. It is not yet ensured without the overthrow of all national governments and global capitalist associations which support the world bourgeoisie. Its own necessary globalisation is the crucial point of the guaranteed victory of the socialist revolution. Capitalism has to be completely removed both on the national and global scale. The destiny of the socialist revolution of a country depends on the destiny of the socialist revolution in all the other countries, depends on the destiny of the whole socialist world revolution. The indivisible dialectical coherence and dependence between the socialist revolution in an individual country and the socialist world revolution is unchallengeable.

Lenin defined the world Bolshevist tactics of the proletariat of an individual country (based on the world-revolutionary view and task of the Russian proletariat) as follows:

to do the utmost possible in one country for the development, support and awakening of the revolution in all countries( Lenin, collected works, Volume 28, page 292, English version).

And the indivisible dialectical complement of this international tactics - on a global scale ( figuratively based on the world-revolutionary view and task of the world proletariat) - is consequently derived as follows:

to do the utmost possible in all countries for the development, support and awakening of the revolution in every single country .

Leninism would be incomplete if this complementary definition is missing. The world proletariat itself, and as a whole global class, is the growing and decisive active factor of proletarian internationalism. One for all - all for one! This is the bonds of proletarian internationalism, which unites the proletarians of all countries to lead their common class struggle. That is the spirit of solidarity which interpenetrates the proletarians of all countries. This is the spirit of the victory of the world proletarian socialist revolution.

Enver Hoxha:

All communists, all proletarians, all the revolutionary forces in the various countries are duty bound to assist the revolution in each particular country and all over the world, through propaganda, agitation, material aid, the example of their determination and selflessness, and by faithful adherence to Marxism-Leninism” (Enver Hoxha, Imperialism and Revolution”, April 1978, English edition).

For Lenin, every capitalist nation actually consists of "two nations", namely that of the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. And so he divided the world into the world of the bourgeoisie and the proletariat in the world. Both the bourgeois slogans of "national unity" as well as the "unity of the world", serve to conceal the global class antagonism. The so called “unity” of the world order of imperialism is based on violence and wars, is based on annexation and colonial exploitation and oppression. This alleged “unity” can never be achieved by re-conciliation of antagonistic contradictions among the nations and this is essential and typical for the existence of the whole era of world imperialism. The bourgeoisie tries to distract the working class from the knowledge of its own global class position and to camouflage the dialectical relation of the workers' liberation on a national scale and on an international scale. The proletarian slogans of “national unity” and “unity of the world” are practically realised by the victory of the socialist world revolution. The proletarian unity grows with the process of abolition of antagonistic class-contradictions both on a national and international scale. The proletarian unity is the only type of unity of classes which paves the way to the classless unity of the world – to world communism.

"Workers of all countries, unite!" This historic slogan of the proletariat means not least that the world proletariat forms its own international fight-organisation, since only through its organizational unification, the proletariat can beat the world capital successfully! This results from the very character of the Marxist-Leninist world movement as the leading movement of the world proletariat, to cooperate internationally, to build its international umbrella organization, being able to fulfil the missions of the Marxist-Leninist parties of all countries, by creation and construction of the Communist International. With the October Revolution and the establishment of the first socialist state on earth millions of proletarians hear the battle cry for the realization of the dictatorship of the proletariat all over the world, and this could not be ignored any more.

The proletariat of the world increased all efforts for building new Bolshevik parties, modelled on the Russian Bolshevist party, with Lenin and Stalin at the top. This was the moment of the founding of the Comintern, with its headquarters in Moscow and the birth of new parties of Leninist type whose idea and basic structure will always remain as an integral part of the general-line of the Comintern ( ML ). The current battle cry of the Comintern (ML) is: "Long live socialism in every country and the establishment of the world-dictatorship of the proletariat !" Socialist internationalism is the core of the Marxist-Leninist doctrine. The proletarians, who have established their dictatorship, do not only step to the top of the world Communist movement, but they also lead, develop and unfold, so to speak, the world proletariat's class-based homelands, give them comradely advice, instruction and perspective, give them strength and confidence for the revolution in their own country. Conversely, the workers of other countries and their communist parties do defend and support the existing dictatorship of the proletariat not only in solidarity against imperialist encirclement, not only in solidarity in the class struggle against the local internal enemies, but they also inspire and strengthen the existing dictatorship of the proletariat by their own experiences in the international class struggle. The international class struggle leads to an inseparable, strong unit of the combatants from every country. Each party shall carry forward the banner of the October Revolution in its own country in solidarity with the parties of all other countries which also carry forward this victorious banner. This way, the banner of the October Revolution becomes the common banner of the whole world proletariat. And finally, the world proletariat combines and reinforces the proletarian class struggle with the international alliance partners, with the peasants, with all the working people in the colonized countries which are exploited and suppressed by the world imperialism .

Lenin:

It is becoming quite clear that the socialist revolution which is impending for the whole world will not be merely the victory of the proletariat of each country over its own bourgeoisie. That would be possible if revolutions came easily and swiftly. We know that the imperialists will not allow this, that all countries are armed against their domestic Bolshevism and that their one thought is how to defeat Bolshevism at home. That is why in every country a civil war is brewing in which the old socialist compromisers are enlisted on the side of the bourgeoisie. Hence, the socialist revolution will not be solely, or chiefly, a struggle of the revolutionary proletarians in each country against their bourgeoisie – no, it will be a struggle of all the imperialist-oppressed colonies and countries, of all dependent countries, against international imperialism. Characterising the approach of the world social revolution in the Party Programme we adopted last March, we said that the civil war of the working people against the imperialists and exploiters in all the advanced countries is beginning to be combined with national wars against international imperialism. That is confirmed by the course of the revolution, and will be more and more confirmed as time goes on.”

The only hope of emancipation lies in the victory of the international revolution, and the international proletariat is the only ally of all the hundreds of millions of the working and exploited peoples” (Lenin, “2nd Congress of the Communist Organisations of the East”, collected works, Volume 30, page 159 and 162, English version).

If the socialist revolution of the proletariat of the advanced countries begins to unite with the liberation struggles against international imperialism in the "hinterland", then this is the signal for the outburst of the coming world revolution. The world revolution is gaining its first victory - not by means of global acts of individual terror, but rather when the proletarians of all countries, united with the exploited and oppressed peoples of the world, topple world imperialism from its pedestals.

Lenin said the truth when he emphasized:

Capitalism is an international force, and it can therefore be completely destroyed only through victory in all countries, not in one alone” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 28, page 78, English version).

Capitalism is an international force and its restoration is only preventable if socialism has become an international force. However, how does socialism become an international force ?

World socialism is not coming by itself, if the class struggle remains limited in one's own national walls. Class-struggle, on a national scale, can neither be regarded isolated, nor be put in opposite to the class-struggle in all the other countries. Class struggle in one's own country gets an internationalist character only if it is integrated as part of the class struggle in all the other countries, if it becomes an active part of the whole world revolutionary movement. By this, the importance of class struggle in one's own country is not underestimated or even disdained, on the contrary. The world proletariat wants that the class-struggle in one's own country strengthens optimally the process of the socialist world revolution as the only means to get rid of capitalism. And this is only possible if class-struggle on the national scale gets integrated into the global class-struggle as far as possible. The world revolution exists only in each country through (by means of) each country. The socialist world revolution and the socialist revolution in an individual country are both parts of each other. Without pulling together the proletarians of all countries, the proletariat is globally unable to act in concert. The world revolution makes a contribution for the revolution in the individual country only if the revolution in an individual country makes a contribution for the world revolution. And vice versa. The overall interests of the world revolution cannot be realised without satisfying the interests of the revolution in each country – this is unchallengeable. But it is also unchallengeable that – in general - the individual interests of the proletarians of each country are subordinated to the overall interests of the whole world proletariat, namely absolutely, imperatively and without exception. This is one of the essential differences between the socialist world revolution and the socialist revolution in a single country.

The general character of the world revolution will be shaped out of the coordinated activities of the proletariat of the individual countries. The globally coordinated activities provide the necessary amount of force, which inspires the revolution in individual countries. And this - in turn - cultivates more and more its own internationalist character . This way, the revolution in an individual country reaches a higher level of quality - suitable for leading the world revolution to a successful end.

In the world revolution all revolutions in the countries reflect themselves. In their own particular manner, they determine the character of the world revolution and leave their mark on it. And on a higher and more advanced stage of the world revolution it will be vice versa.

The world revolution and the revolutions in individual countries interact in a ratio relative to one another as the relativeness between “wholeness and part-being”. They are identically in their internationalist, socialist character, but the revolutions in the various countries differ from one another through all its manifold national forms. This applies much more to the times of Lenin than to the present time of globalisation. The more the revolutions of individual countries draw nearer to the world revolution, the more they lose their national forms (without completely coming out of their national shell). Not before a higher advanced stage of its development, world socialism abandons all its national leftovers because they gradually become a break-shoe for the transition to world communism. In principle, nothing can appear and become effective in the world revolution, what does not simultaneously appear and become effective in the revolutions of the individual countries, and vice versa, nothing works in an individual country ( as a revolutionary part of the whole), what does not work in the world (as a revolutionary whole).

The revolution in one country, and no matter how large it is, can play an important role for the development of the world revolution admittedly, however, never render the world revolution or the revolutions of single countries redundant. The world revolution is non-exportable. And the world revolution can not be sparked off, by itself. The world revolution stands and falls with the outburst of the revolutions in the countries. The world revolution cannot be victorious without the victory of the revolution in the different countries. Basically, the victory thus depends on the working class in each country and its Marxist-Leninist party. It depends on the correct application of the teachings of the five classics of Marxism-Leninism to the concrete conditions of each country. It's the same pace and the march in lock-step, by which the working class of all countries quicker and easier achieve the goal of their global liberation. But the liberation of the world proletariat is only result of the collective efforts of the proletarians of the different countries. Each revolution in an individual country is the indispensable basis of the world revolution and vice versa, the liberation of the working class of a single country can only be guaranteed by the world revolution, thus by the liberation of the world proletariat as a whole.

The world revolution has its own inner law which interrelates to the inner laws of the revolution in the different countries. It can cause problems and even contradictions occur between “parts and the whole”. The better all parts are brought into conformity and harmonize as a whole, the greater the penetrating power of the entire world revolution. Those inner laws of the individual revolutions which serve the whole world revolution, are subordinated to this. Anything that serves the world revolution, is subordinate to it, because only through world revolution all the revolutions find successfully and safely their end. There is no encirclement any more by the imperialists, the bourgeois classes get no more breeding ground from outside the individual socialist countries. The classes begin to die away gradually - within the whole era of the world dictatorship of the proletariat. The probability that after the world revolution the bourgeoisie regains again its rule cannot be excluded, but this case is significantly lower than in the first period of socialism. Each socialist class-society is characterized by a sharp, bitter class struggle, especially the socialist class-society of the world. We will therefore be very vigilant and give the revisionists no chance of turning back the wheel of history, a second time.

The proletarian revolutions can never be confined to the borders and problems of individual countries, can not be considered in isolation, because they all have their special importance within the global frame of the struggle against imperialism.

Stalin:

The very approach to the question of the proletarian revolution, of the character of the revolution, of its scope, of its depth, the scheme of the revolution in general, changes accordingly.

Formerly, the analysis of the pre-requisites for the proletarian revolution was usually approached from the point of view of the economic state of individual countries. Now, this approach is no longer adequate. Now the matter must be approached from the point of view of the economic state of all or the majority of countries, from the point of view of the state of world economy; for individual countries and individual national economies have ceased to be self-sufficient units, have become links in a single chain called world economy; for the old 'cultured' capitalism has evolved into imperialism, and imperialism is a world system of financial enslavement and colonial oppression of the vast majority of the population of the world by a handful of "advanced" countries.

Formerly it was the accepted thing to speak of the existence or absence of objective conditions for the proletarian revolution in individual countries, or, to be more precise, in one or another developed country. Now this point of view is no longer adequate. Now we must speak of the existence of objective conditions for the revolution in the entire system of world imperialist economy as an integral whole; the existence within this system of some countries that are not sufficiently developed industrially cannot serve as an insuperable obstacle to the revolution, if the system as a whole or, more correctly, because the system as a whole is already ripe for revolution.

Formerly, it was the accepted thing to speak of the proletarian revolution in one or another developed country as of a separate and self-sufficient entity opposing a separate national front of capital as its antipode. Now, this point of view is no longer adequate. Now we must speak of the world proletarian revolution; for the separate national fronts of capital have become links in a single chain called the world front of imperialism, which must be opposed by a common front of the revolutionary movement in all countries.

Formerly the proletarian revolution was regarded exclusively as the result of the internal development of a given country. Now, this point of view is no longer adequate. Now the proletarian revolution must be regarded primarily as the result of the development of the contradictions within the world system of imperialism, as the result of the breaking of the chain of the world imperialist front in one country or another” (Stalin, 1924,On the foundations of Leninism”, Chapter III: “Theory”).


Vice versa, this Stalin-citation can not mean to wear blinders in regard of the significance of the single countries for the world revolution. For us Marxists-Leninists there is no such "theory of the world revolution" which is narrowed by static, holistic and exclusively global views. We are not allowed to draw up a world-revolutionary theory in which the necessary positioning of the revolution in the single countries is reduced or even missing. The relation between world-imperialism and the single national countries corresponds with the relation between the world revolution and the revolutions in the different countries. Admittedly, the countries have ceased to be self sufficient units, but they became chain-links of the world imperialist chain. There is no other way to destroy this chain, than by tearing out its links – one by one. The world revolution cannot dash to pieces the whole world imperialism neither in one sole piece, nor with one sole blow, nor within some less days. With the destruction of the global exploitative system, the world revolution does not supersede the overthrow of capitalism on a national scale , but rather puts it ahead. The theoretical approach of absolutization is inadmissable and therefore has to be rejected. Any absolutizing of the world revolution harms only the interests of the world proletariat and therefore serves the counter-revolution. Many "theories" of opponents of globalization are neither Marxist nor revolutionary. The elimination of the inevitability of global exploitation and oppression is impossible if you do not put an end to capitalism in the countries, by which the imperialist globalisation is nourished.

Revolutions have all their internal and external factors that differ from each other in every revolution. The external factors act by means of internal, because the internal factors are the decisive factors in any revolution:

Enver Hoxha:

While adhering consistently to the principle that the decisive factor for the triumph of the revolution is the internal one, the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat and the people of the country themselves, whereas the external factor is of an auxiliary and secondary nature, the Marxist-Leninist parties do not ignore or underrate in the least the external allies of the revolution. At the same time, they take a principled and flexible stand towards the external allies, just as they do towards the internal allies” (Enver Hoxha, “imperialism and Revolution”, chapter III: “The revolution and the peoples”, April 1978).

Enver Hoxha taught that this principle applies to the revolution in all countries - without exception. If we affirm that every revolution has its own internal and external factors then we cannot exclude the world revolution from this principle. As dialectical materialists, as vehement defenders of the science of the proletarian socialist world revolution we cannot allow any denial of the truth of the existence of the internal and external factors of the world revolution. Adhering consistently to the principle that the decisive factor for the triumph of the Albanian revolution was the internal one, we adhere this principle consistently to every other revolution, inclusively and especially to that of the world revolution.


The relationship between the internal and external factors – generally speaking - are simultaneously “Identically” and “coincidence of opposites” (in the sense of the dialectics of proletarian internationalism and its manifold forms and formations in the different countries). It is clear that the internal factors of the revolution in a single country cannot be equalized with the internal factors of the world revolution. In truth they stick together in an inverse relation, if we consider the relation between global and regional view of the revolution. On the global scale the internal factors of the individual revolutions can be considered as the external factors of the world revolution. And vice versa, we consider the external factors of the revolutions of the individual countries as the internal factors of the world revolution.

Stalin defended the dialectical method of conclusions by analogy that the revolution of the one country can learn from the revolution of other countries, even if not classified as the same type of revolution. This means that we can analyse both the congruities and incongruities among the revolutions of different countries and between the revolution of an individual country and the world revolution. The possibility of conclusions by analogy ( not to be mixed up by “ equalization”/“identification” = fallacy) is based on the proletarian revolution with its international, universal nature (unit as a whole), whereas every proletarian revolution of the countries is organically interlinked, interacting, interdependent, complementary and correlating to the revolution in all the other countries, thus to the world revolution:

The closer the coherence between the known features of the proletarian revolution in a single country, on the one hand, and between the known features of the proletarian revolution in a single country which are in accordance with those of the world revolution ( especially which go beyond), only in relation to the known features of the proletarian revolution of a single country, on the other hand, the greater is the probability that the conclusions on the unknown features of the world revolution will be correct.

If the world revolution wouldn't exist as an integral, universal whole, we couldn't use the conclusion by analogies of different proletarian revolutions in the single countries.

Stalin:

It would be foolish to assert that one must never draw analogies with revolutions in other countries when characterising certain tendencies and certain mistakes committed in the revolution of a given country. Does not a revolution in one country learn from revolutions in other countries, even if those revolutions are not all of the same type? If not, what does the science of revolution amount to? In essence, Zinoviev denies that there can be a science of revolution” [ Stalin, Works, Vol. 10, August - December, 1927,Joint Plenum of the Central Committee and Central Control Commission of the C.P.S.U.(B.)” ].

And the Comintern (ML) likes to add: We are consistent opponents of the opportunists who deny the science of the proletarian socialist world revolution in general and its dialectics, in particular.

Defending the Leninist science of the world revolution, Stalin pointed to the strict distinction between the revolution in imperialist countries and the revolution in the colonial and dependent countries:

Stalin:

It consists in a strict distinction between revolution in imperialist countries, in countries that oppress other nations, and revolution in colonial and dependent countries, in countries that suffer from imperialist oppression by other states. Revolution in imperialist countries is one thing: there the bourgeoisie is the oppressor of other nations; there it is counter-revolutionary at all stages of the revolution; there the national factor, as a factor in the struggle for emancipation, is absent. Revolution in colonial and dependent countries is another thing: there the imperialist oppression by other states is one of the factors of the revolution; there this oppression cannot but affect the national bourgeoisie also; there the national bourgeoisie, at a certain stage and for a certain period, may support the revolutionary movement of its country against imperialism; there the national factor, as a factor in the struggle for emancipation, is a revolutionary factor. To fail to draw this distinction, to fail to understand this difference and to identify revolution in imperialist countries with revolution in colonial countries, is to depart from the path of Marxism, from the path of Leninism, to take the path of the supporters of the Second International” [ Stalin, Works, Vol. 10, August - December, 1927,Joint Plenum of the Central Committee and Central Control Commission of the C.P.S.U.(B.)” ].

The victory of the revolution in imperialist countries and colonial and dependent countries is based on their unity and indivisibility. This is a corner stone of our general-line.

The general-line of the Comintern (ML) is based on the materialist class-unity and indivisibility of the proletariat of a country and the world proletariat.

The general-line of the Comintern (ML) is based on the unity and indivisibility of Marxism-Leninism (as the proletarian ”weltanschauung” [world ideology]) on a national and global scale.

Proletarian internationalism is based on the unity and indivisibility of the solidarity of the proletariat of a country and the world proletariat.

The socialist revolution is based on its unity and indivisibility on a national and global scale. The struggle against the capitalist world, on the one hand, and against an individual capitalist country, forms a unit and is indivisible.

The dictatorship of the proletariat is based on the unity and indivisibility of the hegemony of the proletariat both on the national and the global scale.

World socialism is based on the unity and the indivisibility of the socialist countries on a national and global scale.

And what does it mean, the unity and indivisibility of our general-line in the fight against revisionism and opportunism ? Each separation and division, each counter-action and undermining of the relationship between the socialist revolution in one country and the world socialist revolution, can only lead to weakening and splitting the Communist movement in the national and global scale. Therefore our general-line is: Strengthening the unity and defending the indivisibility of the Marxist-Leninist movement in the fight against all revisionist and opportunist tendencies – namely on both a national and global scale.


Hoping and waiting that the individual revolutions would develop themselves, entirely alone, in favour of the world revolution, that is a dangerous illusion launched by the enemies of the world revolution. Lenin said: waiting until something passes, means waiting for the death. Trotsky denied socialism in one country and called this "replacement of the international revolutionary perspective through a national-reformist perspective."

Thus Trotsky denied also the world socialist revolution, because Leninism has proved beyond doubt and practically: socialism in “one” country is basis and lever of the world revolution.

Stalin:

While the question of completely building socialism in the U.S.S.R. is one of overcoming our own, 'national' bourgeoisie, the question of the final victory of socialism is one of overcoming the world bourgeoisie. The Party says that the proletariat of one country is not in a position to overpower the world bourgeoisie by its own efforts. The Party says that for the final victory of socialism in one country it is necessary to overcome, or at least to neutralise, the world bourgeoisie. The Party says that such a task is within the power only of the proletariat of several countries. Consequently, the final victory of socialism in a particular country signifies the victory of the proletarian revolution in, at least, several countries.

The Party holds that the 'national' and international tasks of the proletariat of the U.S.S.R. merge into the one general task of emancipating the proletarians of all countries from capitalism, that the interests of the building of socialism in our country wholly and completely merge with the interests of the revolutionary movement of all countries into the one general interest of the victory of the socialist revolution in all countries.

What would happen if the proletarians of all countries did not sympathise with and support the Republic of Soviets? There would be intervention and the Republic of Soviets would be smashed.

What would happen if capital succeeded in smashing the Republic of Soviets? There would set in an era of the blackest reaction in all the capitalist and colonial countries, the working class and the oppressed peoples would be seized by the throat, the positions of international communism would be lost.”

What will happen if the achievements of socialist construction in the U.S.S.R. continue to grow? It will radically improve the revolutionary position of the proletarians of all countries in their struggle against capital, will undermine the position of international capital in its struggle against the proletariat, and will greatly heighten the chances of the world proletariat.

But it follows from this that the interests and tasks of the proletariat of the U.S.S.R. are interwoven and inseparably connected with the interests and tasks of the revolutionary movement in all countries, and, conversely, that the tasks of the revolutionary proletarians of all countries are inseparably connected with the tasks and achievements of the proletarians of the U.S.S.R. in the field of socialist construction.

Hence to counterpose the 'national' tasks of the proletarians of a particular country to the international tasks is to commit a profound political error.

Hence anyone who depicts the zeal and fervour displayed by the proletarians of the U.S.S.R. in the struggle on the front of socialist construction as a sign of 'national isolation' or 'national narrow-mindedness', as our oppositionists sometimes do, has gone out of his mind or fallen into second childhood.

Hence affirmation of the unity and inseparability of the interests and tasks of the proletarians of one country and the interests and tasks of the proletarians of all countries is the surest way to the victory of the revolutionary movement of the proletarians of all countries.

Precisely for this reason, the victory of the proletarian revolution in one country is not an end in itself, but a means and an aid for the development and victory of the revolution in all countries.

Hence building socialism in the U.S.S.R. means furthering the common cause of the proletarians of all countries, it means forging the victory over capital not only in the U.S.S.R., but in all the capitalist countries, for the revolution in the U.S.S.R. is part of the world revolution—its beginning and the base for its development. (Stalin, works, Volume 9, December 1926 - July, 1926 , The Seventh Enlarged Plenum of the E.C.C.I.).


What is a socialist country before the victory of the world revolution, in comparison with a socialist country after the victory of the world revolution ?

The world revolution provides the socialist countries all that, what had been lacking until the victory of the world revolution - and what caused their defeat.

The world revolution is directed against the destruction of the socialist revolution in one country, directed against the restoration of capitalism in one country, thus ensuring the position of international communism in every country of the world. The world revolution consolidates the dictatorship of the proletariat in each country and facilitates its own construction of socialism. The strengthening of the unity and defence of the indivisibility of the proletarian socialist revolution is the safest way for socialism in all countries, in every country. The world proletarian socialist revolution is not an end in itself but a means and assistance for the development and the victory of the proletarian socialist revolution in each country. Constructing world socialism is defending the cause of the proletariat in each country; means: to forge a victory not only against imperialist globalization, but also within each country, because the world revolution is the foundation and leverage for the liberation of all oppressed and exploited people unexceptionally in every country in the world. Proletarians of all countries - unite ! Unite in the World Revolution !

When we speak of the "United States of the world", we mean the union of socialist states in the world. We are not campaigners of a world's state of the monopoly capitalism, which is composed of the United States of America, the United States of Europe and other United States in the world. When Lenin analysed the slogan for a united states of Europe he expressively draw the demarcation-line between the capitalist and socialist states:

Lenin:

Political revolutions can under no circumstances whatsoever either obscure or weaken the slogan of the socialist revolution. On the contrary, they always bring it closer, extend its basis, and draw new sections of the petty bourgeoisie and the semi-proletarian masses into the socialist struggle. On the other hand, political revolutions are inevitable in the course of the socialist revolution, which should not be regarded as a single act, but as a period of turbulent political and economic upheavals, the most intense class struggle, civil war, revolutions, and counter-revolutions. From the standpoint of the economic conditions of imperialism a United States of Europe, under capitalism, is either impossible or reactionary … A united States of Europe under capitalism is tantamount to an agreement on the partition of colonies... The times when the cause of democracy and socialism was associated only with Europe alone have gone for ever.

A United States of the World (not of Europe alone) is the state form of the unification and freedom of nations which we associate with socialism – until the time when the complete victory of communism brings about the total disappearance of the state, including the democratic. As a separate slogan, however, the slogan of a United States of the World would hardly be a correct one, first, because it merges with socialism; second, because it may be wrongly interpreted to mean that the victory of socialism in a single country is impossible, and it may also create misconceptions as to the relations of such a country to the others.

A free union of nations in socialism is impossible without a more or less prolonged and stubborn struggle of the socialist republics against the backward states.”

(Lenin, collected works, Volume 21, page 399, 340, 341, 342 and 343; On the slogan for a united states of Europe”, 1915).


Only if the bourgeoisie is overthrown by the socialist revolution in all countries, then we can consider the bourgeoisie as defeated on a global scale. The world bourgeoisie is the same as a whole, what it is simultaneously in all imperialist countries as part, and it will be overthrown as a whole by the overthrow of its support points in all countries. Lenin foresaw that the struggle of the socialist nations (against those nations which did not yet proceed to socialism) becomes more and more centralised. The centralisation of the world revolutions increases to the same extent as the number of countries which - one by one - get involved in the world revolution. From that moment on, if the world bourgeoisie is deprived of its global influence, if its influence is only bounded to a certain part in the world, then there can be no talk any more of the "world bourgeoisie" and its global imperialist domination , and we can only speak of its remaining leftovers in single capitalist countries. The international capital with which the national bourgeoisie emerged to the world bourgeoisie, will be wrested away from the proletariat - in one country after another. By losing its last shirt, the world bourgeoisie disappears from the stage of history, just the same way it once had entered it - commonly as the bourgeoisie which was once oppressed by the feudalistic gentries. And this worldwide oppression of the bourgeoisie will be continued in the era of the world dictatorship of the proletariat. The bourgeoisie loses the capitalist world with all its capitalist nations and the proletariat wins its socialist world with all its socialist nations paving the way towards a world without classes and without nations. In this sense we can foretell that the proletarian socialist world revolution is the only revolution which is able to prepare the future abolition of the inevitability of the socialist revolution, on both the national and global scale.














World revolution

and international counter-revolution



The violent action of maintaining the contradiction between capital and labour comes from the bourgeoisie. The bourgeoisie cannot do without international counter-revolution if the exploited and oppressed classes rise up and revolt. However, the violent counter-action of the destruction of the capitalist private property comes from the armed class struggle of the proletariat. World-revolutionary violence is necessary to free the productive forces from the ties of capitalist relations of production and to resolve this antagonism.

Today, in the course of globalization of capital and labour, the victory of the revolution over the counter-revolution will be decided on a world scale.

The world proletariat is an international class. The proletarian politics is an international policy, namely to conquer the world power.

Consequently, this global class will be able and determined to carry on its international politics with international arming, if the international counter-revolution tries to prevent this by violence. The world proletariat creates internationally armed struggle organs to fulfil its historical mission and to overcome the resistance of the international counter-revolution. For this, the world proletariat needs the Communist International guided by this general-line against the international counter-revolution.


Marx and Engels, “Manifesto of the Communist Party”:

Oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes.”


The weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism to the ground are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself.

But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring death to itself; it has also called into existence the men who are to wield those weapons — the modern working class — the proletarians.


Political power, properly so called, is merely the organized power of one class for oppressing another. If the proletariat during its contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled, by the force of circumstances, to organize itself as a class; if, by means of a revolution, it makes itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps away by force the old conditions of production, then it will, along with these conditions, have swept away the conditions for the existence of class antagonisms and of classes generally, and will thereby have abolished its own supremacy as a class.”

(Marx,Engels: “Manifesto of the Communist Party”).


Marx:

Every revolutionary uprising, however remote from the class struggle its object might appear, must of necessity fail until the revolutionary working class shall have conquered; … until the proletarian revolution and the … counter-revolution have been pitted against each other in a world-wide war (Marx, Engels, Wage Labour and Capital” [Preliminary], 1848).


Lenin:

Unless force is used against tyrants armed with weapons and instruments of power, the people cannot be liberated from tyrants” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 31, page 352, English edition).


Lenin:

The nearer we approached the world workers' revolution, the more the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie rallied together”.

They are rallying together to ward off the collapse of world imperialism” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 28, page 119 and 120, English edition).


Lenin:

We have many enemies, but they are disunited, or do not know their own minds (…). But we are united – directly among ourselves and indirectly with thze proletarians of all countries; we know just what we want. That is why we are invincible on a world scale, although this does not in the least preclude the possibility of defeat for individual proletarian revolutions for longer or shorter periods” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 32, “The Tax in Kind”, page 361, English version).

Lenin:

Victory fell to ... bourgeois reaction not because their enemy was destroyed, but because its forces were split, because the proletariat does not mature simultaneously in all countries. The victory fell to the united enemies of the working class at the cost of postponing the decisive battle, at the cost of widening and deepening the source which – more slowly perhaps than we would wish, but nonetheless surely – is multiplying the numbers of the proletarians, increasing their solidarity, steeling them in struggle, schooling them in operations against the united enemy. This source is capitalism. 'We shall overthrow you all together', replies the revolution like an echo, through the lips of the leaders of the class-conscious proletariat of all countries.” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 15, page 462, English version).

Lenin:

»Great revolutions even when they commence peacefully, as was the case with the great French Revolution, end in furious wars which are instigated by the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie. Nor can it be otherwise, if we look at it from the point of view of the class-struggle and not from the point of view of philistine phrase-mongering about liberty, equality, labour democracy and the will of the majority, of all the dullwitted, philistine phrase-mongering to which the Mensheviks, Socialist-Revolutionaries and all these 'democratics' treat us. There can be no peaceful evolution towards socialism(Lenin, collected works, Volume 29, page 363, English version). And this is also true on a global scale.

Lenin:

We shall not lay down our arms in face of the onslaught of world counter-revolution!” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 28, page 53, English edition).

And, comrades, I am confident that if you muster all your military forces and set up a mighty international Red Army, and hurl these iron battalions against the exploiters and oppressors against the reactionary thugs of the whole world, making your battle cry: 'Victory or Death!' - no imperialist force will be able to hold us !” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 28, page 40, English version).

Stalin:

The 'crowned heads' of Europe united in a common alliance, but the peoples of Europe also extended their hands to one another. By uniting with the European counter-revolution the Russian counter-revolution is steadily expanding the revolution, uniting the proletarians of all countries, and laying the foundations for the international revolution. International counter-revolution will only strengthen and deepen, intensify and firmly establish, international revolution. The slogan 'Workers of all countries, unite!' will find its true expression. . . and then the last hour will strike not only for the survivals of serfdom, but also for your beloved capitalism” (Stalin, works, Volume 1, International Counter-Revolution”, July 14, 1906, English edition).

The struggle of the international counter-revolution against revolutionary national liberation movements has also the effect, not only to accelerate the national liberation movements in other countries, but also their development towards the socialist revolution continues, or can trigger socialist revolutions in other countries. The international counter-revolution contributes unwillingly to the strengthening of the process of unification between the world proletariat and the oppressed peoples.

Lenin:

The Russian government has its international reserve. But we too have our powerful international reserve. We welcome the appeal of our government to the international reserve of reaction. Such an appeal will better than anything else extend the basis and field of action of the Russian revolution by converting it into a world revolution. (…) All right. Open fire! Call on your Austrian and German regiments against the Russian peasants and workers ! We are for an extension of the struggle, we are for an international revolution” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 11, page 107, English edition).


Enver Hoxha:

So far, no people, no proletariat and no communist or workers' party has assumed power without bloodshed and without violence”

The bourgeoisie may allow you to sing psalms, but then it deals you a fascist blow to the head and crushes you because you have not trained the necessary cadres to attack, nor done illegal work, you have not prepared a place where you can be protected and still work, nor the means with which to fight We should forestall this tragic eventuality” (Enver Hoxha, Speech delivered at the Meeting of 81 Communist and Workers' Parties in Moscow on November 16, 1960, Tirana 1972, English edition).


In the beginning of the XX. Century the leaders of the international counter-revolution, especially in Russia, celebrated the suppression of the revolution and the revolutionaries gave them the right answer with the victory of socialism in a single country. The centre of the international counter-revolution, represented by the German fascists, celebrated the allegedly “strangulation of Bolshevism” in the beginning of the Second World War - with the result of the victory of the Soviet people and the establishment of the socialist world camp of comrade Stalin. In the end of the XX. Century the international counter-revolution, under the leadership of US-imperialism, celebrated the fall of the last socialist country – Albania. However, in the course of the history of the struggle between revolution and counter-revolution, the proletarian, socialist world-revolution will give the right answer and celebrate the establishment of world socialism in the XXI. century. The history proved more than once: Every victory of the international counter-revolution caused an even greater victory of the proletarian, socialist world revolution.

The struggles between revolutions and counter-revolutions have a long history. The Comintern (ML) bases its general-line on the teachings of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism concerning the generalization of the experiences of the relationship between revolution and counter-revolution. There was a time when both the bourgeoisie and the proletariat struggled against the feudalistic counter-revolution. From that time on, we like to differ 7 historical periods of stages (phases or periods) in the development of the struggle between the proletarian revolution and the bourgeois counter-revolution:


1.

Pre-monopolistic stage - pre-monopolistic stage of counter-revolution;

Civil war in France, crushing the bourgeois counter-revolution successfully, workers' power for a few days by the heroic Paris Commune in 1871 - from the counter-revolution drowned in blood, which received support from the whole European counter-revolution.


2.

Imperialism the Highest Stage of Capitalism - the highest stage of counter-revolution;

victory over the monarchistic and bourgeois counter-revolution in Russia; victory of the October Revolution and civil war in Russia, defeat of the international counter-revolution;

counter-insurgency warfare in capitalist countries; preventing the spread of the socialist world revolution, international counter-revolution supported the Russian counter-revolutionary elements within and outside of Soviet Russia; counter-revolutionary encirclement, blockades and interventions against the dictatorship of the proletariat; attempts of preventing Soviet Russia from establishing the first proletarian state and from the first construction of socialism in “a single” country:


3.

first stage of socialism (socialism "in one” country) - class-struggle against restoration of the counter-revolution under special conditions of socialism "in one" country;

world capitalism is still dominant and thus the international counter-revolution;

therefore: victory over the counter-revolution under conditions of socialism "in one" country could not yet be guaranteed;

the victory of restored counter-revolution in the Soviet Union caused by revisionists' betrayal who formed an alliance with the international counter-revolution;


4.

socialism' s advanced stage – socialist world-camp;

in the course of the formation of the Stalinist world-camp - formation of the capitalist-revisionist counter-revolutionary world-camp;

revisionist counter-revolution - decisive factor of the international counter-revolution against the proletarian socialist world revolution and world-hegemony of socialism; destruction of the Soviet-Union in the course of the struggle between the socialist world and the capitalist world – between revolution and counter-revolution on a global scale;


5.

present stage: autarchy of the world-reaction; world of fascism;

globalised formation of the international counter-revolution after its victory against the last socialist world-bastion – the Socialist Albania of comrade Enver Hoxha;

crises of capitalist globalisation – crises of the international counter-revolution;

global formation of the revolutionary forces; the world proletariat leads the oppressed peoples in the decisive struggles against capitalist world-barbarism;

The international counter-revolution creates a bloodbath against onslaught of the world revolution; first Civil World War;

this struggle ends with the victory of the world revolution over the international counter-revolution;


6.

armed world dictatorship of the proletariat; era of world socialism;

defeat of the global counter-revolution; counter-revolution is no longer an international power;

counter-revolution tries to break through the weakest link of the world socialist chain; inevitability of the struggle against revisionist counter-revolution as long as classes exist; chances of counter-revolution and capitalist restoration therefore still possible, but aggravating circumstances due to world domination of the proletariat; revisionist counter-revolution must continue to be fought;


7. world communism;

abolition of the inevitability of class-struggle and counter-revolution; struggle between progressive and regressive forces continues, however, this struggle has completely lost its class-character;


The historical development of the spreading and growing of the proletarian struggle against the international counter-revolution began in a single town, went one step further to a single country and then to a world-camp, and finally, the struggle against the international capitalist-revisionist counter-revolution was maintained under the leadership of one single country. The passed first period of socialism ended with the fall of the socialist world and the victory of the international counter-revolution on a global scale. The period of globalisation renders possible the re-formation of the world-revolutionary forces on a global scale and thus is the pre-condition of the final destruction of the international counter-revolution.

The proletariat destroys the counter-revolution, but it can not be abolished at a stroke, because the classes can not be abolished at a stroke. Even on a global scale, the classes can not disappear all at once. The world imperialists are defeated, but the classes and its leftovers will still exist. The international counter-revolution is defeated, but not completely destroyed. Increased class-struggle under conditions of international socialism is still continued. What distinguishes the international counter-revolution in the first period of socialism from the one in the second period of socialism? The decisive factor is: blasting the global chain of finance combined with the gradual withdrawal of all international capital up to the point of its total removal, thus the basis of international counter-revolution. To smash the socialist chain, the counter-revolution will try to break through the weakest link of the socialist chain . The dictatorship of the world proletariat is commanding the global forces and finds a way to strike down the counter-revolution - wherever it tries to make an appearance.


The fight against world revolution is the fundamental principle of international counter-revolution. Everything is subordinated to this basic principle. All reactionary forces are united against the common enemy - against the revolutionary world proletariat. But the international counter-revolution ultimately fails in itself, because its unification inevitably provokes and causes the unification of the proletarians of all countries and oppressed peoples against the common enemy. The world proletariat is the gravedigger of the international counter-revolution.

The world proletariat gets to feel the wrath and blows of the global counter-revolution at the hardest:

Lenin:

In spite of this, the proletariat in comparison with other classes preserves the greatest unity and the greatest loyalty to its class party, with which it is fused by the revolution” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 15, page 322, English version).

The victory of the proletariat over the international counter-revolution is therefore unchallengeable.

The world proletariat and its struggle against the international counter-revolution differs from all other revolutionary classes of previous class societies that this will be waged with the goal of abolishing the inevitability of any counter-revolution in the world. World communism is the abolition of any counter-revolution and hence the need for any revolution, which are both based on class antagonisms.

Marx prophesized:

That the class rule of the workers over the strata of the old world whom they have been fighting can only exist as long as the economic basis of class existence is not destroyed” (Karl Marx, 1874: Conspectus of Bakunin’s “Statism and Anarchy”).


World communism is not to conquer, without snatching the tools of domination and exploitation completely and globally out of the hands of the exploiting and oppressing classes. The world proletariat can not defeat the counter-revolution, without violently conquer the political power, without establishing the armed socialist world-state. The Comintern (ML) aims for:

the international liberation and emancipation of the working class,

t he armament of the world proletariat and of all the exploited and oppressed classes all over the world,

the establishment of the dictatorship of the world proletariat through armed overthrow of the rule of the world bourgeoisie and its disarmament,

the complete destruction of the international counter-revolution in every country,

the armed defence of the dictatorship of the world proletariat in every country, the armed defence of world-socialism,

confiscation, expropriation and socialization of the means of production and the abolition of capitalist private property, including all the instruments of suppression of the capitalists in every country. Without global expropriation of private weapons - no socialization of the weapons, and without the socialization of weapons - no global abolition of weapons.

The international counter-revolution can only be destroyed by the weapons of the world revolution. The whole world proletariat and its central leadership, the Bolshevist world party, unites all its weapons, which will be used collectively by the proletariat of all countries and its Marxist-Leninist leadership.

We derive the relationship between the global and local struggle against the counter-revolution from the definition of the relationship between the world revolution and the various revolutions of the single countries.

The final defeat of the counter-revolution is unavoidable in every capitalist country – without exception. This truth is unchallengeable. However, this defeat is not yet guaranteed without the destruction of the counter-revolution of the whole global class of the bourgeoisie. It is not yet ensured without the disarmament of all the national counter-revolutionary forces and global forces which support the counter-revolution of the world bourgeoisie. Our own necessary globalisation of armament is the crucial point of the guaranteed victory of the struggle against the counter-revolution. The counter-revolution has to be completely destroyed both on the national and global scale. The victorious struggle against the counter-revolution within a single country depends on that within all the other countries, depends on the victory over the counter-revolution all over the world. The indivisible dialectical coherence and dependence between the struggle against the counter-revolution in an individual country and on the world scale is unchallengeable. Every victory of the counter-revolution is only temporary, is a setback or delay of the victory of the world revolution. The counter-revolution can interrupt and hold back the world revolution, however, ultimately the world revolution seals the fate of the counter-revolution.

The imperialist counter-revolution exerts three basic forms of terrorism:

economical terror, political terror ( including military terror as the continuation of political terror by means of weapons) and ideological - psychological terror (anti-communism). For our general-line is important that the world proletariat organises its own fight-front against all three forms of globalized terror of capital. Whereby all three forms of resistance form an inseparable, merged unit . These are the three different sides of the unified and united struggle of the proletarians of all countries against the international counter-revolution.

The imperialist counter-revolution has a globalized character, today. Particularly, it is characterized by mustering and mobilizing its international reactionary forces to prevent or to strike down the outbreak of revolution in a country or in any region of the world. It restores the old, lost power, or replaces this, if necessary, by new power relations. The capitalists have a variety of counter-revolutionary connections in every country which are centralised and co-ordinated by a global network.

The imperialist counter-revolution is a counter-revolution of the annexations, occupations and interventions, the encirclement and blockade, of infiltration from outside, the bribery and extortion with foreign capital support for the counter-revolutionary forces within a country where the counter-revolution is on the rocks, where the revolution breaks out or is already broken out. The counter-revolution is not only trying to split the revolutionary forces, to foment discord and enmity among them, to prevent globalization 's effects and centralization of the solidarity of the revolutionary movements of the individual countries in a united anti-imperialist front. The international counter-revolution shrinks from nothing. The counter-revolution sheds streams of blood and tears, just to keep the rule of the bourgeoisie and to ensure the maximization of profits.

Marx:

The purposeless massacres perpetrated ..., the tedious offering of sacrifices ..., the very cannibalism of the counter-revolution will convince the nations that there is only one way in which the murderous death agonies of the old society and the bloody birth throes of the new society can be shortened, simplified and concentrated, and that way is revolutionary terror” (Marx: Neue Rheinische Zeitung: The Victory of the Counter-Revolution in Vienna”, Cologne November 6, 1848).


The U.S. imperialism still acts as the leader of the international counter-revolution (see documents of the Cominform and the decisions of the Moscow Conference). Since the Second World War, the U.S. imperialists are international policeman and are still the main force of the response throughout the "civilized" capitalist world.

Enver Hoxha:

To conquer socialism, to put down the revolutionary liberation movements, to combat the great influence of the Marxist - Leninist theory and establish its hegemony in the world, American imperialism went about it in two ways.

The first was that of aggression and armed intervention. In order to crush and stamp out the revolution, they undertook military intervention...

The other way was that of ideological aggression and subversion... and of efforts to bring about the bourgeois degeneration... In this direction, American imperialism and world capital as a whole employed powerful means of propaganda and ideological diversion.”

The enemies of the revolution and the peoples want to create the impression that, because of the changes that have occurred in the world and the losses that socialism has suffered, circumstances entirely different from those of the past have been created.”

Imperialism and capitalism have come to understand that now they can no longer exploit the peoples of the world with the previous methods, therefore, provided their system is not threatened, they have to concede something, which will cause them no harm, in order to keep the masses in bondage. This they want to do with the investments and credits they distribute to those states and cliques in which they have established their influence or by means of arms, i.e., local wars, either by taking a direct part ir them or by inciting one state against another. Local wars serve to make those countries which fall into its trap more deeply subject to the hegemony of world capital.”

It is clear to us that this is by no means a new policy, but an old predatory imperialist, neo-colonialist, enslaving policy of ruthlessly exploiting the peoples and their wealth, a policy of putting down revolutions and national liberation wars. US imperialism now wants to give this old, permanent policy an allegedly new, fresh coat of paint, to arm counter-revolutionary elements, whether in power or not, with weapons to fight communism which raises the peoples and the proletariat in liberation wars and revolution.

(Enver Hoxha, »Imperialism and Revolution«, English edition).

Meanwhile US-imperialism has formed the “alliance of the civil world against terrorism”. The international counter-revolution is on the increase. The international counter-revolution prepares the civil world war.

However, the more this enemy is weakened by its own crisis – last not least, as a result of the intensifying competition with other imperialist and social-imperialist powers -, the weaker it is in the role as the main enemy of the world revolution. The period of the world revolution is a period of armed struggle against the international counter-revolution. Thus a situation of global “war communism” cannot be excluded in face of the further development of the present “anti-terror-war” of the world imperialists. Stalin estimated war communism more or less probable” according to certain circumstances:

Stalin:

Can it be said that war communism is an inevitable phase of the proletarian revolution? No, it cannot. War communism is a policy forced upon the proletarian dictatorship by a situation of war and intervention; it is designed for the establishment of direct products-exchange between town and country, not through the market but apart from the market, chiefly by measures of an extra-economic and partially military character, and aims at organising such a distribution of products as can ensure the supply of the revolutionary armies at the front and of the workers in the rear. Obviously, if there had not been a situation of war and intervention, there would have been no war communism. Consequently, it cannot be asserted that war communism is an economically inevitable phase of development of the proletarian revolution.

Sometimes war communism is confused with the civil war, and the two are identified. That, of course, is incorrect. The seizure of power by the proletariat in October 1917 was undoubtedly a form of civil war. But it would be wrong to say that we began to apply war communism in October 1917. It is quite possible to conceive a state of civil war in which the methods of war communism are not applied, in which the principles of the New Economic Policy are not abandoned, as was the case in our country in the early part of 1918, before the intervention.

Some say that the proletarian revolutions will take place in isolation from one another, and that therefore not a single proletarian revolution will be able to escape intervention, and hence war communism. That is not true. Now that we have succeeded in consolidating Soviet power in the U.S.S.R., now that the Communist Parties in the principal capitalist countries have grown and the Comintern has increased in strength, there cannot and should not be isolated proletarian revolutions. We must not overlook such factors as the increasing acuteness of the crisis of world capitalism, the existence of the Soviet Union, and the growth of communism in all countries.

I do agree ... that the formula in the draft programme which speaks of the possibility, in definite international conditions, of war communism in countries where a proletarian revolution has taken place, might be replaced by a formula saying that intervention and war communism are more or less probable(Stalin: Works, Vol. 11, January, 1928 to March, 1929 , “Plenum of the C.C., C.P.S.U.[B.], July 4 - 12, 1928, English edition).

This is of extremely important significance for the coming global civil world war.

In particular, the world-revolutionary soldier (who turns his back with his rifle against the counter-revolution) is the negation of the negation of the soldiers of the international counter-revolution. And in general, the negation of the negation of the international counter-revolution is the world-proletarian armed violence, rebellion, revolution, civil war, the intervention against the counter-revolution, its encirclement, blockade and occupation of counter-revolutionary pockets of resistance , the infiltration by the world-proletarian Security Service within the counter-revolutionary ranks, the granting of proletarian, internationalist assistance and support against the counter-revolution in every single country.

The leading and only revolutionary class in the struggle against the international counter-revolution is the world proletariat. The poor peasants who were cheated by the counter-revolution are the closest allies of the world proletariat. And finally there are the revolutionary soldiers who turn their guns against the counter-revolution, and who ally with the workers and peasants. With them, the military units against the counter-revolution are formed ( armament of the soldiers, workers and poor peasants). Everything that is not struggling under the leadership of the revolutionary world proletariat has to be neutralized. And those who neither support the struggle against the counter-revolution nor behaving neutrally, come under the influence of the counter-revolution - whether they like it or not.

Stalin:

The Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries had abandoned the path of revolution, hence they were inevitably bound to fall under the sway of the (...) counter-revolutionaries.” (Stalin, works, Volume 3, The Victory of the Cadets”, July 24, 1917, English edition).

Lenin drew the following conclusion from the time the rampant counter-revolution:

The period of rampant counter-revolution has left us a heritage of ideological disorder and disruption, organisational disintegration in many centres of the working-class movement, primitive methods and forced isolation from the Party on the part of some, and a scornful, or even malicious, attitude to the 'underground' that preserves the behests of the revolution and elaborates revolutionary tactics, on the part of the others.

The period of disintegration is passing. The time has come to gather our forces. Let us, then, rally in the illegal organisations of the R.S.D.L.P. The R.S.D.L.P., in organising the foremost contingents of this proletariat into an integral whole, must lead it into revolutionary battle in the name of our old revolutionary demands” ( Lenin, collected works, Volume 18, page 453, 454 and 455, English edition).


The mainstay and forerunner of the imperialist counter-revolution is the petty-bourgeois counter-revolution. It's the petty-bourgeois class elements who fall helplessly under the pressure of counter-revolution. They sway to and fro. They betray the revolution. They step in the back of the revolution. They weaken the revolution to such degree that it can be throttled more easily by the imperialist counter-revolution. The general-line of the Comintern (ML) is based on the principle that the imperialist counter-revolution can not be defeated, without defeating the petty-bourgeois counter-revolution. So, Lenin spoke about:

the lessons of preceding revolutions, in which the counter-revolution made a point of supporting the opposition to the extreme revolutionary party which stood closest to the latter, in order to undermine and overthrow the revolutionary dictatorship and thus pave the way for the subsequent complete victory of the counter-revolution, of the capitalists and landowners” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 32, page 242 – 243, English edition).

This way, also Enver Hoxha unmasked the counter-revolutionary character of the “Mao Tsetung thought” which “stand closest” to Marxism-Leninism:

The theory of Mao Tsetung, “Mao Tsetung thought”, which emerged in these new conditions, was bound to cloak itself with the most revolutionary and most scientific theory of the time – Marxism-Leninism, but in essence it remained an anti-Marxist theory, because it is opposed to proletarian revolution and goes to the aid of imperialism in decay” (Enver Hoxha, “Reflections on China”, Volume II, page 795, English edition).

The Chinese revisionists call on the international proletariat to unite with the blackest reaction !” (Enver Hoxha: “Reflections on China”, Volume II, page 680, English edition).

Communists are being killed in the world – the Chinese revisionists couldn't care less” (Enver Hoxha: “Reflections on China”, Volume II, page 716, English edition).

The policy of China must be combated mercilessly, must be exposed, because it is causing great damage to the world revolution, the peoples and socialism and is an opportunist policy which brings grist to the mill of imperialism and revisionism. This is criminal and the criminals, be they political ones, must be unmasked and knocked on the head” (Enver Hoxha: “Reflections on China”, Volume II, page 756, English edition).


The so-called "Chinese Proletarian Cultural Revolution" under the leadership of Mao Zedong was counter-revolutionary: Cultural Revolution in words and counter-revolution in deeds – the type of a revisionist counter-revolution. Under the guise of alleged "anti-revisionist" fighting the "old, obsolete power relations" -in truth the renewal and strengthening of bourgeois power - was modified, which is the essence of each refined tactic of counter-revolution. Through this tactic, one leadership clique of the bourgeoisie was replaced by another one, thus in a pseudo-revolutionary way, which facilitated the path to a more open capitalism. By means of revolutionary slogans Mao abused the student youth, the peasantry and the army as a base against the proletariat. In truth, Mao's "Cultural Revolution" was a petit-bourgeois-anarchist coup against the proletarian class - precisely what characterised the Cultural Revolution as counter-revolutionary:

Enver Hoxha:

The Chinese comrades think that aid for the international communist movement and the world revolution consists of recommending that they carry out the great proletarian cultural revolution as China did. According to them, from now on, it is not necessary to be inspired by the Great October Socialist Revolution (perhaps by the Paris Commune, yes), but by the Cultural Revolution, because, just as Marxism-Leninism has been replaced with «Mao Tsetung thought», so the Cultural Revolution contains the October Socialist Revolution! This is a disgraceful anti-Marxist stand” (Enver Hoxha, “Reflections on China, Volume I, page 373, English, edition).

In China, the proletariat had never established its dictatorship. And even, if ...

If the socialist revolution has triumphed and the dictatorship of the proletariat is established, then - logically - every so called "revolution" which aims to smash the socialist power of the proletariat, is just the opposite - it is actually a counter-revolution.

Especially for the masses - who were either just before the victory of their revolution, or even had won, who already possessed revolutionary socialist consciousness to some degree and who gained experience with the tactics of the counter-revolution - the international counter-revolution was forced to complete its brutal force through refined new tactics of deception and sham manoeuvres. This tactic of the counter-revolution is to pose itself as the "revolution". The world bourgeoisie is hiding its international counter-revolution behind empty phrases of "liberation" and “protection”, as presently it is practised as "liberation from or security against terrorism". The history of counter-revolution is therefore also necessarily a history of its disguise with a "progressive" or even "revolutionary" image.

The hardest international counter-revolution in the history of socialism was the destruction of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the grievous loss of socialism by the revisionists, the labour aristocracy in power, the new social-bourgeoisie, the bourgeoisie of the restored capitalism. It is a special type of counter-revolution that has evolved under the conditions of socialism in “one” country and will always exist, as long as this counter-revolution is fueled and nourished by the world bourgeoisie.

Socialism and restoration of capitalism contradict each other as restoration of the counter-revolution and the revolution. That what the counter-revolution failed to accomplish from within the socialist country , was completed successfully by the support of the international counter-revolution, whereas the external factor was determined by the internal factor of the counter-revolution. Just as the revisionists have restored capitalism in a socialist country by means of the restoration of the counter-revolution, the revisionists shall also try to restore capitalism through the restoration of counter-revolution in an "individual" country and then on an international scale. However, Marxism-Leninism teaches that the abolition of the inevitability of every counter-revolution is finally unavoidable, inclusively its global restoration. And anyone who pretends to fight against the international revisionist counter-revolution on the "basis" of Marxism-Leninism, but who, in truth, proves as to be its prolonged arm, the "5th Column", who stabs the world revolution in the back - is a neo-revisionist traitor. The neo-revisionists are the successors of the old modern revisionists, who had once eliminated socialism in a "single" country. Neo-revisionists are counter-revolutionaries, enemies of the socialist, proletarian world revolution. The neo-revisionists are the revisionists of today who try to prevent us not only from the preparation, implementation, and the victory of world revolution, however later on, they will also try to restore the world capitalism. The victory over the neo-revisionism is therefore a victory of the world revolution over the international counter-revolution. Whether in the capitalist countries, whether in the revisionist countries or the countries of the oppressed peoples, the revisionists shed blood of the Marxist-Leninists, blood of the revolutionary workers and working people in the world - and they have not ceased and will not stop to do this ! The revisionists provoke coups, essentially not different from the CIA. They wage wars and they exercise (military) fascist violence, as the U.S. imperialists. Social-fascism in each revisionist country was and still is the worst prison for the workers and toilers, meant and means death of hundreds of thousands of revolutionary workers and toilers. The world social-fascism would be a disaster for the whole world proletariat and the toilers all over the world.

What lesson draws the world revolution from the victory of the counter-revolution which was operating under the guise of "anti-revisionism" in Albania? It is imperative that the world revolution smashes the link between overt and covert counter-revolution - both internal and external counter-revolution, through disempowerment of the whole world bourgeoisie, who establishes close ties between the counter-revolutions in all countries of the world.


Nobody can prohibit Communism - nowhere all over the world. The international counter-revolution is powerless against the social world development, by which the heads of the counter-revolution gets run over. You can push the world-revolutionaries into the underground, but not the world revolution itself - it will move forward inexorably, and will remove all hindrances. The Comintern (ML) may be forced to give up the one or the other tactics, or replace it with another. We may be forced into the greatest victims. But we will never - whatsoever the conditions of the struggle are - give up our principles. We stick faithfully to the program and the ideological and political principles of the five classics of Marxism-Leninism. We shall implement their revolutionary general-line into action, even in the most difficult crisis. The communist party is never allowed to renounce both its revolutionary spirit and methods in the course of the attacks of the international counter-revolution. The international class struggle against counter-revolution may never be neglected, paralysed or even abandoned.

The solution to the issue of illegal revolutionary work, for the protection against the international counter-revolution, is the task of the proletarians of all countries. It is a global priority, which is explicitly defined in the general-line of the Comintern (ML). If it is the goal of world bourgeoisie to separate the Marxist-Leninists in the world from each other, and to isolate them, then we must, in turn, create our shared international illegal organization. The individual Marxist-Leninist party in this or that country is powerless against the international counter-revolution. To cope with the international counter-revolution, the Marxist-Leninist parties must unite themselves in an international revolutionary community. The victory of the proletarian world revolution and the victory of the world dictatorship of the proletariat is impossible without a revolutionary, illegally constructed Communist International. It must be free from opportunism and “pact-making”. It must never capitulate in face of the bourgeoisie. It must revolutionarily oppose to the state power and its oppressive apparatus.

The armed proletarian world revolution can never be done without illegal international organizational structures. The world bourgeoisie will never cede its own political power to the world proletariat on a voluntary legal way. If we want to burst the reactionary chains of illegality, we need an illegal Communist International with revolutionary tactics. Whoever gives up the illegal struggle, negates the Communist International and its revolutionary tactics! As long as the Comintern (ML) is fighting for the power of the world proletariat, we are exposed to the international counter-revolution and we must master the tactics of the globalized illegality. We fight as legal as possible and as illegal as necessary. The tactics of illegality is thus indispensable for the whole period of history of the Communist International. Legalism, in contrast, is the road of revisionism - the peaceful path and peaceful coexistence - the road to capitulation to the bourgeoisie, the road of liquidation of the Bolshevik Party and the disarming of the working class, the path of class-reconciliation and submission of the working class under the bourgeoisie. To deny the illegal preparation and implementation of the proletarian world revolution, is abandon the world-proletarian revolution. We fight only for such a legality which helps us to bring the masses closer to the world socialist revolution. Only a legality under conditions of the world dictatorship of the proletariat can ensure a real and lasting legality of the Communists. Ultimately, we have to remove the inevitability of illegality by abolishing its causes - namely through smashing the bourgeois world of exploitation and oppression.

A world-revolutionary is not the one who is only revolutionary from the moment of the outbreak of world revolution. A genuine world-revolutionary is the one who defends the principles and slogans of world revolution under the harshest illegal conditions, in times of fascism and reaction, in times when the war is raging in the world at its worst. A world-revolutionary is the one who teaches the masses precisely in these difficult conditions to fight for the liberation of the world proletariat in a revolutionary way. The world-revolutionary is the one who never loses the connection with the world masses - not even under the toughest, illegal conditions.

Finally, the Comintern (ML) summarizes the general-line against the international counter-revolution as follows:

To do the utmost possible of solidarity in one country for the resistance against the counter-revolution, for the disarmament and destruction of the counter-revolution in all countries.

And to do the utmost possible of solidarity in all countries for the resistance against the counter-revolution, disarmament and destruction of the counter-revolution in every single country .

Lenin taught:

The guns should be directed, not against our brothers, the wage slaves of other countries, but against the reactionary and bourgeois governments and parties of all countries” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 21, page 176).

The international counter-revolution is interested in isolating and beating the revolutionary proletariat in its own country, early enough before the proletarians of all the other countries are united. The international revolution, however, is interested in preparing the unification of the proletarian troops of all countries as a great international Red Army, before the international counter-revolution has isolated and disarmed its detachments in the single countries.











World revolution

and break-through of the weakest chain-link of the imperialist chain


The break-through of the imperialist chain link is essentially part of the world revolution and, therefore, the break-out of the weakest chain-link is a global task of the whole world proletariat and not a task of the proletariat of the weakest chain-link, all alone. In analogy to the Marxist-Leninist doctrine that the construction of socialism is only possible on the ruins of the completely smashed capitalist state, Lenin recognized that imperialism is based on an international system of states, that the individual capitalist states are bound within this system, that they are linked and positioned in an international chain of states and - what is most important – that they depend on it. Globalisation means increase of dependence from the world imperialist chain, means increase of antagonisms contradictions among the chain-links, means: globalisation of the united struggle of all revolutionary forces of the chain-links to get rid of the whole world-imperialist chain. The stronger the world imperialist chain, the more powerful the revolutionary blasting force of its chain-links.

The world-imperialist chain was constructed by the richest states of the world for the purpose to increase the enslavement of all the other states.

The world imperialist chain is a global chain of oppression and exploitation of nations by imperialist nations, by the world bourgeoisie - with the global capital concentrated and centralized in her hands. The world imperialist chain was primarily built by means of the exploitation of the world proletariat who is chained tightest to the global capital, who suffers most by this global chain and who is the only force which is most capable and most determined to break through this chain, which bursts this chain, and which finally abolishes its inevitability.

The world revolution is impossible without the break-through of the weakest chain of the imperialist chain, is impossible without the socialist revolution in this part of the world. Moreover, the world revolution is a global system of the socialist revolution in every country. The Marxist-Leninist theory of the proletarian, socialist world revolution is a global liberation theory of the world proletariat for the abolition of the inevitability of the world-imperialist chain. And the break-through at its weakest link is indivisibly part of this theory. These socialist revolutions are chain-links of the world-revolution which directly interrelate to the chain-links of the world-imperialist chain. Historically, the beginning of the world revolution was connected with the break-through of the weakest chain-link of the imperialist chain. The era of world imperialism heralded the world-revolutionary era of the break-through and tearing-down of the imperialist chain. Derived from the capitalist law of the transitoriness of the world imperialist chain there are two tendencies in our time of globalisation:

The first tendency is, that both the break-through at the weakest point and irretrievable tearing-down of the whole world imperialist chain draw nearer up to a closely united process.

The second tendency is, that the break-through - which once was determined by the proletariat of a single nation – will be determined by the whole world proletariat in an steadily ascending line of its own globalised class-struggle. The general-line of the Comintern (ML) is basing on these two tendencies which speed up the chain' s decay and collapse and that' s why we promote them systematically.

Marxism-Leninism teaches that the democratic right of free self-determination of nations is worth nothing, if it does not include expressively the right of the exploited and oppressed nations to detach from the exploiting and oppressing nations. The break-through of the weakest chain-link is an inevitable step to get finally rid of the whole imperialist chain what is in the interest of the world proletariat, in general, and that of the proletariat of the weakest chain-link, in particular. The break-through of the weakest chain-link of the imperialist chain is required for the construction of socialism in a “single” country, in particular, and for the construction of world socialism, in general. The dialectical relationship and unit of the socialist revolution in a single country and the socialist world revolution is reflected and modified by the dialectical relationship and unit of the break-through of the weakest chain-link and the destruction and removal of the whole world-imperialist chain. The termination of the era of world imperialism is determined by the united revolutionary action of the whole world proletariat, in general, and by the united actions between the proletarians of all countries and the proletariat of the single country which breaks-through the imperialist chain, in particular. The destruction of the world-imperialist chain – including the anti-imperialist struggle of the national liberation movements - is in first line serving the interest of the worker, is an act of proletarian internationalism.

Lenin linked the breaking-out of the chain of imperialism in the context of the slogan of the right of nations to secede! This slogan of the secession of the oppressed from the oppressing nations is an important part of the Leninist world-revolutionary policy. The class solidarity between workers of different nations is impossible without recognition of the nations' right to secede from the imperialist world system. The victory of the breaking-through of the world-imperialist chain and the successful unification of the proletarians of all countries are connected in a direct interrelation. The self-determination of a nation is part of the struggle against world imperialist slavery, is a step to ease the break-through of the world-imperialist chain.

Lenin teaches: The world-imperialist chain is tearable by its decaying, parasitic and moribund nature in general. It is also tearable by the laws of the inhomogeneity of the economic, political and social development of the individual chain links, in particular. Lenin found out: The revolution is definetly most probable and most promising at the weakest point of the imperialist chain. The proletarian revolution can break through, there at first, where the front of the imperialist world system is weakest, and the revolutionary movement is strongest. It is therefore not sufficient that the ruling classes of the weakest link are no longer economically able to rescue the country from bankruptcy. The weakest link in the chain does not burst out of the world's imperialist chain by itself. The world-proletarian subjective factor is of decisive importance for this purpose. It requires not alone the collapse of the capitalist system, but also, that the rulers are not any more capable to pacify the commotions and dissatisfaction of the masses and that they cannot tackle the strong and well organized revolutionary forces of the proletariat.

Leninism is particularly the doctrine of socialism in a "single" country that liberated itself as a chain link and that makes its own way, independently from and in confrontation with the entire imperialist world system. The first socialist country is basis and lever for the socialist revolution in the next-following, the second weakest link in particular, and for the world socialist revolution in general. In this order, one weak link after another is broken out of the imperialist world chain, until the entire chain of imperialism is smashed and the world bourgeoisie defeated. The Leninist theory of the world-revolutionary process of breaking the weakest links out of the world-front of imperialism is valid for the entire historical period of transition from world-capitalism to world-socialism , especially under the present conditions of globalization. Today there is no country and no spot on earth, where the objective conditions for the out-break out of the world-imperialist chain are not given. Crucial today is the strengthening of the world revolutionary subjective factor by its globalization, in order to ease and speed up the break-through of the world-imperialist chain at its weakest chain-link. And the Comintern (ML) is the world organization which is doing everything possible for the strengthening of the globalization of the world-proletarian subjective factor by learning from the teachings of the five classics of Marxism-Leninism:



Quotations of Lenin, Stalin und Enver Hoxha

on the “break-through of the weakest chain-link of the imperialist chain”


Lenin:

The workers of the whole world … applaud us for breaking the iron ring … of imperialist chains” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 28, page 65, English edition).

Lenin:

You all know to what extent capital is an international force, to what extent all the big capitalist enterprises, factories, shops, etc., all over the world are linked up together; this makes it obvious that in substance capital cannot be completely defeated in our country. It is an international force, and in order to rout it thze workers must also make a concerted effort on an international scale. (Lenin, collected works, Volume 32, page 112 – 113, English version).

Capital is an international evil, and just because of this all countries find themselves so grappled to each other that when some go down they tend to drag down the rest” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 32, page 116, English version).

Lenin:

It is not enough to be a revolutionary and an adherent of socialism or a Communist in general. You must be able at each particular moment to find the particular link in the chain which you must grasp with all your might in order to hold the whole chain and to prepare firmly for the transition to the next link; the order of the links, their form, the manner in which they are linked together, the way they differ from each other in the historical chain of events, are not as simple and not as meaningless as those in an ordinary chain made by a smith” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 27, page 274, English version).

Lenin:

Political events are always very confused and complicated. They can be compared with a chain. To hold the whole chain you must grasp the main link. Not a link chosen at random” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 33, page 302, English version).

Lenin:

We must constantly test ourselves by a study of the chain of political events in their entirety, in their causal connection, in their results. By analysing the errors of yesterday, we learn to avoid errors today and tomorrow” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 26, page 52, English version).

Lenin:

This revolution as a whole can only be understood as a link in a chain of socialist proletarian revolutions being caused by the imperialist war” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 25, page 388).

Lenin:

    The first Bolshevik revolution has wrested the first hundred million people of this earth from the clutches of imperialist war and the imperialist world. Subsequent revolutions will deliver the rest of mankind from such wars and from such a world” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 33, page 57, English version).

Stalin:

The October Revolution is not merely a revolution 'within national bounds', but, primarily, a revolution of an international, world order. We often say that the October Revolution is a breach of the world imperialist front. But what does that mean? It means that it ushered in the era of proletarian revolutions and the dictatorship of the proletariat. The centres and periphery—together. Thereby, October struck world imperialism a mortal blow from which it will never recover “

(Stalin, works, Volume 10, Synopsis of the Article "The International Character of the October Revolution", October 1927).

Stalin:

The law of uneven development in the period of imperialism means the spasmodic development of some countries relative to others, the rapid ousting from the world market of some countries by others, periodic re-divisions of the already divided world through military conflicts and catastrophic wars, the increasing profundity and acuteness of the conflicts in the imperialist camp, the weakening of the capitalist world front, the possibility of this front being breached by the proletariat of individual countries, and the possibility of the victory of socialism in individual countries.”

One line is the line of our Party, which calls upon the proletarians of the individual countries to prepare for the coming revolution, to follow vigilantly the course of events and to be ready, when the conditions are favourable, to breach the capitalist front independently, to take power and shake the foundations of world capitalism. The other line is the line of our opposition, which sows doubts regarding the expediency of independently breaching the capitalist front and calls on the proletarians of the individual countries to wait for the "general denouement."



Stalin ( in answer to Trotsky):

Who has the greater chance of a speedy victory is a question that is not decided by contrasting the proletariat of one country with the proletariat of other countries, or the peasantry of our country with the proletariat of other countries. Such contrasting is mere childishness. Who has the greater chance of a speedy victory is a question that is decided by the real international situation, by the real correlation of forces on the front of the struggle between capitalism and socialism. It may happen that the proletarians of the West will defeat their bourgeoisie and seize power before we succeed in laying a socialist foundation for our economy. That is by no means excluded. But it may happen that the proletariat of the U.S.S.R. will succeed in laying a socialist foundation for our economy before the proletarians of the West overthrow their bourgeoisie. That is not excluded either. The question of the chances of a speedy victory is one the decision of which depends upon the real situation on the front of the struggle between capitalism and socialism, and upon it alone”

(Stalin, works, Volume 9, The Seventh Enlarged Plenum of the E.C.C.I.; November 22-December 16, 1926).



Stalin:

Imperialism was instrumental not only in making the revolution a practical inevitability, but also in creating favourable conditions for a direct assault on the citadels of capitalism. Such was the international situation which gave birth to Leninism.”

Now we must speak of the world proletarian revolution; for the separate national fronts of capital have become links in a single chain called the world front of imperialism, which must be opposed by a common front of the revolutionary movement in all countries. Now the proletarian revolution must be regarded primarily as the result of the development of the contradictions within the world system of imperialism, as the result of the breaking of the chain of the world imperialist front in one country or another.

Where will the revolution begin? Where, in what country, can the front of capital be pierced first?

Where industry is more developed, where the proletarian constitutes the majority, where the proletariat constitutes the majority, where the there is more culture, where there is more democracy-that was the reply usually given formerly.

No, objects the Leninist theory of revolution, not necessarily where industry is more developed, and so forth. The front of capital will be pierced where the chain of imperialism is weakest, for the proletarian revolution is the result of the breaking of the chain of the world imperialist front at its weakest link; and it may turn out that the country which has started the revolution, which has made a breach in the front of capital, is less developed in a capitalist sense than other, more developed, countries, which have, however, remained within the framework of capitalism” (Stalin, works, Volume 6, The foundations of Leninism”, April 1924).



Stalin:

It seems to me that the author of the article 'Must There Be Confusion?' is mistaken. Under no circumstances can the thesis—'the imperialist chain breaks where it is weakest'—be equated with Bukharin’s thesis: 'the imperialist chain breaks where the national-economic system is weakest.' Why? Because the former speaks of the weakness of the imperialist chain which has to be breached, that is, it speaks of the weakness of the imperialist forces, whereas Bukharin speaks of the weakness of the national-economic system of the country which (the country) has to breach the imperialist chain, that is, of the weakness of the anti-imperialist forces. That is by no means one and the same thing. More than that, these are two opposite theses.

According to Bukharin, the imperialist front breaks where the national-economic system is weakest. That, of course, is untrue. If it were true, the proletarian revolution would have begun not in Russia, but somewhere in Central Africa. The 'Introductory Essay on Leninism', however, says something that is the very opposite of Bukharin’s thesis, namely, that the imperialist chain breaks where it (the chain) is weakest. And that is quite true. The chain of world imperialism breaks in a particular country precisely because it is in that country that it (the chain) is weakest at the particular moment. Otherwise, it would not break. Otherwise, the Mensheviks would be right in their fight against Leninism.

And what determines the weakness of the imperialist chain in a particular country? The existence of a certain minimum of industrial development and cultural level in that country. The existence in that country of a certain minimum of an industrial proletariat. The revolutionary spirit of the proletariat and of the proletarian vanguard in that country. The existence in that country of a substantial ally of the proletariat (the peasantry, for example), an ally capable of following the proletariat in a determined struggle against imperialism. Hence, a combination of conditions which render the isolation and overthrow of imperialism in that country inevitable.” (Stalin, Works, Vol. 12, April 1929 - June 1930, pp. 143-145, A Necessary Correction”).

Stalin:

The characteristic feature of the assistance given by the victorious country is not only that it hastens the victory of the proletarians of other countries, but also that, by facilitating this victory, it ensures the final victory of socialism in the first victorious country.

Most probably, in the course of development of the world revolution, side by side with the centers of imperialism in individual capitalist countries and with the system of these countries throughout the world, centers of socialism will be created in individual Soviet countries and a system of these centers throughout the world, and the struggle between these two systems will fill the history of the unfolding of the world revolution.”

The world significance of the October Revolution lies not only in the fact that it constitutes a great beginning made by one country in causing a breach in the system of imperialism and that it is the first center of socialism in the ocean of imperialist countries, but also in that it constitutes the first stage of the world revolution and a mighty base for its further development. Therefore, not only those are wrong who forget the international character of the October Revolution and declare the victory of socialism in one country to be a purely national, and only a national, phenomenon, but also those who, although they bear in mind the international character of the October Revolution, are inclined to regard this revolution as something passive, merely destined to accept help from without. Actually, not only does the October Revolution need support from the revolution in other countries, but the revolution in those countries needs the support of the October Revolution, in order to accelerate and advance the cause of overthrowing world imperialism.”

(Stalin, Works, Volume 6,The October Revolution and the Tactics of the Russian Communists”, December 1924).

Stalin:

The disintegration of the single, all-embracing world market must be regarded as the most important economic sequel of the Second World War and of its economic consequences. It has had the effect of further deepening the general crisis of the world capitalist system.

China and other, European, people's democracies broke away from the capitalist system and, together with the Soviet Union, formed a united and powerful socialist camp confronting the camp of capitalism, The economic consequence of the existence of two opposite camps was that the single all-embracing world market disintegrated, so that now we have two parallel world markets, also confronting one another.”

The sphere of exploitation of the world's resources by the major capitalist countries (...) will not expand, but contract; that their opportunities for sale in the world market will deteriorate, and that their industries will be operating more and more below capacity. That, in fact, is what is meant by the deepening of the general crisis of the world capitalist system in connection with the disintegration of the world market.”

(Stalin: “Economic Problems of the USSR”, 1951).


Enver Hoxha:

    (1948 – the socialist world camp o0f comrade Stalin):

    The capitalist world becomes smaller and smaller, the sphere of the capitalist system of exploitation narrows, primarily in Europe and Asia.”

    The forces of the socialist world have grown and have become stronger” (Enver Hoxha, Report on the II. Congress of the PLA, march 31, 1952, Selected Works, page 170 and 171, translation from the German edition).

    If we want to thwart the global-strategy of world imperialism and world social-imperialism, – as comrade Enver Hoxha taught us – then we

    ...base ourselves firmly on the Marxist-Leninist theory of the revolution, ... that in the present situation there are a series of weak links in the capitalist world chain, as there will be in the future, at which the revolutionaries and the peoples must carry out ceaseless activity, an unrelenting and courageous organized struggle to break these links one after another” (Enver Hoxha, »Imperialism and Revolution«, English edition, Chapter: The Revolution - the Only Weapon to Defeat the Strategy of the Enemies of the Proletariat and the Peoples”).

    Enver Hoxha:

    The Marxist-Leninist parties in capitalist countries are therefore obliged to work and fight constantly for the weakening of the international monopoly capital, to put it in a flurry. Thus, also the multinationals who oppress and exploit the peoples. In such a way that the people can break the weakest link in the capitalist chain, ie to rise an insurgency, to seize power and carry out democratic reforms and also to establish the dictatorship of the proletariat, the socialist base, and a socialist superstructure " (Enver Hoxha, Oeuvres choisies, Volume 5, pages 757-781, translation from the French edition).

Meanwhile, in the course of globalisation, the disintegration process of the world imperialist chain has deepened and continued to spread, which increases the prospects for the realization of the proletarian socialist revolution enormously. Today, there are government debt and bankruptcy, even among the strongest links in the chain of the imperialist world.

The chain of world imperialism has its own global tendency to crumble and its final decay is inevitable. But as long as it exist, it undergoes changes in its development, relevant to the application and development of Marxism-Leninism, for the right strategy and tactics of the proletarian, socialist world revolution of crucial importance. We assigned colonial chain links related to certain imperialist powers in the beginning of the imperialist world. For the first time, the weakest link in the imperialist chain was the Russian imperialism, from which broke away all the nations and peoples which were linked to it. All these nations and peoples were re-linked in the Soviet Union and became socialist states. With every tearing out of the next weakest imperialist chain-link also all those oppressed and exploited nations and peoples have better opportunities to liberate themselves, with the support of the victorious proletariat which established its dictatorship in this second weakest imperialist chain-link, etc.. In the course of the world revolution, the bursting out of an imperialist chain-link results unfailingly in the detachment of all its colonies and dependent nations. The era of the dictatorship of the world proletariat is thus the era of the liberation of all nations and peoples from the world imperialist chain.

Today there are globalised chain-links of the world- imperialist chain. Dominant are multinational, globalised structures in contrast to the old, nationally limited structures of the major imperialist powers. The financial markets have become globalized and they are united in a global network. The imperialist powers are thus linked more closely together, which complicates the uprooting of individual chain links. This needs more centralisation and concentration of the global revolutionary forces. It is the centralization and concentration of global finance capital in few hands, which has brought many countries in a dependent relationship, and this to an increasing extent. Today there are an increasing number of weak imperialist links which have been sucked into the whirlpool of the increasing shocks and crises of the entire world capitalist system. It is world capitalism itself which aggravates the growing amount of bankruptcy states and which weakens its own chain-links. It produces more and more weak links of the imperialist chain - its own collapse. The world proletariat has the the task to unite the toiling masses of all the weak chain-links, for the purpose of shaking and breaking the whole world-imperialist chain.

Under the conditions of globalisation it is inevitable that the increasing contradictory relationship between the oppressed and oppressor nations develops in favour of world socialism. The fronts become more permeable as a result of globalization. The whole world-imperialist chain becomes more permeable. On the one hand, we observe bankrupt capitalist nations with a downward trend towards the camp of the dependent and neo-colonialised nations - caused by the increasing competitive battles on the world markets. On the other hand, we notice the trend of some transitional countries towards imperialism (Brazil - in South America ; South-Africa - in Africa, China and India - in Asia). Even changes among the superpowers themselves are to be observed. China became a social-imperialist superpower and has thus replaced the first social-imperialist superpower, the former Soviet Union. At the same time, the crisis-ridden U.S. imperialism has a tendency to lose its dominant superpower status. These major changes in the composition of the chain of world imperialism, the redistribution of dominance of the globalised world, makes it necessary to reorient our globalised revolutionary class-forces on the newly emerged conditions. The general-line of the Comintern (ML) has to take into account all these changes within the world-imperialist chain. The blind and dogmatic takeover of the strategy and tactics of comrade Lenin and Stalin must be rejected because we are not allowed to equate the present conditions of globalisation with those of their times. We must learn to change our world-revolutionary struggle. We must take advantage of all the new opportunities offered by globalization. The capitalist nations which are increasingly faced with their existential crisis of globalization, are certainly more prone to dropping out of the world imperialist chain - at least they slip into the number of the weakest links. We must strengthen the solidarity of the proletarians between the strong and weak nations, we must take advantage of the contradictions between the strong and weak capitalist nations in order to weaken the imperialist world chain, as a whole. We also need to strengthen the solidarity of the proletariat of the oppressor nations with the working people of the poorest countries of the world. This also contributes to the weakening in the world imperialist chain. And finally, the proletariat of the nations which developed to new imperialism, must lead a consistent struggle against the emerging social-chauvinism. With its socialist revolution, it must take advantage of the new economic developments in its country for the better and faster construction of socialism. It must primarily support the revolution of the peoples who are exploited by the neo-imperialist transitional country. Above all, the proletariat must make use of the contradictions between the old and new imperialist powers, which will grow in any case. The old and new imperialist powers entangle themselves in a fight against each other and annihilate their forces mutually. The old ones try to defend their supremacy. And the new imperialist countries trying to break the dominant position of the old imperialist powers, in order to expand themselves.

Lenin:

We have so far been victorious only because of the most profound discord among the imperialist powers, and only because that discord has not been a fortuitous and internal dissension between parties, but a most deep-seated and ineradicable conflict of economic interests among the imperialist countries” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 31, page 466, English edition).

Lenin:

    Until socialism finally triumphs all over the world … we must take advantage of the antagonisms and the contradictions that exist between the two imperialisms, the two groups of capitalist states, and play them off against each other. Until we have conquered the whole world, and as long as we are economically and militarily weaker than the capitalist world, we must stick to the rule that we must be able to take advantage of the antagonisms and contradictions existing among the imperialists.”

    However, as soon as we are strong enough to overcome capitalism, as a whole, we shall immediately seize it by the scruff of the neck” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 31, page 438 - 439 and 441, English edition).

Lenin said, concerning the smashing of the world-imperialist chain:

The socialist revolution will not be solely, or chiefly, a struggle of the revolutionary proletarians in each country against their bourgeoisie – no, it will be a struggle of all the imperialist-oppressed colonies and countries, of all dependent countries, against international imperialism. Characterising the approach of the world social revolution in the Party Programme … we said that the civil war of the working people against the imperialists and the exploiters in all the advanced countries is beginning to be combined with national wars against international imperialism” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 30, page 159, English edition).

Globalisation of crises has a tendency to weaken the world's imperialist chain as a whole and to accelerate the globalization of the world revolutionary forces. Were it not for globalization, we would not have the opportunity to combat the world's imperialist chain with global counteragents. And out of this opportunity results a global commitment which is stipulated in the general line of the Comintern (ML). Whoever denies the globalization of the struggle of smashing the weakest chain-link denies the proletarian internationalism, contributes to maintaining the globalised chain of imperialism and becomes an opponent of the proletarian, socialist world revolution.








World revolution

and the (re-)creation of the world-revolutionary chain of socialism


Can the former socialist chain-links - Soviet Union and Albania - be restored ?

Can the socialist world-chain be recreated and reconstructed ?

The Hoxhaism answers these important questions with a resounding "yes".

The Hoxhaism is the theory and tactics of the renewal of the socialist revolution and the re-establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Stalinism-Hoxhaism is the theory and tactics of the restoration of the chain-links of the socialist world-camp on an higher, advanced, global stage.

This theory emerged in the struggle of the Marxist-Leninists against modern revisionism in power.

Stalinism-Hoxhaism teaches that the socialist world-camp of Comrade Stalin is restorable through the proletarian socialist world revolution; that the global spreading of the dictatorship of the proletariat in more and more countries will be continued inevitably - until the final victory of world socialism even though the world-revolutionary centre - at first the Soviet Union and then Albania - suffered a defeat. Stalinism-Hoxhaism teaches that the world imperialist centre inevitably contributes itself to the strengthening of a renewed centre of the world revolution, that the struggle against the new world-revolutionary centre does not ultimately weaken, but on the contrary, strengthen it.

Lenin:

The world revolution is not far off, but it cannot develop according to a special time-table. Having survived two revolutions we will appreciate this. We know, however, that although the imperialists cannot contain the world revolution, certain countries are likely to be defeated, and even heavier losses are possible. They know that Russia is in the birth-pangs of a proletarian revolution, but they are mistaken if they think that by crushing one centre of the revolution they will crush the revolution in other countries.”

Even if they can crush one country, they can never crush the world proletarian revolution, they will only add more fuel to the flames that will consume them all” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 28, page 163 and 164, English edition).



And when Lenin said this, he did not exclude the restoration of capitalism in a socialist country.

Every capitalist country will be inevitably transformed into a socialist country. Only the conditions for this transformation changes and with it the strategy and tactics and all the different measures which must be adopted. It is the global conditions which increasingly require global measures for this transformation. This was demonstrated by the five classics of Marxism-Leninism scientifically.

And each country, in which capitalism was restored, will be transformed inevitably into a restored socialist country. This principle was demonstrated scientifically by the fifth Classic of Marxism-Leninism, comrade Enver Hoxha.

Stalinism-Hoxhaism implies that even an assumed period of the restored world capitalism will inevitably end with a restoration of world socialism.

The teachings of the five classics of Marxism-Leninism are invincible. The revisionism is as beatable as just the entire ideology of world imperialism, because it is the ideology of a decaying, dying and parasitic class, of its decaying, dying and parasitic world domination, of its decaying, dying and parasitic world-imperialist chain.

Regarded dialectically, the world-socialist chain is nothing but the negation of the negation of the world-imperialist chain. The dialectical negation of the world-imperialist chain means detachment from it, by uniting all anti-imperialist forces - led by the world-proletariat. Tearing out of the weakest imperialist chain-link and thus its transformation into a world-socialist link is not a straight-lined process. This world-revolutionary process of transformation from world-imperialist chain into the world-socialist chain has to overcome many contradictions and defeats, and thus this process follows - as Lenin said - a "Zigzag-course" before it can be finished victoriously. The conditions for the destruction of the imperialist world-chain and construction of the world-socialist chain differ particularly in the first and second period of socialism. The general-line of the re-construction of the world-socialist chain must necessarily be newly considered and globally modified, today.


    Lenin (What is to be done?”):

    Every question 'runs in a vicious circle' because political life as a whole is an endless chain consisting of an infinite number of links. The whole art of politics lies in finding and taking as firm a grip as we can of the link that is least likely to be struck from our hands, the one that is most important at the given moment, the one that most of all guarantees its possessor the possession of the whole chain. If we had a crew of experienced bricklayers … bricks are often not laid according to a general-line, but are so scattered that the enemy can shatter the structure as if it were made of sand and not of bricks” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 5, page 502, English version).

    We must apply this profound Leninist teaching to the general-line of the world revolution and the (re-)construction of the world-socialist chain.

Lenin:

The real interest of the epoch of great leaps lies in the fact that the abundance of fragments of the old, which sometimes accumulate more rapidly than the rudiments (not always immediately discernible) of the new, calls for the ability to discern what is most important in the line or chain of development. History knows moments when the most important thing for the success of the revolution is the heap up as large a quantity of the fragments as possible, i.e., to blow up as many of the old institutions as possible; moments arise when enough has been blown up and the next task is to perform the 'prosaic' ( for the petty-bourgeois revolutionary, the 'boring' task of clearing away the fragments; and moments arise when the careful nursing of the rudiments of the new system, which are growing amidst the wreckage on a soil which as yet has been badly cleared of rubble, is the most important thing” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 32, page 273 – 274).

As long as the world is divided into classes, the exploiting classes strive for world domination under the slogan: "divide and conquer". Not until the dictatorship of the world proletariat has triumphed - all class division of the world will be abolished, all divisions of the world into oppressing and oppressed nations will be removed, all enslaving concatenations of the exploitation of man over man will be eliminated forever. There are thus the imperialists, who built up their world-imperialist chain on the back of the peoples and who split the world into two hostile camps - the small camp of the oppressors and exploiters, and the large camp of the oppressed and exploited people - the one camp led by the world-bourgeoisie and the other by the world-proletariat. Not socialism, and its theory of tearing out the weakest imperialist chain link is the cause of the split of the world, but on the contrary - it is the world imperialism ! World-Socialism has the aim to overcome the imperialist division of the world by means of revolutionarily smashing the world-imperialist chain.

The Bolshevik tactics "tearing off individual chain links for the purpose of smashing the whole chain" - that is not a tactics to replace the old world-imperialist chain by a new one (social-imperialist chain). The world-Bolshevik tactics of the Comintern / ML has the goal: the elimination of the inevitability of any world imperialist chain and the imperialist division and re-division of the world. We abolish all classes-chains, which have enslaved the humanity.

The proletariat, which has conquered the weakest link of the world-imperialist chain, takes over consequentially a revolutionary reconnaissance and security position - the forward post of the revolutionary detachments of the proletarians of all the other countries. Together with the whole world-proletariat, this internationalist outpost goes to the solidary rescue of the revolution in the next-weakest link of the chain. Every conquered chain-link facilitates and eases the conquest of the next one. This is the aim of the vanguard of the world revolution, which does not remain for ever in a single country. The vanguard of the world revolution globalizes itself, while the revolution spreads itself all over the world.

The imperialists are mistaken if they think that by crushing one centre of the revolution they will crush the revolution in other countries” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 28, English edition).

The vanguard of world revolution is a difficult position, where the whole international counter-revolution mobilizes against the revolutionary advanced posts, to prevent the spread of the revolutionary outbreak. The world bourgeoisie is aware that the whole victory of world revolution, always depends on how far it succeeds in smashing the next link in the chain of world imperialism. Thus it must prevent the world revolution from the very beginning at the weakest chain-link.

The history of the world revolution teaches: It is easier to conquer a weak chain-link, than a strong one. However, by the momentum of the chain reaction, even the strongest link will unavoidably fall. An entire historical period is necessary to finish this world-revolutionary process, successfully.

The October Revolution teaches: It is more difficult to assert the proletarian power in one' own country, if the revolution in the next country fails or suffers defeat. It is also easier to seize revolutionary power in the imperialist weakest chain-link, but harder there to create socialism. On the other hand: In a stronger imperialist chain link, it is harder to win the proletarian power, but easier to build socialism. These are the teachings of Lenin.

Accordingly, it is rather difficult and complicated to lead the world socialist revolution to victory, but easier to create the world-socialism.

The history of the socialist world-camp of Comrade Stalin teaches us also: Power of world-communism increases progressively with every link of the imperialist chain, which was smashed by the socialist world-camp. With every conquered chain-link, the world revolution approaches its goal of smashing the entire chain of world imperialism.

When capitalism was ripe for socialism in an "one" country in the time of Comrade Lenin and the October Revolution;

when capitalism was ripe for the socialist world-camp of Comrade Stalin after the Second World War;

when capitalism was ripe for the victory over the capitalist-revisionist world in "one" country at the time of Comrade Enver Hoxha;

then ... globalized capitalism of today is ripe for world-socialism !

Chain-formations of all class-societies arise and fall with their classes. The creation of the world-socialist chain from the decay of the world-imperialist chain is equal to the chain reactions of all class-formations of society which is an endless chain consisting of at infinite number of chain-links. And this is also valid for the chain of the world revolution and its links. The whole art of the world revolution lies in finding and taking as firm a grip as the Comintern /ML can of the link that is least likely to be struck from our joint actions, the one that is most important at the given world revolutionary moment, the one that most of all guarantees the destruction of the whole world-imperialist chain and the transformation into the whole world-socialist chain.

No creation of the whole world-socialist chain – without the destruction of the whole world-imperialist chain.

No victory of the world-revolutionary chain – without the victory of its chain-links.

The breakthrough of the world imperialist chain starts with the joint actions of the proletarians of all countries. In these joint actions, the breakthrough will succeed at the weakest chain-links, and from there chain-reactions will follow throughout the world. The final destruction of the entire world imperialist chain and the construction of the world-socialist chain can only be achieved by the common struggle of all proletarians of the world - in accord with the chain-reactions of the socialist world revolution.

As long as the world's imperialist chain is not completely destroyed, we can only speak from a relative and not absolute uprooting of a chain link. Each link, torn from the world imperialist chain, still contains its old moles, is in an unstable state of the fight against restorative efforts. Therefore there is an acute danger that the torn chain-link reintegrates into the world-imperialist chain before it can be firmly anchored in the new world-socialist chain. Only under the terms of the emergence of many other chain links of world socialism, the restorative roots of individual chain links can be removed gradually. This problem occurred with the socialist camp after the death of Stalin.

Lenin:

The first country to break the convict chains of the imperialist war was our country. We sustained enormously heavy casualties in the struggle to break these chains, but we broke them. We are free from imperialist dependence, we have raised the banner of struggle for the complete overthrow of imperialism for the whole world to see. We are now, as it were, in a besieged fortress, waiting for the other detachments of the world revolution to come to our relief. These detachments exist, they are more numerous than ours, they are maturing, growing, gaining more strength the longer the brutalities of imperialism continue. In short, we are invincible, because the world proletarian revolution is invincible” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 28, page 75, English edition).

Enver Hoxha:

Time is working for us. We are the majority. We have not lost our confidence in the Bolsheviks of the Soviet Union. We have hopes in their strength, we like them, and we are sorry for them, because they are experiencing difficult moments. The Party of Labour of Albania will struggle with all its might to show them the disaster to which the revisionist group of Khrushchev is leading them. We must and will fight the main enemies, the imperialists and modern revisionists, until they are completely destroyed” (Enver Hoxha, “The Superpowers”, pages 64 – 65, English edition).

Lenin:

The proletariat has been victorious in one country, but it is still weak internationally” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 33, page 68, English version).

The socialist camp of Stalin had been victorious in several countries, but world imperialism was still dominant.

Lenin:

For victory be lasting, we must achieve the victory of the proletarian revolution in all, or at any rate in several, of the main capitalist countries. The main thing … has been maintained of the existence of proletarian rule and the Soviet Republic even in the event of the world socialist revolution being delayed.” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 31, page 411, English version).

Lenin described the socialist revolutions in various countries as "links in the chain of world revolution":

The Mensheviks assert that we are pledged to defeating the world bourgeoisie on our own. We have, however, always said, that we are only a single link in the chain of the world revolution, and have never set ourselves the aim of achieving victory by our own means.” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 31, page 431, English edition).

The bourgeoisie must be prevented from strangling the revolution by bloody suppression of a premature uprising. You must not be provoked. You must wait for the tide to rise to its highest: it will sweep everything away and give victory to the Communists. The revolution must be allowed to grow to full ripening of the fruit. The victory of Soviet power from within Poland will be a gigantic international victory. If Soviet power has, in my opinion, now won an international victory to the extent of 20 – 30 per cent, then with the victory of Soviet power from within Poland, we shall have a 40 – 50, perhaps even 51 per cent international victory of the communist revolution. For Poland is next door to Germany, Czechoslovakia and Hungary, and a Soviet Poland will undermine the whole regime built up on the peace of Versailles” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 42, page 354 and 355, “A letter to the Polish Communists” - 19.X.1921, English version).

Lenin:

We knew at that time that our victory would be a lasting one only when our cause had triumphed the world over, and so when we began working for our cause we counted exclusively on the world revolution. We have always known and shall never forget that ours is an international cause, and until the revolution takes place in all lands, including the richest and the most highly civilised ones, our victory will be only a half-victory, perhaps still less. During this period, the cause of the international revolution has suffered a number of reverses in some small countries, where assistance in crushing the movement has come from such huge predators as Germany, which helped to crush the Finnish revolution, or those giants of capitalism, Britain, France and Austria, which crushed the revolution in Hungary. By doing so, however, they have multiplied a thousandfold the elements of revolution in their own countries” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 31, pages 399 and 400, English version).


Leninism teaches the beginning of the smashing of the chain at its weakest link, which will be transformed into the first chain-link of world socialism. This is the assumption made ​​for the breakaway of the respective next weakest link of the world imperialist chain. And this new link in the chain of world socialism in turn creates the conditions for the breakaway of the third-weakest link in the chain of world imperialism, etc.. This chain reaction, this domino effect, continues until the last and strongest chain link of world imperialism is toppled down. With the elimination of the last chain link, the condition is fulfilled for transforming the world-imperialist chain into the world-socialist chain, finally. Stalin has successfully followed this Lenin's theory of the chain-links of the world revolution and developed it further with his doctrine of the world socialist camp, which he had implemented victoriously in the practice - until his death. Enver Hoxha defended this Leninist-Stalinist doctrine and developed it further. Although the socialist camp of Stalin was defeated by the modern revisionists , he re-built the Marxist-Leninist world movement in its fight against the entire capitalist-revisionist world. He promoted the creation of new chain links of the world socialist revolution with the basis and lever of Socialist Albania:

THE WORLD COMMUNISM OF THE PRESENT MUST BE MARKED:

BY A REVOLUTIONARY MILITANT SPIRIT OF THE HEROIC TIMES OF LENIN AND STALIN AND THE COMINTERN” [ ENVER HOXHA ].

The general-line of the Comintern / ML is therefore:

"If we really want to fight for the victory of world communism - then we need urgently a new Comintern, which is built in the militant spirit of the old Communist International of Lenin and Stalin."

What is actually the meaning of this term - “militant spirit” ? Revival of the militant spirit of the Comintern - this means nothing else but preparing the rebuilding of the Comintern, indeed. For us, who we are the true dialectical and historical materialists, there is no "militant spirit of the Comintern" on cloud nine or anywhere else. The real renaissance of the militant spirit of the Comintern can only be achieved by preparing the reconstruction of the Comintern itself. Any other interpretation of Hoxhaism is a deviation from Hoxhaism – is Anti-Hoxhaism.

The key to the transformation of the chain of world-imperialism into the chain of world-socialism is thus a new perspective in the Comintern, which is fighting in the militant spirit of the old Communist International of Lenin and Stalin.

Already Lenin taught that the imperialist war leads inevitably to the victory of socialism. And this was not only proved by Lenin during the First World War, but also by Stalin during World War II , in deed. Wherever the world imperialism demonstrated ruthless military force, intervention and occupation , these teachings of Lenin and Stalin are confirmed, and thereby world imperialism's weaknesses appear most clearly, especially the revolutionary strength of the anti-imperialist resistance. We have seen this in the spread of the October Revolution towards the west and to the east. Stalinism also spread towards the east - from the Soviet Union to China and Korea. If China would really become a Stalinist country, then the whole of Asia - including Japan - would have dropped out of the world-imperialist chain, and this would be the death sentence over the world imperialism. With the capture of Taiwan we would have got the entire Western Pacific in our hands. We Communists penetrated up to Indochina and with all our other extensions in Malaya, Burma and Indonesia (Communist uprisings in early 1948, massacre by the U.S. imperialists against the Indonesian Communists in 1948 and 1965 etc.).Our communist influence would then expand towards India and the Middle East, through to the Suez and we would have knocked at the gates of Europe. We Stalinists made so much progress with our world revolution - particularly in the end of the 40s - until Stalin's death - that the imperialists had predicted their own demise: "The free world is threatened by the monolithic mass of the Communist imperialism."

With the war against Vietnam, U.S. imperialism tried to stop further chain reactions of communism, but the opposite happened. The U.S. imperialists suffered the worst military defeat in its history, and the chain reaction accelerated itself even more. It led to the largest militant western protest movement against the Vietnam war - thus, deep into the big cities of world imperialism (inward chain reactions).

Stalinism is called reversal and transformation of the imperialist encirclement of the Soviet Union into an encirclement of the world-imperialist powers through the socialist camp. Stalinism is the most advanced world-historical stage of development of the transformation of the world-imperialist chain in the socialist world chain. Stalinism is - victory over world imperialism. Stalinism-Hoxhaism means victory over the entire capitalist-revisionist world. Stalinism was called specifically the confluence and unification of the socialist world revolution from both its sides: from the west-front and from the east-front. At that time this was achieved with the help of the Soviet Union's superpower, and tomorrow this will succeed with a strong globalized world communist movement under the leadership of the Comintern / ML. With the socialist world revolution, we will soon take over the entire material, economic base of the globalized world imperialism and on this basis we shall successfully restore the Stalinist world chain - crowned by its global anchorage.


The imperialists were aware of this danger already then, and that's it why they counter-posed their so-called "domino theory", with the aim to escape world-communism. The domino theory should not only be a panacea, to repel the global expansion of communism. The so-called "roll-back" tactic was a kind of world-imperialist counter-offensive for restoring the omnipotence of world capitalism. It was especially a domino theory, which was associated with the restoration of capitalism. This required the collaboration with the revisionists in power. Without the support of world imperialism, the modern revisionists would not have come to power, and the ever-weakening imperialist chain could not be transformed into a new, regenerated and strong chain of the imperialist/social-imperialist world (the world of the two superpowers in time of comrade Enver Hoxha).

The Hoxhaism was the only correct Marxist-Leninist weapon against this new imperialist/social-imperialist challenge, namely:

- to defend and strengthen the socialist world in the struggle against modern revisionism

- to fight against the restoration of capitalism under the terms of the rule of the capitalist-revisionist world

- to defend the Stalinist world camp not only against U.S. imperialism but also against the riving and liquidationist policy of the Soviet social-imperialism

- to struggle against different camps of modern revisionism

Hoxhaism is the struggle of the socialist world against the newly formed capitalist-revisionist world.

Hoxhaism is the world-wide class-struggle with the socialist Albania and the new Marxist-Leninist world forces at the head, who committed themselves to the goal of world socialist revolution, in the spirit of the Communist International of Lenin and Stalin.

Hoxhaism is the courageous breaking through the domination of modern revisionism within the communist world movement as a condition for successfully break through the world-imperialist chain.

Therein consists precisely the internationalist nature of Hoxhaism.

The Stalinist world-camp maintained its position against the danger of capitalist restoration. The Hoxhaist world-camp maintained its position against the power of restored capitalism. And the Stalinist-Hoxhaist world-camp will maintain its position against the danger of global restoration of capitalism, will eliminate its inevitability - by destroying the imperialist/social-imperialist chain.

Why did we use the term of the "imperialist/social-imperialist world chain" ?

The world-imperialist chain was reinforced late 40s and early 50s, not only at their weakest links of the revisionist countries - in order to stop the world communist influence - , but moreover enlarged towards a imperialist/social-imperialist world chain, especially in the beginning of the 60s - by means of the Russian social-imperialists and the conciliatory attitude of the centrist Maoists who followed their own social-imperialist intentions.

Precisely the ideological weapon of Marxism-Leninism for the destruction of this imperialist/social-imperialist chain - that is what we call Hoxhaism. Its strength is based on the scientifically proven nature's necessity of the victory of the socialist over the capitalist world.

What is the restoration of the world socialist chain in regard of the general line of the Comintern / ML ?

The restoration of those socialist individual chain-links which have been restored into capitalism, is a great challenge for the Comintern / ML. Today, it is not easy to break through the chain-links of the imperialist/social-imperialist world-chain because everyone knows: the re-positioning of an already fallen stone requires more energy than needed for its preceded downfall. After the socialist camp had been shattered by the fall of its socialist Albanian centre, the main dynamic force of the world revolution was exhausted.

We Marxist-Leninists know that the chain reactions are caused by the inequality in the development of the different capitalist countries. We know that the world -capitalist crises themselves even increase quicker and deeper under conditions where world-capitalism solely reigns.

By the law of uneven development of capitalist countries, the world-imperialist front became vulnerable at its weakest link and the world-imperialist front was broken through by the socialist revolution. This was the starting point for the Leninist doctrine of the victory of socialism in "one" country.

Under the present conditions of globalization, the unevenness of development is determined by the various capitalist countries on the one hand and the global monopoly capitalism on the other hand. The contradiction between the globalized capitalist world and the dependence of the single capitalist countries comes to the fore. The globalized finance capital exerts growing influence on the development of each country, so it submits to their will, not only inhibits their development, however moreover, it sets up global financial and economic crises which lead to the bankruptcy of one capitalist country after another.

This constantly growing and worsening imbalance of the development of world-capitalism - the weakening of individual capitalist countries in favour of the strengthening of the multinational, globalized finance capital - all this exacerbates the class conflict of the world proletariat and world bourgeoisie, increases the contradiction among the major imperialist powers, and aggravates the contradiction between world imperialism and the dependent and colonial countries - in short: the whole world-imperialist chain is seriously affected, in particular its weakest chain-links. The uneven development between the globalized capitalism and the capitalist countries, today, is the determining factor for the weakening of the entire world-imperialist chain. This is very important for the new strategy and tactics of the socialist world revolution, in general, and for the general-line of the Comintern /ML, in particular. All chain-links are already so weakened that they have more and more difficulties, to cope with their own crises, which is again caused by the global crises. Thus they are less in the position to prevent the breakthrough at the weakest link. Moreover, the general weakness of all chain links makes a domino effect always more likely and always less avoidable. The world-imperialist chain is so weakened that the chain reaction, that triggers the weakest link, can not be stopped. The concentration of our world-revolutionary power in this weakest link is fully sufficient to initiate the world socialist revolution under these advantageous conditions. It's just a question of time, if the world-counter-revolutionary forces become weak enough not to prevent the chain reaction, and the world-revolutionary forces become strong enough, to get the first stone rolling. Is the weakest link once broken, then the world revolution will gather momentum, it will be unstoppable and roll over the strongest bastions of global capitalism. The socialist world revolution will free all productive forces from the fetters of the world-imperialism. If we have once broken the power of global capital, then we also have the necessary material basis for the construction of the socialist world chain.







World revolution

and Lenin 's teachings on the

imperialism as the highest stage of capitalism


The Leninist theory on imperialism retains its full validity for the inevitable victory of the socialist proletarian world revolution.

This is an indispensable, integral part of the general-line of the Comintern / ML. The theory of Lenin on imperialism and its further development by Stalin and Enver Hoxha will be defended against all kinds of ideologues in general, and against the neo-revisionists, in particular.

Enver Hoxha:

If we study this work of Lenin's carefully and faithfully adhere to his analysis and conclusions of genius, we shall see that imperialism in our days fully retains those same characteristics that Lenin described, that the Leninist definition of our epoch as the epoch of imperialism and proletarian revolutions remains unshaken, and that the triumph of the revolution is inevitable.

From a careful study of this work, we shall see how the revisionists, and the Chinese leaders among them, distort the Leninist thought on imperialism, how they understand the aims, strategy and tactics of imperialism. Their writings, declarations, stands and actions show that their view of the nature of imperialism is completely wrong, they see it from counter-revolutionary and anti-Marxist positions, as did all the parties of the Second International and their ideologues, Kautsky and company, whom Lenin ruthlessly exposed” (Enver Hoxha, Imperialism and Revolution”, English version).

Today's development of world imperialism and the inevitable victory of its revolutionary destruction is fully confirmed:

firstly, by the Leninist-Stalinist theory of imperialism,

secondly by Hoxhaist theory on imperialism,

thirdly, by the victory of the October Revolution over imperialism,

fourthly, by the victory of the Stalinist world-camp,

fifthly, by the victory of Albanian socialism over the entire imperialist / social-imperialist world.


Enver Hoxha:

What is the road that must be followed ?

The road which must be followed is the road of the political and ideological struggle, including armed struggle, of all the peoples and the progressive and revolutionary forces against imperialist powers, against world reaction, against capitalism, against the big multinational companies …

The contradictions between the imperialist powers in the international arena exist and will become more and more profound, the four contradictions of the present epoch defined by Lenin and Stalin will grow deeper. These contradictions will result in the destruction of imperialism, capitalism in decay, by the revolution.” (Enver Hoxha, »The Superpowers«, page 443, Tirana 1986, English version).

[remark: The 4 contradictions: between the two opposing systems – socialist and capitalist; the contradiction between labour and capital in the capitalist countries; the contradictions between the oppressed peoples and nations and imperialism; the contradiction among the imperialist powers].


Enver Hoxha:

Proceeding from Lenin's conclusions on the nature of imperialism and its place in history, as a result of the contradictions eroding it from within and people's liberation and revolutionary struggles, the whole of world imperialism as a social system no longer has that undivided power to dominate it once possessed. This is the dialectics of history and it confirms the Marxist-Leninist thesis that imperialism is on the decline, in decadence and decay.

The trend towards the weakening of capitalism and imperialism is the main trend of world history today. Marx and Lenin argued this on the basis of concrete facts, historical events, and materialistic dialectics.

It is true that the peoples want liberation, but they can gain this liberation only through struggle, through efforts, and headed by a militant leadership. Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin teach us that this leadership is the proletariat of each country. But the Proletariat and its Marxist-Leninist parties must make thorough-going political, economic and military analyses, weigh everything in the balance, make decisions and define the appropriate strategy and tactics, always bearing in mind the preparation and carrying out of the revolution. If the revolution is forgotten, as it is by the Chinese, neither the analyses, actions, strategy, nor the tactics can be Marxist-Leninist and revolutionary.

We cannot have any illusions about imperialism of any kind, either powerful or less powerful. Imperialism from its nature creates the conditions for economic and political expansion, for unleashing wars, because its character is essentially exploitative, aggressive. Therefore, to deceive the masses of the peoples who want liberation, that they will achieve this if they are guided by such revisionist theories as that of “three worlds”, is to perpetrate a crime against the peoples and the revolution.

Our epoch, as Lenin teaches us, is the epoch of imperialism and proletarian revolutions. We Marxist-Leninists must understand from this that we have to combat world imperialism, any imperialism, any capitalist power, which exploits the proletariat and the peoples, with the greatest severity. We stress the Leninist thesis that the revolution is now on the order of the day. The world is going to advance towards a new society which will be the socialist society. World capitalism, imperialism and social-imperialism will become even more decayed and will come to an end through the revolution.

Lenin teaches us that we must fight imperialism to the finish, must criticize it in the broad sense of the term and rouse the oppressed classes against the policy of imperialism, against the bourgeoisie. The Marxist-Leninist analysis of the development of imperialism today clearly shows that nothing in Lenin's analysis and conclusions on the nature and features of imperialism and the revolution can be altered. The attempts of all opportunists, from the social-democrats down to the Khrushchevite and Chinese revisionists, to distort the Leninist theses on imperialism are counterrevolutionary. Their aim is to negate the revolution, to prettify imperialism and to prolong the life of capitalism” (Enver Hoxha, Imperialism and Revolution”, English version).

In order to survive, it has devised new forms for the exploitation of the masses, not just on a national scale, but also on a w o r l d scale, has contrived its last and most sophisticated means of plunder, neo-colonialism, has created financial links and economic and m i l i t a r y alliances through which it intends to hold in complete or partial dependence many states belonging to what is called the «second world», the «third world», the «non-aligned world» or the «developing countries». A l l these terms, which refer to the various political forces acting in the w o r l d today, cover up and do not bring out the class character of these political forces, the fundamental contradictions of our epoch, the key problem which is predominant today on a national and international scale, the ruthless struggle between the bourgeois-imperialist world, on the one hand, and socialism, the w o r l d proletariat, and its natural allies, on the other.” (Enver Hoxha, Imperialism and Revolution”, English version)

Comrade Enver Hoxha defined scientifically the stage which imperialism has reached today :

World capitalism, which is proceeding irretrievably towards crises and decline, just as Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin predicted with such genius, has now reached the stage of imperialism in decay” (Enver Hoxha, Imperialism and Revolution”, English version).

What does this stage, “Imperialism in decay”, mean in relation to the fundamental contradictions of our epoch ? Every moment of further decay of imperialism is simultaneously a moment for the further prospering of the proletarian world revolution. This trend means that our epoch reaches the stage of world socialism by means of the socialist world revolution. The trend of imperialism's decay is connected indivisibly with the trend of the restoration of socialism. Word socialism is the highest stage of socialism, is - in view of world history - the replacement of the epoch of imperialism by the epoch of socialism.

Enver Hoxha:

Capitalism has entered the phase of its decay. This situation is arousing the revolt of the peoples and impelling them to revolution. The struggle of the peoples against imperialism and the bourgeois capitalist cliques is building up in various forms, with varying intensities. Quantity will inevitably turn into qualiIty. This will happen first in those countries which ,constitute the weakest link of the capitalist chain .and where the consciousness and organization of the working class have reached a high level, where .there is a deep political and ideological understanding of the problem.

Imperialism has stepped up its barbarous oppression and exploitation of the peoples. But, at the same time, the peoples of the world are becoming more and more conscious that they cannot go on living in capitalist society, where the working masses are no less oppressed and exploited -than in the pre-War period.

Despite all the efforts by imperialism and its hangers-on, it will find no stability, now or in the future, in its struggle to establish its hegemony over the peoples. It cannot find stability because of the awakening consciousness of the working class and the masses of oppressed working people who want liberation, as well as because of the inevitable inter-imperialist contradictions.

The peoples are seeing, and later they will see ever more clearly, that world imperialism and capitalism are not based solely on the economic, military, political and ideological strength of the two superpowers, but are based also on the wealthy classes which keep the peoples of their own countries in bondage, under exploitation and under fear so they will not rise up to gain their true freedom and independence.

The broad masses of various peoples of the world have also begun to understand that the present-day bourgeois-capitalist society, the exploiting system of world imperialism, must be overthrown. For the peoples this is not just an aspiration, in many countries they have taken up arms.

Therefore, there is no need to concoct theories which divide the world into three or four parts, into “aligned” and “non-aligned”, but the great objective historical process must be seen and interpreted correctly, according to the teachings of Marxism-Leninism. The world is divided in two, the world of capitalism and the new world of socialism, which are locked in a merciless struggle with each other. In this fight the new, the socialist world, will triumph, while the old capitalist society, the bourgeois and imperialist society, will be overthrown” (Enver Hoxha, Imperialism and Revolution”, English version).

The program of the Comintern says (1928) :

Being the highest phase of capitalist development, imperialism, expanding the productive forces of world economy to enormous dimensions, and re-fashioning the whole world after its own image, draws within the orbit of finance capitalist exploitation all colonies, all races and all nations. At the same time, however, the monopolist form of capital develops increasingly the elements of parasitical degeneration, decay and decline within capitalism. In destroying, to some extent, the driving force of competition, by conducting a policy of cartel prices, and by having undivided mastery of the market, monopoly capital reveals a tendency to retard the further development of the forces of production. In squeezing enormous sums of surplus profit out of the millions of colonial workers and peasants and in accumulating colossal incomes from this exploitation, imperialism is creating a type of decaying and parasitically degenerate rentier-class, as well as whole strata of parasites who live by clipping coupons. In completing the process of creating the material pre-requisites for socialism (the concentration of means of production, the enormous socialisation of labour, the growth of labour organisations), the epoch of imperialism intensifies the antagonisms among the “Great Powers” and gives rise to wars which cause the break-up of its single world economy. Imperialism is therefore capitalism moribund and decaying. It is the final stage of development of the capitalist system. It is the threshold of world social revolution.

Hence, international proletarian revolution logically emerges out of the conditions of development of capitalism generally, and out of its imperialist phase in particular. The capitalist system as a whole is approaching its final collapse. The dictatorship of finance capital is perishing to give way to the dictatorship of the proletariat!

The ultimate aim of the Communist International is to replace world capitalist economy by a world system of Communism. Communist society, the basis for which has been prepared by the whole course of historical development, is mankind’s only way out, for it alone can abolish the contradictions of the capitalist system which threaten to degrade and destroy the human race.

Communist society will abolish the class division of society, i.e., simultaneously with the abolition of anarchy in production, it will abolish all forms of exploitation and oppression of man by man. Society will no longer consist of antagonistic classes in conflict with each other, but will present a united commonwealth of labour. For the first time in its history mankind will take its fate into its own hands. Instead of destroying innumerable human lives and incalculable wealth in struggles between classes and nations, mankind will devote all its energy to the struggle against the forces of nature, to the development and strengthening of its own collective might.

After abolishing private ownership of the means of production and converting these means into social property, the world system of Communism will replace the elemental forces of the world market, competitive and blind processes of social production, by consciously organised and planned production for the purpose of satisfying rapidly growing social needs. With the abolition of competition and anarchy in production, devastating crises and still more devastating wars will disappear. Instead of colossal waste of productive forces and spasmodic development of society-there will be a planned utilisation of all material resources and a painless economic development on the basis of unrestricted, smooth and rapid development of productive forces.

The abolition of private property and the disappearance of classes will do away with the exploitation of man by man. Work will cease to be toiling for the benefit of a class enemy: instead of being merely a means of livelihood it will become a necessity of life: want and economic inequality, the misery of enslaved classes, and a wretched standard of life generally will disappear; the hierarchy created in the division of labour system will be abolished. ” (Program of the Comintern 1928)

The world economic law is the law of the global relations of production in harmony with the global character of productive forces. The current world capitalist crises is characterized by the deepest disharmony of this world economic law. Today, the globalized capitalist private property at the means of global production is violating the social character of the global process of production to such degree that this brings about unavoidably the world revolution which destroys globally the current global capitalist relations of production. The world economic law teaches us that only socialist relations of world production are able to harmonize with the social character of the developing global productive forces.

Why is the transformation of the economic basis of socialism's first period ( in “one” country”) towards the economic basis of socialism's second period ( world socialism) so difficult and complicated and even interrupted ? It is obvious that it was easier to develop the driving forces of class struggle in “one” country than that of the global class struggle because of the different developments of different capitalist countries. The globalization of the economic basis for world socialism needed a certain period of time and its global centralization. Objectively, capitalism developed firstly on national stages before it could then develop globally. And we can see, today, that globalization is required for the decaying process of imperialism. The harmonization of the economic law was therefore only possible on a national stage in the first run. It had to be liberated in the first period of socialism before it was possible to unchain it also on a global scale. Not until the economic law is freed from its global class-chains it can be completely mastered and unfolded all over the globe to the regeneration and prosperity of the new world society. Not until then it will also be developed optimally in all the countries of the world. The world bourgeoisie is unable to master the economic law of the world because of her striving for profits – that's the reason for the dying imperialism. In the hands of the world proletariat, however, the economic law can be far more developed than by the proletariat of a single country (under conditions of pre-dominant world capitalism). The economic law comes to full power by the maximum of centralization of the global world production in accordance with the global socialization of the world's property at the means of production ( as the highest and last stage of property - at all). In world communism the relations of production have finally lost their character of property – and this is required for the full application of the economic law.

The purpose of the present class-struggle of the world proletariat is not only to free the economic law from the world-capitalist chains of private property, however to abolish the inevitability of the discordance between private relations of production and social productive forces which means with other words: the abolition of the inevitability of the exploitation of man by man.

The means, methods and ways of present class-struggle of the world-proletariat is to smash the ruling world bourgeoisie through the socialist world revolution and to establish the dictatorship of the world proletariat, or with other words: to struggle for the harmonization of the whole global superstructure ( creation of the Union of world-socialist states, etc.) with the global methods of production in every country of the world.

Through correct combination of its purpose and means, the law of world-proletarian class-struggle is optimally confirmed.

Our general-line is a demarcation line against all ideological, political and economic measurements with which the ruling classes try to prolong the life of the dying imperialist world-system.

Our general-line is the line on which we collect and concentrate all class forces who help us to speed up the dying process of world imperialism and its final death-blow.

Our general-line is the line on which we remove all harmful obstacles that hinder the development towards world socialism.

Our general-line gives the answer to the question: How can the world proletariat get rid of the capitalist-revisionist encirclement of the world ? The general-line of the Comintern / ML is the strategy and tactics of the world-revolutionary counter-encirclement of the capitalist-revisionist world !

Our general-line serves us to promote all forces and measures which contribute to the birth of world socialism.

Our general-line is the instrument to nip in the bud all attempts for the revival and restoration of world imperialism. Our general-line is needed until world communism - as comrade Lenin has taught us:

Theoretically, there can be no doubt that between capitalism and communism there lies a definite transition period which must combine the features and properties of both these forms of social economy. This transition period has to be a period of struggle between dying capitalism and nascent communism -or, in other words, between capitalism which has been defeated but not destroyed and communism which has been born but is still very feeble” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 30, page 107, English version).

In essence, the process of dying of imperialism is equal both in times of Lenin and in our times of globalization. Nevertheless, we must analyse the whole historical development of this dying process. This lasts - after all - hundred years. This long lapse of time can not be ignored or stay unconsidered for the development of today's world socialist revolution.


Enver Hoxha:

Our Marxist-Leninist theory teaches us that the deepening of crises within the capitalist world is the beginning of the death agony and coma of this world. Therefore, world capital is making desparate efforts to escape from this terrible grip which has it by the throat and is strangling it. But escape is impossible, because it is the capitalist system itself which gives birth to the crisis, which fosters it and intensifies it to the higher degree. The temporary or relatively long-term treaties and agreements between imperialists are only palliatives, they are built on sand” (Enver Hoxha, “The Superpowers”, page 542.543,English edition).

The inequality of the development of capitalism in different countries determines unavoidably the inequality of the degenerating process and of the dying process of capitalism in different countries. This different development of imperialism is essentially for the different development of the world revolution in different countries.

The increasing inequality of degeneration of imperialist powers accelerates the dying process of the whole world imperialism. The death of capitalism is inescapable and there remains only one “alternative”: to delay the final D-Day. However, even these helpless efforts accelerate total collapse and lead inevitably to "Capitalism of No Return".

This is the reason why we can not describe the death of capitalism as a gentle, smooth and quiet death, however, imperialism dies a horrible painful death under conditions of the hardest global class-struggle in history of mankind. Capitalism will not die only in a hail of bullets in the world revolution, but goes through - before and after the world revolution - a long process of dying, which lasts over the entire period of world socialism. Dying capitalism is a contradictory global process of the struggle of opposites in different countries, a struggle to the global death in every country of the world. The classes of capitalist society will not die without the class-struggle of the proletariat in every single country.

The world revolution shortens the dying process of imperialism and therein lies its strength and its vested mission for the proletariat in all countries. The dialectics of the development process of world revolution is based on the acceleration of the dying process of imperialism. Without Marxist-Leninist analysis of the dying process of world imperialism - no victory of the socialist world revolution. The Leninist teachings on decaying, parasitic and dying process of imperialism is in direct proportion to the Leninist teachings of the world revolutionary development of the world proletariat and thus – later on - related to the teachings of the continuation of the world-socialist processes. It follows that the victory of socialism is not only possible in a single country under world-imperialist conditions, but that socialism is also possible in the present period of globalized imperialism. And today, we would continue the same struggle of Lenin and Stalin for their defense of socialism in "one" country through our struggle against the Trotzkyite "theories" of the alleged "impossibility of globalized socialism." The Stalinist-Hoxhaist theory of the possibility of globalized socialism means simultaneously defense of Lenin's and Stalin's thesis on "the possibility of socialism in "one" country - only under the changed current conditions of world imperialism.

The possibility of socialism "in one country" was created as a result of the first World War II by the October Revolution the Russian proletariat. That was the time of dying capitalism in one country. In the second World War II we have a further development of the dying process in other countries, thus world socialism was possible thanks to the socialist world-camp of comrade Stalin. This possibility was deprived of revisionist betrayal. Today, when the dying-process runs through the entire globalized capitalism, we must speak of the possibility of socialism on a world scale.


Lenin:

Capitalism in its imperialist stage leads directly to the most comprehensive socialisation of production; it, so to speak, drags the capitalists, against their will and consciousness, into some sort of a new social order, a transitional one from complete free competition to complete socialisation” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 22, page 205, “Imperialism, the highest stage of capitalism”).










World revolution

and the role of the global masses;

the role of the workers' -, peasants' - and soldiers' Soviets;

the role of the Marxist-Leninist party





Lenin:

"Among the mass of the people we (the Communists --J. St.) are after all but a drop in the ocean, and we can administer only when we properly express what the people are conscious of. Unless we do this the Communist Party will not lead the proletariat, the proletariat will not lead the masses, and the whole machine will collapse. (See Vol. XXVII, p. 256.)” [quotation by Stalin in Volume 8, page 207, “Concerning Questions of Leninism”, English version].



The whole machinery of the socialist world revolution is thus initiated and activated by means of the correct combination of these three basic components:

- the world-socialist consciousness (propagated correctly by the Communists within the world proletariat)

- the movement of the world proletariat (led by the Communist International)

Enver Hoxha:

Our just struggle must build up the confidence of the peoples and progressive mankind in the triumph of the cause of the revolution, socialism and the liberation of the peoples. Our Party is on the correct road and it will triumph because the revolutionaries and the peoples of the world, and the Marxist-Leninist truth are on its side.(….) „In order to create confidence in the victory of the revolution, it is essential to organize the broad masses of the people, to make the proletariat conscious of the unwavering leadership of its genuine Marxist-Leninist party, because otherwise it may become involved in adventurist actions and compromise the victory of the revolution. The communists and the oppressed masses of the people have to realize that imperialism and world capitalism have great experience in oppressing the masses, in organizing the counter-revolution. Therefore, the tactics and strategy of the enemies, too, must be understood and coped with, because our ideology, our policy, our strategy and tactics are more powerful than any enemy, for they serve a just cause, the cause of communism“ (Enver Hoxha, „Imperialism and Revolution“, English edition, last chapter: The defence of Marxism-Leninism – a major duty for all genuine revolutionaries“).



The general line of the Comintern / ML is thus:

The world proletariat realizes the world proletarian socialist revolution by the fact that it assures the conviction and support of the majority of the masses of the world population. The socialist world proletarian revolution is the only socialist revolution, which is capable to involve, integrate and centralize all the oppressed and exploited masses for the purpose of the overthrow and elimination of world capitalism. The socialist world proletarian revolution is invincible if the Communists understand to lead the world masses to the barricades of the global class struggle; if the Communist International is in the vanguard of the world proletariat and the peoples and if it achieves their globally united power. The epoch of world socialism characterizes the transformation of the world by means of organizing the global unity of the world masses under the hegemony the world proletariat. Without the systematic involvement, participation and education of the global masses - for the purpose to establish their world government - the dictatorship of the proletariat can neither be built, nor be defended or consolidated. Otherwise, the revisionist degeneration and restoration of world capitalism is unavoidably pre-programmed , and the socialist, proletarian world revolution is doomed to failure.

The anti-capitalist resistance of the masses in the different countries is growing rapidly together into a powerful world-front that puts them in a position, to overcome the national borders and to exercise their own world-political influence. This worldwide development of mass movements is not only foreseeable by means of our general-line, but it also shows the way, how the world movements mature as a conscious world-political front, how these movements are to be driven forward permanently, how they head for the world revolution, and finally how they are geared towards world socialism. The merger of the anti-imperialist struggle of the peoples reaches its higher level through centralization of the liberation struggle of all peoples. This gives every nation the crucial global force, which suffice, to free itself from the imperialist world-slavery.

How do we transform our general-line into a genuine mass-line ?

Our mass-line is derived from the knowledge, application and mastering of the scientific self-dynamic world-laws of mass movements. The world-revolutionary theory of the global mass movements is realized by means of the methods of the dialectical and historical materialism. And our mass-line proves its revolutionary character in this: our mass-line is being constantly developed and deepened on the basis of Marxism-Leninism, thus in our fight against the right and "left" opportunism on a world scale, consistent in theory and practice. The masses themselves examine and control the implementation of our mass-line through their own active participation. It is the masses themselves who finally decide on the effectiveness or ineffectiveness of our mass-line.

Overall, the spontaneous mass movement will be transformed into an ever more conscious and more politically movement under the influence of the Communist International. The quantitative nature of the world movement and its petty-bourgeois and bourgeois influence will be systematically transformed into socialist quality. By no means, the mass character of the socialist world proletarian revolution may be equated with spontaneism, since our revolution is based on scientific knowledge of the lessons of the five classics of Marxism-Leninism. We develop our communist mass-line in the struggle against the revisionist “mass-line”. Our mass line is exclusively determined by the world-proletarian class-line, thus by the general line of the world proletariat. The general line of the Comintern / ML is the advanced global application of Lenin's criticism on spontaneism in Russia ("What Is To Be Done?"). The worship of the spontaneity of the masses is an ideology of the world bourgeoisie and therefore harmful for the socialist proletarian world revolution.

We support progressive mass movements, and we combat reactionary mass movements. Progressive mass movements are always directed against the capitalist-revisionist world and reactionary mass movements defend the capitalist-revisionist world. In the societies of classes there is no mass movement outside or above all classes - neither on global nor national scale. The labour movement may not be put in opposition to the mass movement. Classes are part of the class society and thus their movements – also on a global scale. Indeed, the labour movement must be differed as an independent class movement but may not be separated and isolated from the mass movement as a whole. Lenin taught us that there are no pure unadulterated class movements - totally free from any influence of other classes. This is also valid on a global scale. The communist labour movement is the most conscious and most revolutionary social force and carrier of the socialist world revolution. The labour movement is the leading force of the revolutionary mass movement on both global and national scale. Whereby the world labour movement develops its world socialist character only gradually in the global class struggle by application of Marxism-Leninism - namely, by the systematic liberation from spontaneism and any other bourgeois influence, particularly the revisionist and reformist influence, the anarcho-syndicalist and Trotskyite influence etc.. The necessary class-conscious character gets the world labour movement, in particular, and the world's mass movement, as a whole, by the Communist International, which is guided by Marxism-Leninism.

On the III. Congress of the Comintern, Lenin emphasized that the meaning of the concept “masses” changes in the course of the revolutions. Thus the concept of “masses” must be updated, according to Lenin - under global conditions. Much more than millions of people in different countries constitute the global masses. If the mass movement of millions of people in different countries spreads and intensifies globally – then it gradually develops into the real socialist world revolution.

Lenin:

You have a mass when several thousand non-party workers, who usually live in philistine life and drag out a miserable existence, and who have never heard anything about politics, begin to act in a revolutionary way. If the movement spreads and intensifies, it gradually develops into a real revolution.

The concept 'masses' becomes different: several thousand workers no longer constitute the masses. This word begins to denote something else. The concept of 'masses' undergoes a change so that it implies the majority, and not simply a majority of the workers alone, but the majority of all the exploited. Any other kind of interpretation is impermissible for a revolutionary, and any other sense of the word becomes incomprehensible.

You have comrades coming forward with the assertion that we should immediately give up the demand for 'big' masses. They must be challenged. Without thoroughgoing preparation you will not achieve victory in any country. Quite a small party is sufficient to lead the masses. At certain times there is no necessity for big organisations. But to win, we must have the sympathy of the masses. An absolute majority is not always essential; but what is essential to win and retain power is not only the majority of the working class -(especially the industrial proletariat), but also the majority of the working and exploited rural population. And if during the struggle itself the majority of the working people prove to be on our side – not only the majority of the workers, but the majority of all the exploited and oppressed - then we shall really be victorious” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 32, pages 475, 476, 477, English edition).

For the purpose to conquer the power, a blow of the majority of the socially decisive part of the working class at a decisive scene is necessary – on particular conditions ( among other things if the conquest of the majority of the working class for the principles of communism is already achieved).

If this truth is exchanged (corrupted) - { so that § 1 of the general tasks of the Communist International is mitigated [ by Bela Kun and Thalheimer ] } , then this is hasty compliance by Radek. (…) Nowhere, the majority (of the working class) was already conquered by the Communist Party: neither for the organisational leadership, nor for the principles of communism. This is the fundament of the whole matter. If this fundament of the only reasonable tactics is 'mitigated', then this is a criminal rashnessit is unreasonable and harmful to assume that the period of propaganda has already passed and is replaced by the period of actions” (Lenin, Letters, Volume VII, page 268 – 269, translation from the German edition).

As long as the communists have not enough influence on the majority of the working class in the major countries of the world, the danger of leftism, adventurerism and putschism– provoked by the international counter-revolution within the ranks of the communists – cannot be excluded. To follow, or not to follow, this strict general-line – decides on victory or defeat of the socialist world revolution – and on the relationship of necessary and unnecessary sacrifices.

The general-line of the Comintern / ML aims for:

firstly,

to collect, form, organize and forge the world proletarian vanguard by means of winning, educating and steeling the best proletarian revolutionaries all over the world,

secondly,

to conquer the majority of the world proletariat for the principles of world communism.

This is the fundament of the whole matter of the Comintern / ML. Without struggling for this fundament, the socialist world revolution will remain as an illusion, forever.



Lenin struggled not only against the petty bourgeois arrogance of the "left" opportunists - against their contempt for the indispensability of the masses. Majorities of masses are crucial factors for the victory of the revolution and this may not be ignored by serious revolutionaries. Lenin has unmasked also the right-opportunists. They try to persuade the masses of the peaceful, parliamentary road to socialism. Parliamentary majorities instead of class-struggle ! For the revisionists, the masses are only supernumeraries for their reformist maneuvers. Those who consider the global mass movement only as a mechanical instead of world-political force, are unable to understand the dialectical relationship between global masses and their own global movement.

Mass - and class movements form an inseparable unit. The Communist International leads the international class movement. And this will be strengthened only by mobilizing the transmission-belt of the global mass movements.

The mass movement in the individual countries and the global mass movement relate themselves dialectically on each other . The main tendency, the main character of mass movement - in future - is the global mass movement. But only over the course of its own independent development, the world movement will be capable to determine decisively the mass movements in the individual countries. Global unfolding of the mass movement and its consolidation through the mass movement in each country - that's the future path of the mass movement on a world scale. The optimum strength of the revolutionary mass movement is always achieved, if it will be harmonized on the global and national stage - applied to the changing conditions of globalization.

The reactionary movement can impossibly be harmonized at the global and national level. This is prevented by the antagonism of the ruling capitalist class society. Even the petty-bourgeois anti-globalization movement is unable to face effectively the world imperialism due to its nationalistic class tendencies and, indeed, it serves the prolongation of its downfall. Only the world-proletarian movement - as a non-antagonistic movement - is able to take advantage of the contradictions of the ruling classes, because its strength is the proletarian internationalism, mutual trust of the masses of the various countries, their mutual self-sacrifice, their common revolutionary spirit, their will to freedom.

Imperialism has the tendency to its monopolistic power to focus on a global scale and to centralize. The monopolistic world slavery is the most extreme and brutal form of slavery. This changes the anti-imperialist mass movement. The former national liberation movement of peoples is also developing its own tendency of concentration and centralization of world politics - the tendency for global liberation from the imperialist world slavery. This global tendency will win over the nationalist tendencies.

The future world-revolutionary mass-movements contain the germ of the emancipatory tendency towards a classless mass movement of world communism. The classless mass movement on a global scale is the development of the mass movement on its highest, most effective social step ladder. The world communist movement is the most conscious, most humane of all ways of life of the world society.

The more global the momentum, the larger the scale of world actions, the greater the number of people who participate in these actions. And vice versa, the more global the transformation is, the higher must be developed the world-revolutionary consciousness. The strength of the mass movement is always dependent on its level of consciousness.

We understand the communist world consciousness as the highest quality of consciousness of humanity. Equipped with this communist consciousness, the global mass movement will be invincible.

The stronger ( the more conscious) the globalized mass movement, the stronger (the more conscious), the mass movement in every country in the world - and vice versa. The world-revolutionary mass movement transforms quantity into quality, and vice versa, quality into quantity, towards its further development of the world communism.



The world-revolutionary mass movement can neither be immobilized, nor be abolished or eliminated, because there is no world capitalism without world-revolutionary masses, without their world movement. The revolutionary world movement without masses is just as unthinkable as the global masses without their world-revolutionary movement. Without movement - no masses; without masses - no movement. The global revolutionary movement can not be created artificially, however, only be transferred. The globalization of the mass movement under capitalism will be transformed by a qualitative leap into the globalization of the mass movement of socialism. The world-revolutionary idea becomes a material force if it is seized and practically transformed, by the world movement of the masses. The world-reactionary ideas lose their material force if the masses combat their influence by means of their liberation movement.



Frederick Engels created relationships between "the producing masses" and the "socialist revolution".

The global struggle for existence assumes the form to protect the products and productive forces produced by bourgeois capitalist society against the destructive, ravaging effect of this capitalist social order, by taking control of social production and distribution out of the hands of the ruling capitalist class, which has become incapable of this function, and transferring it to the producing massesand that is the socialist world revolution. (Frederick Engels, “Dialectics of Nature”, notes and fragments, [biology], 1883, page 309, English edition).

Based on globalized capital, the fate of the world and of mankind is a pawn in the hands of the world capitalists and this, they call "civilized, democratic world order." How can the power emanate from the world masses, how can the peoples exercise their own democracy when they are imprisoned and enslaved by the capitalist world ?

Lenin:

Needless to say, for every revolution, socialist or democratic, freedom is a very, very important slogan. At the present time, when things have reached the stage of overthrowing the rule of capital all over the world, (…), in this historical epoch, when the struggle of the oppressed working people for the complete overthrow of capital and the abolition of commodity production stands in the forefront, we say, that all those who in such a political situation talk about 'freedom in general', who in the name of this freedom oppose the dictatorship of the proletariat are doing nothing more nor less than aiding and abetting the exploiters, for unless freedom promotes the emancipation of labour from the yoke of capital, it is a deception” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 29, page 351, 352, English version).



The Soviet World-System

Only by the socialist world revolution and the world-dictatorship of the proletariat it will be possible for the world-masses, to participate in the global guidance of social life by means of the Soviet world system.

The chain link between masses, classes and party - this is the Soviet system. The globalization of the soviet power of workers, peasants and soldiers is symbolized through hammer, sickle and rifle. This Soviet World System is embedded in the emblem of the Comintern / ML. This expresses the central importance of the Soviet system for the general-line.

The workers-, peasants - and soldiers Soviets - are instruments of the armed workers' power in alliance with the poor farmers. The Soviets are nothing more than the armed expression of the hegemony of the world proletariat.

The global system of Soviets is a system that combines the Soviets of various countries into a global force and which makes them capable of acting on a global scale.

The global system of Soviets strengthens, protects and guarantees the existence and functioning of the Soviet system of single countries.

All power to the Soviets ! That was the old slogan of the October Revolution, and this is still the slogan of the world revolution !

This slogan is integral part of our general-line: All power to the Soviet world !

Lenin:

The future belongs to the Soviet system all over the world” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 30, page 367, English version).

The Soviet system has everywhere become a practical slogan for the working masses. This is a step forward of tremendous world-historic significance. The victory of the international proletarian revolution, despite everything, is inevitable” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 44, pages 291b-292a, English edition).



Stalin:

In order to shatter the old power a temporary alliance between the insurrectionary workers and soldiers was enough. For it is self-evident that the strength of the Russian revolution lies in an alliance between the workers and the peasants clad in soldier's uniform. But in order to preserve the rights achieved and to develop further the revolution, a temporary alliance between the workers and soldiers is far from enough. For this it is necessary that the alliance should be made conscious and secure, lasting and stable, sufficiently stable to withstand the provocative assaults of the counter-revolutionaries. For it is clear to all that the guarantee of the final victory of the Russian revolution lies in consolidating the alliance between the revolutionary workers and the revolutionary soldiers. The organs of this alliance are the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. And the more closely these Soviets are welded together and the more strongly they are organized, the more effective will be the revolutionary power of the revolutionary people which they express, and the more reliable will be the guarantees against counter-revolution. The revolutionary Social-Democrats must work to consolidate these Soviets, form them everywhere, and link them together under a Central Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies as the organ of revolutionary power of the people. (Stalin, Works, Volume 3, »Prawda« No. 8, March 14, 1917).

What is "Soviet power," and how does it differ from every other power?

Power to the Soviets implies that every "chief" in the rear and at the front must be elected and subject to recall. Power to the Soviets implies that all "persons in authority" in town and country, in the army and navy, in "departments" and "establishments," on the railways and in post and telegraph offices must be elected and subject to recall.

Power to the Soviets means the dictatorship of the proletariat and revolutionary peasantry, the Soviets implies a thorough purge of every government institution in the rear and at the front, from top to bottom.

Dictatorship of the proletariat and revolutionary peasantry implies the dictatorship of the labouring majority over the exploiting minority, over the landlords and capitalists, the profiteers and bankers, for the sake of a democratic peace, for the sake of workers' control over production and distribution, for the sake of land for the peasants, for the sake of bread for the people.

Dictatorship of the proletariat and revolutionary peasantry implies an open, mass dictatorship, exercised in the sight of all, without plots and underhand dealings. For such a dictatorship has no reason to hide the fact that it will show no mercy to lockout capitalists who swell unemployment by various "unburdenings," or to profiteering bankers who force up the price of food and cause starvation.

Dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry implies a dictatorship which does not coerce the masses, a dictatorship by the will of the masses, a dictatorship for the purpose of curbing the will of the enemies of the masses.

That is the class essence of the slogan 'All power to the Soviets!' " (Stalin, Works, Volume 3, “Soviet Power”, October 13, 1917, English version).



There are the Soviets, with their numerous central and local ramifications in the shape of administrative, economic, military, cultural and other state organizations, plus the innumerable mass associations of the working people which have sprung up of their own accord and which encompass these organizations and connect them with the population. The Soviets are a mass organization of all the working people of town and country. They are a non-Party organization. The Soviets are the direct expression of the dictatorship of the proletariat. It is through the Soviets that all measures for strengthening the dictatorship and for building socialism are carried out. It is through the Soviets that the state leadership of the peasantry by the proletariat is exercised. The Soviets connect the vast masses of the working people with the vanguard of the proletariat” (Stalin, Works, Volume 8, “Concerning Questions of Leninism”, Chapter V, page 181, English version).

Every revolution creates its own peculiar forms of organized mass struggle. The specific forms of Soviets develop from the particular conditions of class struggle which are different in all countries. Therefore, they are not arbitrarily interchangeable. From bottom up, revolutions create own specific armed and unarmed combat units which are composed of people of most various ideological positions. The character of mass-movements is determined by the masses with their manifold political and ideological influences. This is a serious fact that cannot be ignored by the Communist International. The character of the mass-line of the Comintern / ML consists in this, to convince the masses of communism, to strengthen the world-proletarian line and helping them to get rid of petty bourgeois and bourgeois influence within the mass-movement. In the beginning of the October Revolution, the Soviets in Russia were not purely communists. There was much influence by the anarchists, social revolutionaries, Mensheviks, etc. etc. However, the Bolsheviks conquered the majority within the Soviets because they proved to be the true leaders in midst of the storm of the struggle.

The mass-line of the Communist International is therefore nothing but the purpose and means of struggling globally for the development of the spontaneous mass movement right up to its transition into the conscious, communist mass movement. Every mass-line of the Communists is doomed to the defeat if they are - not yet or not any more - supported by the masses. This does not at all mean that the mass-line may not be developed from the very beginning.

Not least, the Soviets proved to come out strongly because they developed their red character by means of the predominant role of the Bolsheviks which was supported by the majority of the masses. There are neither “black communists” nor “red anarchists” within the Soviet movement. The communists have to consistently struggle against any anarchist and revisionist influence within the Soviet movement. In long term, the Soviet movement can only fulfil its world historical mission if the world-Bolshevists take the lead in them. Otherwise they are unavoidably doomed to be assimilated by the counter-revolution. This demonstrates expressively the whole history of the Soviet System, last not least its bureaucratic and social-fascist degeneration caused by the modern revisionists. The history of the Soviets teaches us communists that the “left” danger prevails in the beginning of the Soviet movement, in the course of the revolution, and the right danger prevails in the course of its further development towards established institutions within the dictatorship of the proletariat, within the apparatus of the socialist state.

At the rally of 250 000 workers in Berlin, the Central Council of Workers 'and Soldiers' in Germany was commissioned by the Workers' Deputies at December 18, 1918: "Immediate call to the proletarians of all countries for creating workers' and soldiers' councils, for the purpose of carrying out the common tasks of the socialist world revolution" (Congress of Workers' and Soldiers' Councils, 1918, stenographic report). This sounds good, however the weakness and reason for the defeat of the German “Räterepublik” was the lack of the Bolshevist party and the still dominant influence of the chauvinist social-democratic Second International.

However, Lenin was also right to criticize the German Workers' - and Soldiers' Councils because they were established without involvement of the Peasants' Councils.

Who are the Peasants' Soviets ? They represent exclusively the interests of the majority of the farmers, particularly the small and poor peasants and the rural workers, however expressively, not the traders and agricultural speculators, the large-scale farmers and agricultural capitalists who all exploit and oppress the rural workers and the poor peasantry:

In order to abolish classes it is necessary, to abolish the difference between the factory worker and peasant, to make workers of all of them. In order to solve the second and most difficult part of the problem, the proletariat, after having defeated the bourgeoisie, must unswervingly conduct its policy towards the peasantry along the following fundamental lines:

The proletariat must separate, demarcate the working peasant from the peasant owner, the peasant worker from the peasant huckster, the peasant who labours from the peasant who profiteers.

In this demarcation lies the whole essence of socialism” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 30, page 112 – 113, English version).

This clear Leninist demarcation is integral part of the general-line of the Comintern / ML – this is the whole essence of world socialism !

Lenin's Resolution, adopted by the First Congress of the Communist International on March 4, 1919:

On the basis of these thesis and the reports made by the delegates from the different countries, the Congress of the Communist International declares that the chief task of the Communist Parties in all countries where Soviet government has not yet been established, is as follows:

1) to explain to the broad mass of the workers the historic significance and the political and historical necessity of the new, proletarian, democracy which must replace bourgeois democracy and the parliamentary system;

2) to extend the organization of Soviets among the workers in all branches of industry, among the soldiers in the Army and the sailors in the Navy and also among farm labourers and poor peasants;

3) to build a stable Communist majority inside the Soviets.”

(source: Pravda No. 54, March 11, 1919 and in the journal Communist International No. 1, May 1, 1919)

This “Resolution to the Thesis on Bourgeois Democracy and the Dictatorship of the Proletarian” demonstrates that the different forms of Soviet organizations in various countries are all based on the dictatorship of the proletariat. The Soviets must necessarily be under the leadership of the revolutionary proletariat and its communist party, otherwise they can not protect the revolution, its leaders, the proletariat and all working people in front of the counter-revolution. Without these conditions, the Soviet System is doomed to perish, or it will be paralysed and then assimilated by the bourgeois system. The decoupling and finally disconnection of the Soviet system from the leading CPSU (B) was one of the decisive events in the Soviet Union which caused the restoration of capitalism by the modern revisionists. Without the leading role of the Communist International there will be no Soviet world system. The leadership of the Communist International is the essential and fundamental factor of the Soviet world system. This leadership must be fought hard. In this crucial question, no duality will be allowed by the general-line. The Soviets are part of the one-party-system, the system of sole leadership of the proletariat and its communist party. The principle of the global Soviet system is the establishment and defence of the dictatorship of the world proletariat through the masses, through the peoples. In detail, this principle will be variably applied to the particular circumstances of individual countries.

The general Marxist-Leninist principles of the correct relationship between: masses, the alliances of classes, Soviet system, working class and party of the working-class - within the system of the dictatorship of the proletariat - this was developed by Lenin and summarized in detail by Stalin in his essay "The Problems of Leninism-1926". These principles find practical application for the system of the world dictatorship of the proletariat, on a world scale.

The world-Soviets and the Soviets in the various countries, they all relate to each other in the same proportion as the world dictatorship and the dictatorship of the proletariat in each country.

The Soviets are combat units of the mass movement, created by the revolution itself. In the course of world revolution, these revolutionary organs will develop varied forms of struggle. They are organs of actions of the revolutionary masses. They are the executors of the will of the revolutionary masses. In the course of the revolution, these revolutionary Soviets transform themselves into statutory organs of the interest of the workers and peasants. They carry out the expropriation of private property which will be socialized into public ownership. They decide, execute and control all the measures which are needed for the establishment and defence of the dictatorship of the world proletariat.

The world-Soviets are equipped with absolutely unlimited authority, to exert global power. Otherwise, the huge world system of bourgeois states (with all their armies, their police, their judicial authorities, their officials, etc.) can not be smashed. Who - whom? This decision lies only in the hands of the revolutionary world masses. And the workers, peasants and soldiers will quickly learn to unite and commonly use their power. This has been proven impressively and convincingly by the workers, peasants and soldiers in the October Revolution.

They work out the laws and they execute the laws themselves. Further, they stay working at the grassroots level. The Soviets are the global voice and fist of the peoples, elected by the world masses. The Soviets exercise control in all areas of economic and political life of the world - and they, themselves, are under the control of the masses. They decide on the laws of the world, make global decisions which are executed in each country.

The Soviets are elected by direct secret ballot from the bottom up. They are responsible to their electorates and they are removable by the electorates. Judges are also directly elected and removable by the electorates . The Soviets are elected primarily at the production level. Where this is not practicable or advantageous, the territorial principle will be enforced, instead. But the decisive factor is the nature of direct democracy - directly practised at the plants and factories, in the army units and directly in the villages, everywhere is democracy, where the masses live and work:

Lenin:

The democratism of Soviet power and its socialist nature are expressed in the fact

that the supreme state authority is vested in the Soviets, which are made up of representatives of the working people (workers, soldiers and peasants), freely elected and removable at any time by the masses hitherto oppressed by capital:

that the local Soviets freely amalgamate on a basis of democratic centralism into a single federal union as represented by the Soviet state power of the Russian Soviet Republic;

that the Soviets concentrate in their hands not only the legislative power and supervision of law enforcement, but direct enforcement of the laws through all the members of the Soviets with a view to a gradual transition to the performance of legislative functions and state administration by the whole working population.

Taking further, into consideration,

that any direct or indirect legislation of the rights of ownership of the workers of any given facrory or any given trade on their particular production, or of their right to weaken or impede the orders of the state authority, is a flagrant distortion of the basic principles of Soviet power and a complete rejection of socialism... “ (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 42, pages 100 – 101, English version).

Firstly, the teachings of Leninism-Stalinism, concerning the Soviet system, must be modified and updated according to the global conditions of today – based on the principles of proletarian internationalism.

Secondly, we have to make conclusions about mistakes and “leftist” and revisionist distortions of the past.

The Albanian comrades have left to us detailed criticism on the modern revisionists in the question of the Soviet system. They collected valuable experiences related to the Albanian model of the Soviet system. The teachings of comrade Enver Hoxha – concerning the Soviet system in Albania – are indivisibly part of the general-line of the Comintern / ML.

Today, there are nowhere workers, peasants and soldiers' councils, comparable with the Soviets in Russia and later on in Albania. We have even not germ cells which can be developed in the interest of the socialist world revolution. Whereas the Comintern was favoured by the Soviet power, and thus both the idea and the practice of the Soviet system could be spread in the world, as a model for all . The moment when the Comintern ceased to bring the Soviet idea internationally to a successful conclusion, the moment when it abolished its own international communist mass organizations, the moment when it sacrificed all this - and even its own existence (!) - through all of that - in favour of the alleged "united front" with the social-democratic bourgeoisie, the Soviet system suffered a grave defeat on a global scale. Tito's revisionism developed it into a "self-administrative" tool against the Soviet Union, against the Cominform against the socialist Albania and especially against the Yugoslav working class and all working people of Yugoslavia. The revisionists wanted a "self-administrative" council system of bourgeois "socialism" - without dictatorship of the proletariat, without the Communist Party, without Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism. Revisionism is the Soviet system to the exclusion of the Communists, is an instrument of the restoration of capitalism. The Soviet world system which is not led by the Communist International is a bourgeois council system, is geared to the liquidation of the world dictatorship of the proletariat . Therefore, there can be no proletarian world council system without its decisive and uncompromising struggle against revisionism.

Soviets are the organizational scaffold of the socialist world revolution. The general line of the Comintern / ML is directed to put the world system of Soviets in the service of the restoration of socialism, in the service of the construction of world socialism. World socialism is impossible without the global restoration of the communist Soviet system.

Enver Hoxha has thoroughly debunked the Titoism in his essay "The Yugoslav 'self-administration' - capitalist theory and practice" as a weapon in the fight against the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin, socialism, revolution and national liberation. The "Yugoslav model" was standard of the pact with world imperialism. Under such circumstances, the Soviet system could never be developed under the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Enver Hoxha, defended Stalin against the attacks of Tito, that Stalin allegedly would have “deviated from” Leninism on the question of the Soviets:

Now it is common knowledge that the differences between the Yugoslav leadership and Stalin were deep rooted. The revisionist views of the Yugoslav leading group were crystallized long before the liberation of their country, possibly since the time when the Communist Party of Yugoslavia took part in the Comintern and worked in total illegality under the regime of the Serbian kings. Even at that time, its leadership had deviationist, Trotskyite views, which the Comintern condemned whenever they were expressed” (Enver Hoxha, “The Yugoslav 'Self-Administration' – a Capitalist Theory and Practice, page 5, English edition)

Stalin, like Lenin, viewed democracy from the class angle, as a form of the political organization of the society, as a political condition for drawing the masses into governing the country, to defend and strengthen the dictatorship of the proletariat, to block the way to revisionist degeneration and restoration of capitalism. Stalin, as the Marxist-Leninist he was, was quite correctly sternly opposed to one-sided, liberal and anarchist concepts of democracy and took a stand against the petty bourgeois distortion and misuse of the rights and freedoms that proletarian democracy ensures. And he was absolutely right. The revisionists, on the contrary, want to transform the proletarian democracy into a bourgeois democracy in theory, just as they have done in practice. This is why they are against Stalin” (Enver Hoxha, “The Yugoslav 'Self-Administration' – a Capitalist Theory and Practice, page 91, English edition).

In order to present their notorious system of 'socialist self-administration' as fair and acceptable, the Titoites oppose it to the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and the dictatorship of the proletariat. Making no distinction between capitalism and socialism, the Titoites consider all other political systems 'dogmatic'” ((Enver Hoxha, “The Yugoslav 'Self-Administration' – a Capitalist Theory and Practice, page 49, English edition).

It is well known that the idea of the leading role of the Marxist-Leninist party is closely linked with the idea of its revolutionary ideology, therefore, to detach the mass organizations from this party means to detach them from the Marxist-Leninist ideology, and to fill the vacuum with revisionist bourgeois ideology” (Enver Hoxha, “The Yugoslav 'Self-Administration' – a Capitalist Theory and Practice, page 95, English edition).



Concerning the leading role of the party Stalin said:

Characteristic is the fact that in the theses of the Second Congress of the Comintern on the role of a political party, which were drawn up under the direct guidance of Lenin, and to which Lenin repeatedly referred in his speeches as a model of the correct formulation of the role and tasks of the Party, we find not one word, literally not one word, about dictatorship of the Party.”

Not a single important decision is arrived at by the mass organizations of the proletariat without guiding directives from the Party. That is perfectly true. But does that mean that the dictatorship of the proletariat consists entirely of the guiding directives given by the Party? Does that mean that, in view of this, the guiding directives of the Party can be identified with the dictatorship of the proletariat? Of course not. The dictatorship of the proletariat consists of the guiding directives of the Party plus the carrying out of these directives by the mass organizations of the proletariat, plus their fulfilment by the population. Here, as you see, we have to deal with a whole series of transitions and intermediary steps which are by no means unimportant elements of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Hence, between the guiding directives of the Party and their fulfilment lie the will and actions of those who are led, the will and actions of the class, its willingness (or unwillingness) to support such directives, its ability (or inability) to carry out these directives, its ability (or inability) to carry them out in strict accordance with the demands of the situation. It scarcely needs proof that the Party, having taken the leadership into its hands, cannot but reckon with the will, the condition, the level of political consciousness of those who are led, cannot leave out of account the will, the condition, and level of political consciousness of its class.”

" 'As the ruling Party,' says Lenin, 'we could not but merge the Soviet 'top leadership' with the Party 'top leadership' -- in our country they are merged and will remain so." (See Vol. XXVI, p. 208.) This is quite true. But by this Lenin by no means wants to imply that our Soviet institutions as a whole, for instance our army, our transport, our economic institutions, etc., are Party institutions, that the Party can replace the Soviets and their ramifications, that the Party can be identified with the state power. Lenin repeatedly said that 'the system of Soviets is the dictatorship of the proletariat,' and that 'the Soviet power is the dictatorship of the proletariat"'(see Vol. XXIV, pp. 15 and 14); but he never said that the Party is the state power, that the Soviets and the Party are one and the same thing. The Party, with a membership of several hundred thousand, guides the Soviets and their central and local ramifications, which embrace tens of millions of people, both Party and non-Party, but it cannot and should not supplant them. That is why Lenin says that 'the dictatorship is exercised by the proletariat organized in the Soviets, the proletariat led by the Communist Party of Bolsheviks'; that 'all the work of the Party is carried on through the Soviets, which embrace the labouring masses irrespective of occupation' (see Vol. XXV, pp. 192 and 193); and that the dictatorship 'has to be exercised . . .through the Soviet apparatus.' (See Vol. XXVI, p. 64.) Therefore, whoever identifies the leading role of the Party with the dictatorship of the proletariat substitutes the Party for the Soviets, i.e., for the state power.”

(Stalin, Works, Volume 8, page 189, “Concerning Questions of Leninism”, Chapter V, English version).

The ruling communist party can neither be identified nor confronted with the ruling state. The state power is not almighty. It may not put itself above the party.

The Soviet state is not allowed to curtail the power of the workers and peasants; Lenin teaches: No state stands above classes, even not the socialist state. Therefore, our general-line makes clear that the state remains exclusively the instrument in the hands and under control of the workers and peasants for the purpose to remove the power of the oppressing and exploiting classes, respectively, to thwart their attempts of restoring capitalism. The dictatorship of the world proletariat is contrary to both the so-called dictatorship of the party“ and to the so-called dictatorship of the state“ over the workers and peasants. This would be the case in a revisionist world, but not in a socialist world. If we apply strictly to the Stalinist-Hoxhaist teachings of the theory and tactics of the dictatorship of the world proletariat, then this can impossibly happen under the dictatorship of the world proletariat. On a global scale the destruction of the dictatorship of the proletariat is absolutely avoidable. However, this preventability cannot be equated with any absolute guarantees for its indestructibility. We have always repeated: The whole transition-period between capitalism and communism is a question of sharpest class-struggle, is a question of „who – whom ?“ There is absolutely no guarantee for the indestructibility of socialism, neither on a national, nor on a global scale. This was valid for all formations of class-society and it is also still valid for the last formation of class-society in mankind' s history – for socialism.

The class enemies, in general, and the revisionists, in particular, they all try to confront state and party against each other (either through overestimating or underestimating their specific and complementary role within the whole system of the dictatorship of the world proletariat; through revisionist degeneration and corruption of both the state and the party, etc.), with the intention to weaken the whole world-socialist system, to liquidate the dictatorship of the proletariat and to restore the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie with the aim to restore world capitalism. In this worst case - if the revisionists should really seize world power - the renewal of the socialist world revolution will be the principal duty of all world revolutionaries because this is indispensable for the re-establishment of the world-proletarian dictatorship, indispensable for the restoration of world socialism.

The application of all these teachings on the Soviets of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism to the present conditions of globalization, this is indivisibly part of the General-Line of the Comintern / ML.








World Revolution

and Lenin' s teachings on the state



The imperialism is the highest stage of capitalism, is rotten, parasitical and dying capitalism, and this is consequently the characteristic of the whole global capitalist system of states, too. The imperialist state system falls into ruin (from inside), due to the increasing globalization of class struggle between the world bourgeoisie and the world proletariat.


In Imperialism, highest stage of capitalism”, comrade Lenin provides a valuable definition of imperialism which includes its 5 major general characteristics.

These 5 characteristics can also be applied to the type of the imperialist state. The highest stage of the capitalist state includes these 5 major general characteristics worked out by Lenin:

      1. the concentration of production and capital has developed to such a high stage that it has created monopolies and in consequence it has also created a similar high stage of state which promotes and protects this high stage of concentration of production and capital. It is the type of a monopolistic state of the class of the monopolistic bourgeoisie [regulations by the monopolist state such as: tax- and customs policy, credit, loans, bonds, subsidies, and last not least also oppression of resistance of the exploited classes in the interests of protecting the profits of the monopolies, globalization of state terrorism etc.);

      2. the merging of bank capital with industrial capital, and the creation, on the basis of this “finance capital”; The financial oligarchy bases itself on a global system of ruling imperialist states [It means that a small number of financially “powerful” states stand out among all the rest” Lenin:Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism”; III. FINANCE CAPITAL AND THE FINANCIAL OLIGARCHY, English version];

      1. the export of capital as distinguished from the export of commodities is the main profitable business of the imperialist states which exploit all the other states; [“The capital-exporting countries have divided the world among themselves in the figurative sense of the term. But finance capital has led to the actual division of the world” Lenin:Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism”; IV. EXPORT OF CAPITAL , English version].

      1. the formation of international monopolist capitalist associations which share the world among themselves by means of imperialist states in cooperation with global political institutions ( “The monopolies have served only to facilitate, at the expense of the state, the recovery of private industries which were on the verge of bankruptcy. Private and state monopolies are interwoven in the epoch of finance capital; how both are but separate links in the imperialist struggle between the big monopolists for the division of the world. The epoch of the latest stage of capitalism shows us that certain relations between capitalist associations grow up, based on the economic division of the world; while parallel to and in connection with it, certain relations grow up between political alliances, between states, on the basis of the territorial division of the world, of the struggle for colonies, of the “struggle for spheres of influence” Lenin:Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism”; V. DIVISION OF THE WORLD AMONG CAPITALIST ASSOCIATIONS, English version];

      2. the territorial division of the whole world among the biggest capitalist powers is completed. The repartition of the world is based on the economic, political and military state-power of the imperialists. [Finance capital in general strives to seize the largest possible amount of land of all kinds in all places, and by every means, taking into account potential sources of raw materials and fearing to be left behind in the fierce struggle for the last remnants of independent territory, or for the repartition of those territories that have been already divided” Lenin:Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism”; VI.DIVISION OF THE WORLD AMONG THE GREAT POWERS, English version] .

Lenin taught us: “The epoch of imperialism is the eve of the proletarian revolution” - which includes unavoidably the revolutionary destruction of the bourgeois state's machine and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Stalinism-Hoxhaism teaches us: The existence of the imperialist system of states is unavoidably connected with its revolutionary destruction and with the establishment of the dictatorship of the world proletariat.

Enver Hoxha:

The present crisis is the crisis and failure of state monopoly capitalism”

(Enver Hoxha, Report on the 8th Congress of the PLA, Selected Works, Volume 6, page 387, English version) [underlined by the Comintern / ML].

What are the present capitalist states, what are the present relations among the capitalist states, what is the present global capitalist system of states ?

They are instruments of the global monopolies for their maximization of profits. Their most significant phenomena are now: excessive global debt, globalized instruments of exploitation in the service of the global financial capital, tampering with constitutional crises, corruption, repression and fascism, etc..

The bourgeoisie tramples on the national and international needs, interests and rights of the citizens. The capitalist states load all burdens of the global crisis onto the backs of the proletariat and the poor peasants all over the world. If the capitalist system of states still proceeds like that - and this is unavoidable according to follow the law of profit-making - then the collapse of the whole global capitalist state-system is bound to occur. One state after another goes to the wall - unable to please the existential minimum of the citizens' needs. The globalized monopoly on legitimate use of force has already transformed the whole world into a prison. However, the present global prison of the exploited and oppressed masses will be tomorrow transformed into a global prison of the exploiting and oppressing classes ! The revolution of the world proletariat is a global revolution of smashing the whole capitalist system of states, is a revolution for the global construction of a system of states in which only the workers and poor peasants have the rule over the world. The oppressing capitalist states of today will be smashed and swept away tomorrow.

Comrade Enver Hoxha emphasized:

By means of the system of credits, loans, aid, and various funds, they [the imperialists] have turned these countries into permanent debtors at the mercy of creditors who, in return for the money provided, demand not only their title-deeds, but also their souls. Accompanying the credits and aid, the multi-national companies have established themselves, becoming not only monopoly holders of concessions for the exploitation of the mines, oil, electric power, wholesale trade, communications, etc., but also political centres with which the different groups in power in each country are linked. The big banks with alluring names like the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the European Development Fund, etc., have been transformed into the headquarters of international neocolonialism for the domination and exploitation of the new countries. They are the financial and political centres which, together with the multinationals, organize and inspire coups d'état, topple governments and establish others, and even cause local wars when the interests of big capital require this” (Enver Hoxha, Report on the 8th Congress of the PLA, Selected Works, Volume 6, page 394, English version)

Present-day capitalist and revisionist world economy .. is more and more degrading the internal social relations and the relations between states(Enver Hoxha, Report on the 8th Congress of the PLA, Selected Works, Volume 6, page 387, English version) [underlined by the Comintern / ML]

Basing economic development on foreign loans, which was trumpeted for a time, both in the West and in the East, as the road to the salvation of mankind, has turned out to be a strategy for the enslavement of the poor and weak countries by imperialism and the big industrialized powers” (Enver Hoxha, Address to the electors , November 10, 1982, Selected Works, Volume 6, page 605, English version).

Stalin:

Earlier, the bourgeoisie presented themselves as liberal, they were for bourgeois democratic freedom and in that way gained popularity with the people. Now there is not one remaining trace of liberalism. There is no such thing as "freedom of personality" any more, - personal rights are now only acknowledged by them, the owners of capital, - all the other citizens are regarded as raw materials, that are only for exploitation. The principle of equal rights for people and nations is trodden in the dust and it is replaced by the principle of Full rights for the exploiting minority and the lack of rights of the exploited majority of the citizens. Earlier, the bourgeoisie, as the heads of nations, were for the rights and independence of nations and put that "above all." Now there is no trace left of this "national principle." Now the bourgeoisie sell the rights and independence of their nations for dollars. The banner of national independence and national sovereignty has been thrown overboard. [Stalin, Speech of the 19th Party Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, 14 October, 1952; Volume 16, English edition].

Lenin:

The question of the state is now acquiring particular importance both in the the theory and in practical politics. The imperialist war has immensely accelerated and intensified the process of transformation of monopoly capitalism into state-monopoly capitalism. The monstrous oppression of the working people by the state, which is merging more and more with the all-powerful capitalist associations, is becoming increasingly monstrous. The advanced countries – we mean their hinterland – are becoming military convict prisons for the workers. The unprecedented horrors and miseries of the protracted war are making the people's position unbearable and increasing their anger. The world proletarian revolution is clearly maturing. The question of its relation to the state is acquiring practical importance” (Lenin, Collected works, Volume 25, page 387, English edition) [underlined by the Comintern /ML].

Lenin answered this question as follows:

The dialectics of history is such that the war, by extraordinarily expediting the transformation of monopoly capitalism into state-monopoly capitalism, has thereby extraordinarily advanced mankind towards socialism”(Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 25, page 363, English edition).

Socialism is merely the next step forward from state-capitalist monopoly. Or, in other words, socialism is merely state-capitalist monopoly which is made to serve the interests of the whole people and has to that extent ceased to be capitalist monopoly”. There is no middle course here. The objective process of development is such that it is impossible to advance from monopolies ( and the war has magnified their number, role and importance tenfold) without advancing towards socialism” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 25, page 362, English edition).

The objective process of globalization is such that it is impossible to advance from global monopolies without advancing towards world socialism.

World socialism is nothing more than globalized state monopoly, which is applied to the benefit of all peoples and which has thereby ceased to be capitalist world monopoly.

The socialist world state is indispensable for the complete removal of world imperialism and its state-system, is indispensable for the construction of world socialism - the highest stage of socialism - is indispensable for the necessary transition towards world communism.

The proletarian world-state is the last and highest stage of the socialist state, is the only type of state which will wither away in favour of the classless, communist world society.

The socialist world state that is, the centrally armed and organized ruling class of the world proletariat, based on the alliance with the poor peasants, and led by the Communist International.

The main instruments of the dictatorship of the world proletariat are the leading Bolshevist world party, the world-proletarian state-power and the world-proletarian armament.

During the whole transitional period towards world communism, global class struggle will reach its highest stage in history of class-societies. Therefore a strong socialist world-state will be indispensable to maintain the dictatorship of the world proletariat and to avoid restoration of capitalism.

Stalinism-Hoxhaism, in particular, is the theory and practice of the global proletarian state.


Our theoretical knowledge on the state - and our general-line related to the state - is based on the teachings of the five Classics of Marxism-Leninism:

a) The teachings of Marx and Engels on the state covers the genesis of the state until the period of imperialism (Paris Commune).

b) The Leninist teachings on the state - since the beginning of the epoch of imperialism - is basis of the experience gained in the revolutions of 1905 and 1917 (dictatorship of the proletariat).

c) The Stalinist theory of the state is basis of the experience gained during the existence of Soviet power (Soviet Union and the Socialist World Camp).

d) The Hoxhaist theory of the state is basis of the experience gained during the existence of the state of the modern revisionists in power (the Hoxhaist state).

 

The Comintern / ML 's application of Lenin' s famous book: State and Revolution” and its theoretical continuation by comrade Stalin and comrade Enver Hoxha form an indivisible unit of the Stalinist-Hoxhaist teachings of the state which is basis of the application of conditions of the globalized society.

State and Revolution” - related to the present conditions of globalization, this is: World State and World Revolution”. The relationship between state and revolution directly corresponds to the relationship of world state and world revolution. They both depend on each other and can neither be separated from each other nor be put against each other.

"State and Revolution" must be applied to the international context of the world's state power of the financial capital. That is, if we want to solve the question of the destruction of state power of the monopolistic bourgeoisie. We must connect the question of state and revolution with the destruction of the whole system of world imperialism, the destruction of the global power of the financial oligarchy, etc.. To the extent as every bourgeois state is intertwined internationally, the whole system of financial enslavement must be globally destroyed.

Therefore, and to the same extent, the international integration of every proletarian socialist revolution in the world revolution is necessary. We live -not alone- in one state but also in a global system of states. The destruction of the global network of the imperialist states is the one thing, however, the destruction of every single bourgeois state is something quite different. For this purpose, the world revolution and the revolution in every single country must form a complementary unit. And this is also valid in regard to the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat on a national and global scale, and also concerning to the construction of the socialist state on a national and a global scale.

Any evasion from the question of the dialectical relation between the proletarian world revolution and the proletarian world state is an evasion, which both promotes anarchism (question of the indispensability of the world state) as well as the total distortion and flattening of Marxism-Leninism through the revisionists (question of the violence of the world revolution and the character of the world state – dictatorship of the world proletariat).

Lenin taught that the capital reigns through the international counter-revolution, and that the Soviet state is therefore needed as the global countervailing power.

Lenin pointed to the international character of the Soviet state:

Soviet government is a world-wide government. It is replacing the old bourgeois state”(1918, Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 28, page 360, English version). [replacement… of course, on a global scale ! – remark of the Comintern /ML]

The general-line of the Comintern (ML) aims at the violent destruction and removal of the world system of the bourgeois states through the establishment of the world system of the socialist states – by means of the socialist world revolution.

The key problem of the world revolution – until world communism – is the question of global state power, the world dictatorship of the proletariat.

Our general-line refers to the teachings of all the five classics of Marxism-Leninism, who have been scientifically proven that this is not only specifically applies to the first period of socialism (socialism in "one" country) in which socialism must be protected against the capitalist-revisionist encirclement from outside and against restoration of capitalism from inside, however, this is also valid, in general, for the second period, thus for world socialism, for the socialist world state. The proletarian world-state applies to the whole transitional period from capitalism to communism.


Lenin' s definition of the state:

The state is a machine for maintaining the rule of one class over another.” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 29, page 478, English edition).

History shows that the state as a special apparatus for coercing people arose wherever and whenever there appeared a division into groups of people some of which were permanently in a position to appropriate the labour of others, where some people exploited others (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 29, page 475, English edition).

.. it [The state] appears wherever and whenever a division of society into classes appears” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 29, page 474, English edition).

When there appears such a special group of men occupied solely with government, and who in order to rule need a special apparatus of coercion to subjugate the will of others by force - prisons, special contingents of men, armies, etc. - then there appears the state” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 29, page 475, English edition).

Lenin:

»This book [ Engel' s book The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State ] says that every state in which private ownership of the land and means of productions exists, in which capital dominates, however democratic it may be, is a capitalist state, a machine used by the capitalists to keep the working class and the poor peasants in subjection (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 29, page 485, English edition).

Marxism-Leninism defines the state as

      1. a product of the irreconcilability of class antagonism; an organization of the ruling class;

      2. a repressive apparatus of the class society with its chief instruments of special bodies of armed men (army and police), prisons, etc. - for military protection of the profits of the capitalists;

      3. an instrument of the exploitation of the oppressed classes.

Marxism-Leninism teaches that the capitalist state must be smashed by the violent revolution of the proletariat and replaced by the proletarian state which is “withering away” not until the communist society.

Both capitalist state-power and revolutionary struggle against it, increase and globalize in the same speed and intensity as the class antagonism globalizes, accelerates and intensifies. This class-specific law of state-power is valid for the globalized state-system of world imperialism – based on the increasing class antagonism of world proletariat and world bourgeoisie. The tendency of increasing centralization and concentration of the capitalist state-system, on a global scale, is according to the general law of the globalization of capital that has to be globally protected for those property owners who have centralized and concentrated the world capital in less and less hands.

The tendency of the globalization of the mode of production determines the tendency of the globalization of the system of the states, and thus determines the tendency of the socialist world revolution.

Stalinism-Hoxhaism is the global modification of the basic teachings of Marxism-Leninism on the state, thus in the period of globalization.

It is scientific criticism of the state-system of world imperialism in the period of globalization, is the theory of its complete destruction by means of the socialist world revolution, the theory of its replacement through a world-socialist state-system and the theory of the abolishment of the inevitability of any state in regard of the world communist society.

A waiver of the world state would be tantamount to the counter-revolutionary suppression of world revolution. Those who want the world revolution, however reject the proletarian state - are anarchists, Trotskyites, is everybody else, but not a Stalinist-Hoxhaist. This principle of state socialism in one country is even more valid for the state of international socialism! We are therefore consistently against any contempt or weakening of the dictatorship of the world proletariat, and therefore against any criticism on the international socialist state.

If the world proletariat has conquered state power, then it will use its world state power for the purpose of breaking the domination of private ownership of the means of production. The means of production will be gradually taken in possession of the world proletarian state.

Lenin pointed out ...

... that under capitalism the ultimate object of the strike struggle is to break up state machine and to overthrow the given class state power. Under the transitional type of proletarian state such as ours, however, the ultimate object of every action taken by the working class can only be to fortify the proletarian state and the state power of the proletarian class by combating the bureaucratic distortions, mistakes and flaws in this state, and by curbing the class appetites of the capitalists who try to evade its control, etc. (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 33, page 187, English version).

We are both against the "Trotskyist 'nationalization of the trade unions" as well as against the anarcho-syndicalist "transformation of the state into a trade union". The world proletariat is against the international state monopoly of the world bourgeoisie, but not against the state monopoly of international socialism.

The capitalist state can not simply be overtaken, it must be completely smashed and destroyed - as the classics of Marxism-Leninism teach us.

The socialist state apparatus will be built on the ruins of the global capitalist state system.

Only with the help of the socialist world government, the socialist world economy will develop according to the aim of maximum satisfaction of the constantly growing material and cultural needs of the entire socialist world society, through continuous growth and improvement of socialist production on the basis of the most advanced technology and careful handling of the natural resources.



What is the Marxist doctrine of the state, what is the Leninist doctrine of the dictatorship of the proletariat?


Derived from the Marxist teachings on the Paris Commune, Lenin worked out the theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat:

1) The Soviet state is the state form of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The socialist state is the organized armed proletariat which is governing as a class.

2) the dictatorship of the proletariat is a special form of the class alliance between the proletariat and the peasantry under the leadership of the proletariat, as the supreme principle of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

3) the dictatorship of the proletariat is the highest form of democracy in class society - the proletarian democracy.

The Bolshevik Party has the leading role in the Soviet state, which is connected by transmissions of the trade unions, the Soviets, the Cooperatives and the Konsomol and with the masses.

According to Stalinism, the dictatorship of the proletariat has three aspects:

a) the use of the power of the proletariat for the suppression of the exploiters, to defend the country, to ensure the connection with the proletariat of other countries, for the development and victories of the revolution in all countries.

b) the utilization of the power of the proletariat for the final separation of the toiling and exploited masses of the bourgeoisie, for the security of the alliance between the proletariat and the masses, for the development of the forces of the masses for socialist construction, for leading the masses by the state of the proletariat.

c) The use of the power of the proletariat for the organization of socialism, for the abolition of classes, for the transition to a society without classes, without a state.

Lenin pointed to the internationalist character of the proletarian state both on a national and international scale. The general-line of the Comintern / ML therefore points to the application of the internationalist character of the proletarian state on the special conditions of globalization.

Lenin:

We are internationalists. We stand for the close union and the complete amalgamation of the workers and peasants of all nations in a single world Soviet republic” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 30, page 293, English edition).

State of the whole people“ etc. - this is the formulas of the modern revisionists against the proletarian state of class. Also the globalized revisionist formula of the state of the whole peoples” is directed against the Stalinist-Hoxhaist formula of theglobal state of the class of the world proletariat”.

Stalin:

Arguing against confusing the dictatorship of the proletariat with “popular” government, “elected by all,” with “non-class” government, Lenin says:

The class which took political power into its hands did so knowing that it took power alone ( My italics.—J. St.). That is a part of the concept dictatorship of the proletariat. This concept has meaning only when this one class knows that it alone is taking political power in its hands, and does not deceive itself or others with talk about ‘popular’ government, ‘elected by all, sanctified by the whole people’” (see Vol. XXVI, p. 286).

(Stalin, Works, Volume 8,Concerning Questions of Leninism”, IV.THE PROLETARIAN REVOLUTION AND THE DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT).

With the dictatorship of the world proletariat, the class struggle of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the countries will not be over. In the contrary, this will be required to a greater degree. The dictatorship of the proletariat in the second period of socialism does not mean the end of the class struggle in each country, but its continuation in new forms, in globalized forms. The dictatorship of the proletariat is the world domination of the working class, and it is based on the centrally organized cooperation of the proletarians of all countries.

The former form of the dictatorship of the proletariat "in one" country, thus in the first period of socialism, is no longer practicable on the conditions of globalization. Contrary to the times when the dictatorship of the proletariat in a single country was only possible through support and solidarity of the proletarians of other countries, the prospective dictatorship of the proletariat will only be possible by the global cooperation of the proletarians of all countries, by the power of the centrally organized world proletariat which bases itself on the proletarian detachments in each country.

Stalin:

The overthrow of the power of the bourgeoisie and establishment of the power of the proletariat in one country does not yet mean that the complete victory of socialism has been ensured. Does it mean that with the forces of only one country it can finally consolidate socialism and fully guarantee that country against intervention and, consequently, also against restoration? No, it does not. For this the victory of the revolution in at least several countries is needed.. ... Now we must speak of the world proletarian revolution; for the separate national fronts of capital have become links in a single chain called the world front of imperialism, which must be opposed by a common front of the revolutionary movement in all countries. … Now the proletarian revolution must be regarded primarily as the result of the development of the contradictions within the world system of imperialism, as the result of the breaking of the chain of the world imperialist front in one country or another” (Stalin, The Foundations of Leninism”, III. Theory, English version).

The conquest of power on a global scale is unavoidable for breaking the whole resistance of the bourgeoisie in each country of the world. For this we need a globalized form of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Today we must speak of the dictatorship of a global proletarian class. The restoration of the dictatorship of the proletariat is nothing else but the dictatorship of the world proletariat.

And the proletariat under the rule of the revisionist state? Can the proletariat take over the revisionist state or must it re-establish its socialist state on the ruins of the revisionist state? The answer of the 5th Classic of Marxism-Leninism, of Comrade Enver Hoxha, is clear: The revolutionary proletariat must destroy the revisionist state and must rebuild the new socialist state on the ruins of the revisionist state. We shall finally leave behind us the historical period of the revisionist states at power because they all degenerate openly towards capitalist states whose days are numbered. We are entering a new phase in the revival of a socialist state - in the stage of world socialism in which the inevitability of the restoration of capitalism can be overcome forever.



What is the basis of Stalinism in the national question?

The basis of Stalinism in the national question is the construction of the USSR under the terms of the proletarian dictatorship.

Stalinism is elimination of the antagonistic contradiction between the nations, the elimination of the exploitation of the nations through other nations, the achievement of the equality of nations, solidarity and friendly cooperation and association of nations, the overcoming of the capitalist law of inequality of the development of the one nation opposite to the other nation - all this relates to the implementation of the internationalist law of transition from capitalism to socialism.

Stalinism is elimination of non-antagonistic contradictions between nations - and even eliminating the contradictions between nations, and the fusion of the nations as a pre-condition for the gradual abolition of nations - all this serves the implementation of the general law of transition from socialism to communism.

How can we apply the principles of Stalinism in the national question on the present conditions?

Stalinism has shown that the solution of the national question in the first epoch of socialism (in "one" country) and in the second epoch of socialism (on the world scale) may not lumped together, since they both differ significantly.

Today, the national question will be solved with the help of the world-socialist revolution . Only through the liberation from world capitalism can be created a global basis for the equality and the development of the free will of the peoples of the world; and the liberation of each nation from exploitation and oppression be guaranteed.

Stalinism-Hoxhaism in the national question is, today, liberation from the global capitalism, is fighting for the world socialist revolution, is globally the liberation of all exploited and oppressed nations.

In particular the lessons of the Stalinist USSR, and of the Hoxhaist Albania, these are the historical foundations for the successful establishment of a new World Union of Socialist States.

Enver Hoxha:

We are against those revisionist theoreticians who preach that now the entire revolutionary struggle should be reduced to a struggle for national independence, to win and to defend this independence against the aggression of imperialist powers, while negating the struggle for social liberation.

Only victory in this struggle guarantees genuine and complete national freedom, independence and sovereignty. (Enver Hoxha, Imperialism and Revolution, Second part, English version).

Just as Stalinism was the theory of solving the national question on the example of the USSR, and just as Hoxhaism was the theory of solving the national question in Albania, today is Stalinism-Hoxhaism the doctrine of solving the national question in the world scale, the global solution of the national question through the world-revolutionary struggle for world socialism on the basis of proletarian internationalism.

At first, the fatherland of the world proletariat existed only in a single country, before it could spread itself all over the world. This is why the fatherland of the world proletariat in the first period of socialism distinguishes from the “fatherland” of the world proletariat in the second period of socialism. Stalinism-Hoxhaism struggles for the establishment of a global “fatherland” of the proletariat and the poor peasants the world over.

The doctrine of the world union of socialist states, the doctrine of the socialist world state - is based on the Stalinist-Hoxhaist theory of the state.



The international significance of the Stalinist Constitution of the USSR, in 1936

The Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin was the first internationalist state, thus the first proletarian state, which had served to the whole world proletariat.

Learning from the classics of Marxism-Leninism, this means, how to understand the future significance of the new type of the world-socialist states. For Stalin, the socialist nation was never an end in itself, but destined to contribute to the creation of socialist nations across the globe. The world-socialist state is surrounded by a socialist world whereas socialism in "one" country is encircled by the capitalist world. Every socialist state which does not fight for the world revolution - every socialist state which undermines or even abandons the world revolution,- is doomed to the downfall, and on the path of the restoration of capitalism. Not an internationalist state betrays the interests of the world proletariat, however only a nationalist state does. The fate of the existence of any socialist state is invariably linked with the fate of the whole world proletariat. We can not struggle for the socialist state without the struggle for the world revolution. This would mean to abandon communism and to slip into the camp of the bourgeoisie.

Stalin:

The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, as you know, was formed in 1922, at the First Congress of Soviets of the U.S.S.R. It was formed on the principles of equality and the voluntary affiliation of the peoples of the U.S.S.R. The Constitution now in force, adopted in 1924, was the first Constitution of the U.S.S.R. That was the period when relations among the peoples had not yet been properly adjusted, when survivals of distrust towards the Great-Russians had not yet disappeared, and when centrifugal forces still continued to operate. Under those conditions it was necessary to establish fraternal cooperation among the peoples on the basis of economic, political, and military mutual aid by uniting them in a single federated, multinational state. The Soviet government could not but see the difficulties of this task. It had before it the unsuccessful experiments of multinational states in bourgeois countries. It had before it the experiment of old Austria-Hungary, which ended in failure. Nevertheless, it resolved to make the experiment of creating a multinational state, for it knew that a multinational state which has arisen on the basis of Socialism is bound to stand every and any test.

Since then fourteen years have elapsed. A period long enough to test the experiment. And what do we find? This period has shown beyond a doubt that the experiment of forming a multinational state based on Socialism has been completely successful. This is the undoubted victory of the Leninist national policy. (Prolonged applause.)

How is this victory to be explained?

The absence of exploiting classes, which are the principal organizers of strife between nations; the absence of exploitation, which cultivates mutual distrust and kindles nationalist passions; the fact that power is in the hands of the working class, which is the foe of all enslavement and the true vehicle of the ideas of internationalism; the actual practice of mutual aid among the peoples in all spheres of economic and social life; and, finally, the flourishing national culture of the peoples of the U.S.S.R., culture which is national in form and Socialist in content - all these and similar factors have brought about a radical change in the aspect of the peoples of the U.S.S.R.; their feeling of mutual distrust has disappeared, a feeling of mutual friendship has developed among them, and thus real fraternal cooperation among the peoples has been established within the system of a single federated state.

As a result, we now have a fully formed multinational Socialist state, which has stood all tests, and whose stability might well be envied by any national state in any part of the world. (Loud applause.)

Such are the changes which have taken place during this period in the sphere of national relations in the U.S.S.R.”

(Stalin, Works, Volume 14,On the Draft Constitution of the U.S.S.R” - II. Changes in the life of the U.S.S.R. in the period from 1924 to 1936).

Exterior - and interior policy of the USSR were the political instruments of the representation of the common interests of equal republics of the union, exercised by the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, the highest state organ of the Soviet Union. It is well known that the USSR was a federal state - consisting of 15 Soviet Socialist Republics and the Socialist Federative Soviet Republic, the Russian SFSR. It was not yet a unified nation state. Thus, the ratio between internal and foreign policy was somewhat more differentiated in the Soviet Union. Indeed, the sovereignty of the Republics of the Union were largely limited through the competence of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (see Article 14 of the constitution - 1936). In addition to it: every Republic of the Union had exercised its own state power (Article 15) , including about the own, albeit limited internal and foreign policy, which (in an over-all scope) belong to the competence of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR .

It was characteristic for the USSR that the Soviet Republics of the Union helped each other in building socialism, and that they organized themselves centralistically, that they possessed a centralized leadership etc. This was also advantageous in regard of the foreign affairs, namely most effective for the purpose to oppose the capitalist encirclement - the formation of a coherent socialist defence alliance. And this was necessary as long as the socialist and capitalist world camp coexisted.

We tie in with comrade Stalin who predicted: "The international significance of the new Constitution of the USSR can not be overestimated" (Stalin, Works, Volume 14, English edition).

The international significance of the Constitution of comrade Stalin may consist of nothing other than in its practical realization on a global scale. The restoration of the Stalinist constitution on a global scale - that is the general-line of the Comintern / ML.

The future constitution of a socialist world union will undoubtedly be the crowning of the victory of the Stalinist constitution on a global scale.

It is in the nature of things, that a constitution can only fulfil its purpose, if the material prerequisites are already given. The concrete formation of the future Union of world-socialist states are not yet clearly foreseeable, and thus cannot be demonstrated here in our general-line. Nevertheless it will prove to be useful even to imagine at least our raw notions of a possible “constitution”. We propose to take the first 12 articles of the original Constitution of comrade Stalin and to add further 7 articles:



[ CONSTITUTION OF THE SOCIALIST WORLD UNION ]


THE ORGANIZATION OF SOVIET WORLD SOCIETY



ARTICLE 1.



The Socialist World Union is a global, federal system of world-socialist states.

This is indispensable for the subsequent transformation to a proper socialist world state of the workers and peasants.



ARTICLE 2.



The Soviets of Working People's Deputies, which grow and attain strength as a result of the overthrow of the landlords and capitalists and the achievement of the dictatorship of the proletariat, constitute the political foundation of the S.W.U. (Socialist World Union)



ARTICLE 3.



In the S.W.U. all power belongs to the working people of town and country as represented by the Soviets of Working People's Deputies.



ARTICLE 4.

The socialist system of economy and the socialist ownership of the means and instruments of production firmly established as a result of the abolition of the capitalist system of economy, the abrogation of private ownership of the means and instruments of production and the abolition of the exploitation of man by man, constitute' the economic foundation of the S.W.U.



ARTICLE 5.

Socialist property in the S.W.U. exists either in the form of state property (the common possession of the peoples), or in the form of cooperative and collective-farm property (property of a collective farm or property of a cooperative association).



ARTICLE 6.

The land, its natural deposits, waters, forests, mills, factories, mines, rail, water and air transport, banks, post, telegraph and telephones, large state-organized agricultural enterprises (state farms, machine and tractor stations and the like) as well as municipal enterprises and the bulk of the dwelling houses in the cities and industrial localities, are state property of the S.W.U, and serve equally all the peoples.



ARTICLE 7.

Public enterprises in collective farms and cooperative organizations, with their livestock and implements, the products of the collective farms and cooperative organizations, as well as their common buildings, constitute the common socialist property of the collective farms and cooperative organizations. In addition to its basic income from the public collective-farm enterprise, every household in a collective farm has for its personal use a small plot of land attached to the dwelling and, as its personal property, a subsidiary establishment on the plot, a dwelling house, livestock, poultry and minor agricultural implements in accordance with the statutes of the agricultural artel.



ARTICLE 8.

The land occupied by collective farms is secured to them for their use free of charge and for an unlimited time, that is, in perpetuity.



ARTICLE 9.

Alongside the socialist system of economy, which is the predominant form of economy in the S.W.U., the law permits the small private economy of individual peasants and handicrafts-man based on their personal labour and precluding the exploitation of the labour of others.



ARTICLE 10.

The right of citizens to personal ownership of their incomes from work and of their savings, of their dwelling houses and subsidiary household economy, their household furniture and utensils and articles of personal use and convenience, as well as the right of inheritance of personal property of citizens, is protected by law.



ARTICLE 11.

 

The economic life of the S.W.U. is determined and directed by the state global economic plan with the aim of increasing the public wealth, of steadily improving the material conditions of the working people and raising their cultural level, of consolidating the independence of the S.W.U. and strengthening its defensive capacity.



ARTICLE 12.

 

In the S.W.U. work is a duty and a matter of honour for every able-bodied citizen, in accordance with the principle:

"He who does not work, neither shall he eat."

The principle applied in the S.W.U. is that of world socialism:
"From each country according to its ability, to each country according to its work."


ARTICLE 13.



All Socialist States of the World Union commit themselves voluntarily, to base their own constitution on the Constitution of the Socialist World Union.



ARTICLE 14.



The Constitution of the SWU protects the world socialism throughout the historical era between world capitalism and world communism:

Protection of the socialist property of the world: of land, forests, mills and factories and other means of production and - instruments;

Abolition of exploitation and elimination of the exploiting classes in all countries of the world;

Elimination of poverty of the world population and the profligacy of their minority, which has lived in luxury;

Elimination of unemployment on a global scale;

The right to work,e.g., the right on employment is guaranteed on a world scale.

World-right to recreation and regeneration

World-right to education, professional training, cultural and scientific activities

Active participation in the creation of all achievements of world socialism and use of all achievements of world socialism (measured in an equivalent value).



ARTICLE 15.



The Constitution of the S.W.U. is a constitution of the dictatorship of the proletariat, a constitution of the hegemony of the world proletariat, is a global constitution of the ruling workers and peasants. The defence of the dictatorship of the proletariat against attempts at restoration of the world dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, against the restoration of capitalism, is constitutionally enshrined.

The S.W.U. enshrines constitutionally the leading role of the Communist International and also Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism-Hoxhaism as the only valid ideology all over the world.

The S.W.U. unceasingly develops the socialist world revolution by adhering to the global class struggle and aims at ensuring the final victory of the socialist road over the capitalist road, at achieving the complete construction of world socialism and world communism.



ARTICLE 16.



The Constitution of the S.W.U. ensures the compliance with the rules of socialist internationalism between the S.W.U. and the single socialist states, on the one side, and among the socialist states on the other side. Above all, the internationalist solidarity of the world proletariat and its allies is the highest duty, greatest honour and of immeasurable value for the whole world-system of socialist states.

All world-socialist states are equal.

The compliance with the equal treatment principle is obligatory. To be specific:

No difference, whether in the skin colour or language, whether cultural or other differences between the socialist countries of the World Union may ever justify any legal inequality. The Constitution of the S.W.U. ensures the same rights to all nations, regardless of their past and present situation, regardless of their strength or weakness, in all spheres of economic, social, political and cultural life of the socialist society .



ARTICLE 17.



The Constitution of the S.W.U. guarantees human rights on a global scale.

The Constitution of the S.W.U. protects the world's democracy.

The Constitution of the S.W.U. protects nature and natural resources, and watches over its harmonization with the needs and wishes of the world population.

There is no distinction between active and passive citizens. All citizens of the Socialist World Union are politically active - namely in the sense and spirit of its constitution.

The Constitution of the S.W.U. guarantees equal rights of men and women on a world scale.

Repugnant to the Constitution, are distinctions such as "residents" and "non-residents", “strangers” and “natives”, "possessors" and "dispossessed", "educated and uneducated", etc.

Throughout the world, all citizens are equal , and thus their rights and obligations.

Not the locational advantage of a country over another, not the financial situation, not national or social origin, not gender, not the service position, etc., etc., but the personal skills and the personal work of each citizen in the world determines its position in the socialist world society.





ARTICLE 18.

The Constitution of the S.W.U. ensures all the needed means for all round development of all the people who are living in the socialist world society.

The world socialism is like a "single office" and like a "single factory" - with equal work and equal pay.

The Constitution protects health, food and prosperity of every citizen of the world.





ARTICLE 19.

The S.W.U. is a voluntary world-union of equal nations. This includes the right of leaving the Socialist World Union.



What distinguishes the federative Socialist World Union from the actual socialist world state ?

The type of government of the Socialist World Union (comparable with the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin) is based on an extensive decentralization, without which no all-encompassing foundation can be built on the centralization of a unified world government. The Socialist World Union is characterized by two key components:

first:

the first time, equal participation at the socialist world government of the nations - who were oppressed by both the world imperialism and the own bourgeoisie - and thus their centuries-long discrimination are ending.

second:

the first-time subordination of the former great powers under the common will of the nations and under the government of the united nations, the end of the epoch of the privileges and abuse of the dominant position of the great imperialist powers.

The Socialist World Union is a federal union of largely independent socialist countries, which gradually grow together and which foster their unification to a one single Socialist World State.

The problem is this:

The world-socialist state can not be established in one blow, such as world socialism can not be constructed in one blow. All the remains of the epoch of imperialism can neither be eliminated nor abolished, at a stroke. This is a stepwise global process for which a whole historical period of transformation will be needed. And within this long time, the world state can only be developed stepwise. The Socialist World Union, is thus an inevitable transitional form of a global structure of states, all of which create conditions for their development towards the holistic and centralized world state - towards the first and last world government. In the course of the development of the Socialist World Union, the decentralized elements of the world federation will be phased out - in favour of the unitary, centralized elements of the states . This is the general-line of the Comintern / ML for the gradual creation of the socialist world state.

The Socialist World Union may neither be equated with the centralized world state, nor be counter-posed. The Socialist World Union corresponds to the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin - on a world scale, which in turn was not yet developed towards a unified nation state - it was a Union of Soviet Republics.

Stalin:

No regime in the world has permitted such extensive decentralization, no government in the world has ever granted to the peoples such complete national freedom as the Soviet power in Russia. (Stalin, Works, Volume 4, The October Revolution and the National Question”, II. THE OCTOBER REVOLUTION AND THE NATIONAL QUESTION, November 6 and 19, 1918, English edition).

We have a supreme body in which are represented the common interests of all the working people of the U.S.S.R. irrespective of nationality. This is the Soviet of the Union. But in addition to common interests, the nationalities of the U.S.S.R. have their particular, specific interests, connected with their specific national characteristics. Can these specific interests be ignored? No, they cannot. Do we need a special supreme body to reflect precisely these specific interests? Unquestionably, we do. There can be no doubt that without such a body it would be impossible to administer a multinational state like the U.S.S.R. Such a body is the second chamber, the Soviet of Nationalities of the U.S.S.R.” (Stalin, Works, Volume 14,On the Draft Constitution of the U.S.S.R” - V. Amendments and Addenda to the Draft Constitution, paragraph 5, English edition).

The S.W.U. will not relinquish the two-chamber system - as an indispensable part of the constitution of Stalin. The unicameral law becomes effective, as soon as conditions are given for a unified socialist world government through the perfection of the Socialist World Union.

Is a constitution still necessary for the period of world communism?

No, it isn't. The world communism does no longer need any Constitution in the conventional sense - as less as the state which had once created the constitution. This does not mean that the Constitution - in a modified form, for a shorter time and in some points - is still easily conceivable in the beginning period of world communism. However, in the perfected world communism, people are already mature enough to do without states and all their constitutions. Constitutions are instruments of the dictatorship of classes, which will be abolished in world communism.

The globalization of the imperialist world order creates already those technical-material precondition which are needed for governing the world through the ordinary people. Globalization makes it possible that they can communicate and co-produce with each other, that they can exchange and distribute products on a world scale, and that they can create a global superstructure. In communism, all life and all work on this planet will be regulable, adjustable and controllable- without any state, without any constitution "from above".

However, the rights - guaranteed in the Constitution of the S W U - can never be higher than the stage of development of the world- socialist relations of production and the resulting global cultural development of the socialist world society. This means concretely: During the world socialism the "bourgeois law" is not yet completely removable. Completely abolished is only the right to private property at the means of production, the cornerstone of the exploiting capitalist world society.

Lenin said in „State and Revolution“:

In the first phase of communist society (usually called socialism) “bourgeois law” is not abolished in its entirety, but only in part, only in proportion to the economic revolution so far attained, i.e., only in respect of the means of production. “Bourgeois law” recognises them as the private property of individuals. Socialism converts them into common property. To that extentand to that extend alone - “bourgeois law” disappears” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 25, page 472, English edition).

The socialist world state has not yet eliminated the distribution of the actually unequal amount of labour towards unequal individuals.

Lenin:

This is a 'defect', says Marx, but it is unavoidable in the first phase of communism; for if we are not to indulge in utopianism, we must not think that having overthrown capitalism people will at once learn to work for society without any rules of law. Besides, the abolition of capitalism does not immediately create the economic prerequisites for such a change” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 25, page 472, English edition).

It follows that under communism there remains for a time not only bourgeois law, but even the bourgeois state, without the bourgeoisie. This may sound like a paradox or simply a dialectical conundrum, of which Marxism is often accused by people who have not taken the slightest trouble to study its extraordinarily profound content” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 25, page 476, English edition).

The "bourgeois law" and thus the constitution of the SWU will therefore be completely abolished only with the completion of world communism, when the world population - as a whole - regulates its own living - and this without binding legal standards.

In world communism, the national question is solved by itself. Communism is international in both its form and in its content. Communism liberates the world society from its national chains. This will happen by the gradual amalgamation process of all nations, and this process leads to the “withering away” of the whole system of nations.

People can only be free if they can lead their life without any force of the state, if they no longer live as members of this or that nationality, if they can live in a stateless world - without national borders.

The dialectic of the merging of nations presupposes first their revolutionary separation from the capitalist world system, and then the creation of independent socialist states, united in a socialist community of states. The separation from the world capitalist system is the precondition for the free and voluntary association of world socialist nations, which in turn form a prerequisite for the fusion of nations. The decay process of the bourgeois nations is directly determined by the decay process of world capitalism. The whole fate of the capitalist states is sealed by the world capitalist system itself . The state ideology of today is maximization of profit, is total subjugation under the rule of world capital - which makes the decision on the fate of each individual state.

Those who oppose the Stalinist-Hoxhaist doctrine of the socialist world state, do not really want world socialism as a major step towards world communism. Those who put their own national interests above the international proletarian interests, are no internationalists, because they try to defend the eternal indispensability of their state in particular, and of the state in itself. However, we Stalinist-Hoxhaists defend the proletarian state primarily for the purpose of the final abolition of the state.

A Stalinist-Hoxhaist ceases to be a Stalinist-Hoxhaist if he considers the interests of the individual socialist state to be more important than the interests of the world state of the proletariat. This is the demarcation line that separates us from all opponents of the world proletarian state.



The states of the Stalinist world camp

The doctrine of Stalin's creation of the socialist world camp, the world-revolutionary transition period - starting with "one" socialist nation through to the socialist nations on a world scale - this is one of the foundations of Stalinism.

What is the definition of the Stalinist world-politics?

The global politics of Stalin, this was the policy of the struggle for the victory of the socialist world camp over the capitalist world camp.

This was on the one hand the internationalist, revolutionary relationship between the Soviet people of the USSR and the world proletariat, to the peoples of the world, to the people's democracies - in the common struggle against the policy of the world bourgeoisie. This was on the other hand the policy of utilizing the contradictions within the capitalist camp, the policy of exertion of pressure onto the opposing camp: with the purpose to strengthen both the socialist world camp in general and in particular the transition to communism in “one" country - by weakening the capitalist camp through itself.

Stalinist world policy is the policy of the alienation of capitalist forces, in order to steer them into world-revolutionary paths.

The world policy of Hoxhaism it was then, to put the forces of restoration of capitalism in the service of the restoration of socialism.

Today we speak about transfer of the forces of the entire capitalist-revisionist world in the service of the world proletarian revolution.

The Stalinist-Hoxhaist policy systematically makes use of the resources, hinterland and all other means of the class enemy, to use them for Communist purposes.

Stalinism is the teaching to make use of contradictions among the world imperialists, among the multinational monopolies, among the great powers and their world associations - for the advance of world-socialist camp, and as a lever for the revolutionary liberation of the world proletariat.

Stalinism is the teaching of the liberation of the peoples from the world domination of American imperialism and the necessity of supporting the socialist world camp - the necessity of their anti-imperialist struggle under the revolutionary leadership of the world proletariat for the overthrow of the dictatorship of the whole bourgeois world. Stalinism has shown that the matter of liberation of all exploited and oppressed nations and nationalities became inevitably a matter which they can only solve by themselves.

Stalinism was a guide to action of the newly created socialist world camp to establish the dictatorship of the world proletariat.

Under the leadership of Stalin, socialism gained a new world-historical importance through extending the sphere of an individual socialist state towards an international socialist system of states.

The doctrine of the expansion of the sphere of an individual socialist state for creation of a socialist world-system - this is one of the most important foundations of Stalinism.

Stalinism has shown that the construction of socialism and communism in one country is not an end in itself. The Marxist-Leninist doctrine is not the creation of a socialist state as an end in itself, but moreover, this serves as a lever to create a world system of socialist states. Stalinism - its clear orientation of the socialist state to the creation of world socialism - corresponds profoundly to the spirit of proletarian internationalism and is therefore a great contribution of the Marxist-Leninist theory of proletarian internationalism, is a great advance to the Marxist-Leninist doctrine of world communism.

In the early 50s, Bolshevism reached the world-historic turning point - world-Bolshevism:

the destruction of the entire world imperialism; the breaking through of its encirclement by means of the proletarian internationalism in power;

the victory of socialism on a world scale; the turn of the dictatorship of the proletariat in "one" country - through to the world dictatorship of the proletariat;

the turn from communism in "one" country through to the final development of world communism.

In short: the upcoming transition from the first towards the second period of socialism - the turning point towards world socialism.

Stalinism is the further development of Marxist-Leninist theory of proletarian internationalism for the creation and strengthening of the socialist world camp, for the revolutionary overthrow of the capitalist world camp. The special feature of this further development is the demasking and struggle against the ideology of imperialist cosmopolitanism, is the struggle against the betrayal at the interests of nations and nationalities whereby the world bourgeoisie tries to protect the global interests of her class. Hoxhaism includes the special feature of demasking and struggle against the ideology of social-imperialist cosmopolitanism, includes the struggle against the revisionist betrayal at the interests of the socialist nations and against the co-operation of imperialism and social-imperialism for the purpose of defending capitalism against the socialist world revolution. The Hoxhaist state was a state which struggled against the whole state-system of the capitalist-revisionist world.

Comrade Enver Hoxha defended the Stalinist world camp at the meeting on Moscow - on November 16, 1960.

Stalin fought for the rights of the working class and the working people in the whole world, he fought to the end with great consistency for the freedom of the peoples of our countries of People's Democracy” (Enver Hoxha, speech delivered at the Moscow Meeting - November 16, 1960, page 130; English edition, Tirana 1969).

In the 1957 Moscow Declaration it was still correctly stressed that:

... the communist and workers' parties bear an exceptionally serious historic responsibility for the fate of the world socialist system and the international communist movement. The communist and workers' parties taking part in the meeting declare that they will spare no effort to strengthen their unity and comradely collaboration in the interest of the further unity of the family of the socialist states, in the interest of the international workers' movement, in the interests of the cause of peace and socialism.”

It must be said that, especially in recent times, in the international communist movement and in the relations among certain parties, there have arisen deep ideological and political disagreements, the deepening of which can only bring damage to our great cause. Therefore … it is necessary to condemn the mistakes and negative manifestations which have appeared so far and to correct them” (Enver Hoxha, speech delivered at the Moscow Meeting - November 16, 1960; page 47 English edition, Tirana 1969).

The path of transition to world socialism in general and the transition of communism in “one" country in particular, was betrayed by the restoration of the first socialist country in the world in a restored capitalist state. The transition to the second period was temporarily interrupted by a period of restoration of capitalism. It ended with the collapse of the socialist world camp, in general, and with the first period of building communism in "one" Stalinist country, in particular. The revisionist states could indeed stop the construction of communism in the first Stalinist state with the help of world imperialism, however they failed to destroy socialism – Socialism in Albania proved to be stronger than revisionism at power. Thanks to Hoxhaism, the first period of socialism has been successfully continued - despite the revisionist disintegration of the Stalinist world camp.

That was the great world communist victory of a small and brave Hoxhaist state over the entire fractious world of revisionist states - including the Maoist state.



World revolution and the socialist world state


With the world socialist revolution, the world proletariat becomes the ruling class in the world.

The socialist world state that is: the organized armed world proletariat as the globally ruling class.


Stalin:

Lenin's theory of revolution is... the theory of the development of the world revolution. The victory of socialism in one country is not a self-sufficient task. The revolution which has been victorious in one country must regard itself not as a self-sufficient entity, but as an aid, as a means for hastening the victory of the proletariat in all countries ... the beginning of and the precondition for the world revolution”

(Stalin, “The October Revolution and the Tactics of the Russian Communists, IV. The October Revolution as the Beginning of and the Precondition for the World Revolution, December 1924, English version).

On the creation of the proletarian state Stalin said:

The task to which I have devoted my life is … not the consolidation of some 'national' state, but of a socialist state, and that means an international state” (Stalin, Works, Volume 13, page 107, Talk With the German Author Emil Ludwig”, December 13, 1931, English edition).

So, Stalin regarded socialism in "one" country always as an international state, like a first and large component for the building of the socialist world state. And Stalin created a state in which the proletarians of all countries saw their interests protected. They regarded the Soviet Union as the fatherland of the world proletariat, although it only existed outside of their "own" capitalist country - in a geographical sense. Stalin regarded socialism in “one” country in the spirit of proletarian internationalism, and not as a purely national phenomenon which exclusively and quite alone belonged the peoples of the Soviet Union . Stalin has shared everything with the world proletariat. The Soviet state, the fatherland of the proletarians was an internationalist instrument of the Soviet people as well as of the whole world proletariat. And - following this internationalist tradition - the World-Socialist Republic shall serve the working people all over the world. "Defence" of the internationalist character of the proletarian state in words - however in deeds, to restore a bourgeois state of the type of a Russian great-power - this was the true reactionary core of the Soviet revisionist state. Those who make propaganda for the allegedly "socialist reform-ability" of a revisionist state are making nothing but pure propaganda for capitalism.

Stalin himself knew very well that any ideas of direct transition of the Soviet Union to a world-Soviet Union are in total contrast to the teachings of Marxism-Leninism. The world socialist state can only be created by the world proletariat itself - whereas the Soviet Union can “only” be part of it.

Lenin:

We are opposed to national enmity and discord, to national exclusiveness. We are internationalists. We stand for the close union and the complete amalgamation of the workers and peasants of all nations in a single world Soviet republic. Secondly, the working people must not forget that capitalism has divided nations into a small number of oppressor, Great-Power (imperialist), sovereign and privileged nations and an overwhelming majority of oppressed, dependent and semi-dependent, non-sovereign nations. For centuries the indignation and distrust of the non-sovereign and dependent nations towards the dominant and oppressor nations have been accumulating, of nations..

We want a voluntary union of nations – a union which precludes any coercion of one nation by another – a union founded on complete confidence, on a clear recognition of brotherly unity, on absolutely voluntary consent. Such a union cannot be effected at one stroke; we have to work towards it with the greatest patience and circumspection, so as not to spoil matters and not to arouse distrust, and so that the distrust inherited from centuries of landowner and capitalist oppression, centuries of private property and the enmity caused by its division and re-divisions may have a chance to wear off” (1919, Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 30, page 293, English version).

Lenin:

We are striving towards the complete abolition of frontiers” (1919, Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 30, page 293, English version).

At first, we strive for the destruction of antagonistic capitalist frontiers, and later on, for the abolition of the non-antagonistic socialist frontiers. We strive for world communism which needs no frontiers, no states. Our world politics aims for the realization of a free world without borders - a world without exploitation and oppression of men by men.

World politics is the main instrument for the conquest and protection of the power of classes over classes on a global scale. The global politics of violence in the real sense is the globally organized power of one class for oppressing another. The proletarian world politics ( in the long term) is the decisive means to liberate the policy from the shackles of its class character, and finally to make policy superfluous - in world communism.

The policy of the world proletariat - led by the Communist International - is thus in contrast to the policies of all previous classes not only a policy for the liberation of their “own” country but moreover for the liberation of the whole humanity from exploitation, crises and wars, a policy for the creation of a classless, communist world society. The proletarian world politics of the Stalinist-Hoxhaist World Party is the creative application of the theoretical and methodological foundations of proletarian policy of the five classics of Marxism-Leninism and is therefore the only scientific world politics.

The politics of the world proletariat is worked out by its vanguard, is task of the Communist International. The proletarian world party is responsible for the world proletarian politics. Whereas, the world politics of the ruling proletariat is exercised through the socialist world state. The world party sets the agenda of the politics of the socialist world state. The proletarian state is under political control of the class and its party and not vice versa.

The contents of the policy of the socialist world state has global class-character - the world-political form is in essence the way, as the global class struggle is organized and conducted by the world-socialist state.

The policy of the socialist world state is divided into internal and foreign policy. It may not be mixed up with the internal and foreign policy of the countries. The world affairs are inner affairs of the world state and the affairs of the countries ( from the point of view of the world state ) are foreign affairs.

Under globalized sign internal politics of the socialist world state is the enforcement and maintenance of the overall interests of the world proletariat, for establishing and defending the world dictatorship of the proletariat and for the suppression of all exploiting classes on a world scale. The internal politics of a world state serves also the construction of world socialism and its perfection as a prerequisite for the transition to world communism.

The foreign policy of the proletarian world state, however, is its policy toward the individual socialist states, the union and the summary of the individual states, is the policy of merging the federation of states into the united, centralized world state. The foreign policy of the World State achieves this goal by harmonizing the interests of the whole world state with the particular interests of individual socialist countries.

Only by means of the internal politics, the world-state creates the conditions for the development of its foreign policy. From the successes of the internal politics of the world state depends the development and perfection of the individual world-socialist countries. It is the cumulative strength of the socialist world state which drives forward the forces of development in the individual socialist countries. The dialectic of the relationship between world and countries is, at first, that the union of all individual socialist states develops in direction of the socialist world state. The Socialist World Union determines the unification of all the world-socialist countries towards the world socialist state – and in the course of this process - when the world state is perfectly established - it will be vice versa: the world state then determines the merging-process until its own abolition in the period of world communism.

At first, the domestic policy is a matter of consolidating the dictatorship of the proletariat on a world scale, and secondly it will be needed for the consolidation of the foreign policy of the individual socialist states. The decisive factor is the world dictatorship of the proletariat, which is strengthened by the dictatorship of the proletariat of each country - and in turn: the world-dictatorship will strengthen the dictatorship in the individual countries. First the proletarians of all countries make efforts for the implementation of their socialist federation of states respectively efforts for preparing the world state, and thereafter the world proletariat makes efforts to consolidate the dictatorship of the proletariat in each country, by means of the world state.

What is the essence of the domestic politics of the socialist world state ?

The domestic politics of the socialist world state is this : execution of the greatest measure of what is feasible for the development of world socialism.

What is the essence of the foreign politics of the socialist world state ?

The foreign politics of the socialist world state is this: execution of the greatest measure of what is feasible for the development of socialism in every single country.

The value of this definition of the internal and external policies of the socialist world government is this: full consideration of all governmental driving forces for the construction, consolidation and improvement of world socialism in general and supporting the driving forces of socialism in any country in particular. This way, all their mutual developments are maximally and in all respects promoted.

Only in the transition from world socialism to world communism, domestic- and foreign politics will form a unit that reaches their full identity, so that they have enough mutual strength - of being superfluous, one day. World Communism will leave forever the political world empire with all its forms and instruments, including the interior and foreign policy.


The type of the globalized mode of production determines the type of the global state

It is the global modes of production of today's class society, more precisely, the global ownership of the globalized means of production, from which the world proletariat has emerged. If the mode of production is changed, then the classes with all their characteristics and traits change accordingly. And thus the state of classes changes - with all the features and characteristics of its apparatus of oppression.

The world-socialist revolution is the most radical rupture with all traditional property relations. The world-socialist revolution makes possible even a much higher quality of the property relations than in the first period of socialism! Gradually, the world-socialist revolution expropriates without compensation, the entire world capital. The world-proletarian revolution has not at all the intention save the debt-ridden capitalist nations and we will not liberate them from the chains of the financial oligarchy. We will not pull their chestnuts from the fire - or something like that. We do not want to delay the path to the socialist world state unnecessarily, but shorten it directly by means of the world-socialist revolution. Every prolongation of the survival of capitalist states means simultaneously and unavoidably prolongation of the waiting time for the coming socialist states. Therefore, it is the general-line of the Comintern / ML to do everything possible to shorten the life of every capitalist state and to promote its decay.

By means of the socialist world revolution, the world proletariat disregards even the inviolability of the national property of the individual countries. It is the socialist world revolution which paves the way towards the globalization of all property-relations of the peoples all over the world. The exploited globalized industrial proletariat was once the driving force for the accumulation of world capital. With the socialist world revolution it becomes the ruling driving force for the globalization of the socialist mode of production, for creating global socialist property relations as the most important precondition for the successful construction of world socialism. In first line, the world proletariat strives for the revolutionary adaptation of globalized production relations at the globalized productive forces! This Stalinist-Hoxhaist aim is the most decisive factor of the whole world socialist revolution! This is one of the most important differences between the socialist world revolution and the October Revolution. The world socialist revolution differs from the October Revolution in particular in that it paves the way to the socialization of the entire world capital - its transformation into the ownership of the world-proletarian state (the globalized capital plus [ !!] the national capital of all countries = total abolition of capitalist private property on a world scale !).

The proletariat will use its political world domination for the purpose to wrest the world bourgeoisie, all capital, to centralize all instruments of production in the hands of the proletarian state, in order to increase the productive forces more quickly. To pave the way towards world communism, the world-proletarian state is indispensable - namely for the abolition of property at all. If no property exists any more, then there is also no longer a state for its protection. The abolition of the unavoidability of property is the most radical measure of a revolution. This can only be achieved by means of the socialist world revolution, by means of the socialist world state, etc.. The creation of world-state' s - ownership, for the later purpose of the abolition of world-ownership - this is one of the most important world-communist principles of Stalinism-Hoxhaism. This is therefore also an important part of our general-line. And thus the Comintern / ML distinguishes from all other parties and organizations all over the world.

The global politics of the Comintern / ML is based on the experiences and teachings of the construction and consolidation of the Soviet Union and Albania. The world-proletarian state and its global ownership is a decisive lever and base for the construction of world socialism and thus for the creation of the precondition for the stateless world communism.

The socialist state in the first period of socialism had to defend itself against the capitalist states, and it was forced by all means, to breach their encirclement. The socialist state was constantly threatened by the economical and military supremacy of world capitalism. The imperialist/social-imperialist war of classes against socialism has characterized the type of the socialist state in the first period of socialism. In spite of these difficult conditions, Stalinism brought the socialism on par with the whole capitalist world. Thanks of comrade Stalin, the Soviet Union became the strongest Union of states all over the world, became a model for the socialist world state. The Stalinist state demonstrated impressively its full superiority over the capitalist state.

Why will the world socialist revolution solve the question of the state ?

The state system of world capitalism decays because it can do nothing against its capitulation related to the unsolved social question - neither on a global, nor on a national scale. The reason: The state system of world capitalism has inseparably chained its own existence by means of its global exploitation and oppression.

The state system of world socialism wins, because it is a state system of the dictatorship of the world proletariat, which solves the social and the national question by means of the global elimination of exploitation and oppression.

The conditions for the victory of the state system of world socialism over the state system of world capitalism are:

the non-existence of contradiction between exploitation and oppression in general and the non-existence of the exploitive and oppressive states in particular;

the non-existence of the globalized, world-imperialist exploitation and oppression;

the elimination of its main imperialist manipulators, who fuel the ideology of world domination and mutual nationalist hatred;

the world proletariat is in power all over the world, which is an enemy of slavery and the unyielding carrier of the ideas of internationalism;

the actual realization of the mutual assistance of all peoples in all areas of the world economy and world social life;

finally restoration of the national culture of the peoples by means of the activities of the Socialist World Union - formally (still) national (but no longer in the old capitalist forms), and world-socialist in content.

By all these and similar factors will change fundamentally the habits of the peoples under the conditions of world socialism.

The feeling of mutual distrust and above all the bitter feeling to be again enslaved by a new bourgeois world power - will gradually disappear. And these changes shall open the door to achieve truly brotherly cooperation among nations in the socialist world system of a unified federal state, the S.W.U..

In this way, the state-relations within the Socialist World Union will become a great impetus in favour of the whole development of world socialism. The result will be that we shall establish a strong and fully constructed socialist world state. It will bear all tests, and will coronate the glorious Great Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin.

The antagonistic contradiction of capitalist states will be transformed into a non-antagonistic contradiction of socialist states, by means of the world dictatorship of the proletariat. These non-antagonistic contradictions are contradictions between big and small socialist states, more developed and less developed socialist states, etc.

Stalinism-Hoxhaism is able to solve these non-antagonistic contradictions in the spirit of socialist internationalism. However, this can not be achieved without efforts.

On conditions of world socialism, the danger of the re-transformation of the non-antagonistic into antagonistic contradictions - cannot be ruled out. And this concerns also to the socialist state. Under conditions of world socialism, the danger of the restoration of the socialist state into a capitalist state – cannot be ruled out. Over this decides a bitter global class-struggle: “who – whom ?”

We must assume that such super powers like America and China - once they have been transformed by the world socialist revolution in socialist states - have, for a long time, to cope with the remains of their former great-power chauvinism. The mistrust of smaller socialist states is entirely understandable and inevitable. To solve this problem, we have to learn from the 5 classics of Marxism-Leninism - who struggled against both the chauvinism of great powers and the local nationalism of the small states. Comrade Stalin solved this problem perfectly under conditions of the Soviet Union. Let's have in mind and never forget - the teachings of Stalinism-Hoxhaism on the restoration of capitalism and the history of social-imperialism !

The proletarian world dictatorship is the armed world power of the workers against the restoration of the old imperialist powers, against the restoration of world capitalism, against all counter-revolutionary remnants of world imperialism.

The key for the solution of this problem is the strengthening of the world state of the whole world proletariat in the spirit of socialist internationalism, is faith to the invincible teachings of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism, is strengthening the global class-struggle, is continuation of the socialist world revolution ! The strength of the world state lies in its variety and diversity of the united socialist states, combined with high communist ideological content.

In world socialism, thus in the second period of socialism, the world proletariat holds global power in the hands. It has eliminated world imperialism and consequently its former power of global encirclement. There are no hostile states, because on conditions of world socialism the socialist states help each other instead of feuding themselves. The remnants of the exploiting classes can be eliminated faster and more profoundly on a world scale. There is no more encirclement of world imperialism and therefore no more chance to support and strengthen these remnants from outside. By these excellent global conditions, the second period of socialism restores the achievements of the socialist state of the first period on a higher scale of development.

Nevertheless, the amalgamation process of the world-socialist nations cannot be realized without class struggle against its opponents. The transition of world socialism to world communism is a dialectical process of the combination of amalgamation and dissolution of socialist nations on a global scale ( at first the dominant amalgamation trend – and later on the dominant dissolution trend).

Stalin:

Lenin sometimes depicted the thesis on national self-determination in the guise of the simple formula: 'disunion for union'. Think of it—disunion for union. It even sounds like a paradox. And yet, this 'contradictory' formula reflects that living truth of Marx's dialectics which enables the Bolsheviks to capture the most impregnable fortresses in the sphere of the national question.” (Stalin, Works, Volume 12, page 382, Political Report of the Central Committee to the Sixteenth Congress of the C.P.S.U.(B.)”; 2. Questions of the Guidance of Inner-Party Affairs, English edition).

It is the period of the abolition of the inevitability of the painful processes of secession and unification of nations. For short: it is the period of the dying nations. However, we must have in mind the teachings of Lenin namely, that this process will require unconditionally a long (!) period until all socialist nations will have achieved their highest standard of maturity.

The transition from world socialism to world communism is a process where the old process of secession/amalgamation reappears only on a higher level of its quality (negation of negation of secession/amalgamation) - namely as a long-term process of dissolution of nations, dissolution of the political form of class-society. These processes of dissolution of the merged world-socialist states do not take place without the class struggle, but this fight is then also the last battle of transition to a classless, non-national, communist society.

The transition of socialism in "one" country right up to the world socialism is taking place through a world revolutionary process on the basis of the creation of the world dictatorship of the proletariat and not (as some still believe erroneously ) on the basis of the dictatorship of the proletariat in "one" country.



World revolution and the withering away of the state on a world scale

The doctrine of the withering of the state, that is inalienably fundamental part of the Marxist-Leninist theory of the state which scientifically proves the complete liberation of man from any state. Not solely the liberation from the capitalist state, but the liberation from any state at all, is the very essence of Marxism-Leninism.

The special feature of the Stalinist-Hoxhaist theory of the state is this:

scientific application of the Marxist-Leninist theory of the state on a world scale, in accordance with the conditions of globalization.

The Stalinist-Hoxhaist theory of the state is the theory of the socialist state of the world proletariat, in general, and the theory of the perfection of the socialist world state for its transition to the stateless world communism, in particular. As the global social division into classes withers away and takes firm root, as global class society withers away, the global state also withers away, and the stateless world society takes firm root.

Only when the socialist world state appears, when there is no exploitation of labour on a global scale any longer, then the division of the society into classes will disappear. All states in history were always displaced by new ones according to the new formation of the class-society which displaced the older one. However, only the socialist world state contains the typical character of withering away in favour of the classless, communist society.

The process of the withering away of the state is initiated by the socialist world revolution and not terminated. Without perfectioning the world proletarian state - no abolition of any state.

Out of an unfinished world proletarian revolution can never be created a consummate world state. And consequently, an unfinished construction of the socialist world state can never guarantee the complete abolition of the world state. Communism on a global scale is impossible without highest development of quality of the socialist world-state.

Lenin:

This machine called the state, (…) this machine the proletariat will smash. So far we have deprived the capitalists of this machine and have taken it over. We shall use this machine, or bludgeon, to destroy all exploitation. And when the possibility of exploitation no longer exists anywhere in the world, when there are no longer owners of land and owners of factories, and when there is no longer a situation in which some gorge while others starve, only when the possibility of this no longer exists shall we consign this machine to the scrap-heap. Then there will be no state and no exploitation. Such is the view of our Communist Party.” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 29, page 488, English version).

The abolition of the state on a global scale - that is Communism.

Stalin:

We stand for the withering away of the state. At the same time we stand for the strengthening of the dictatorship of the proletariat, which is the mightiest and strongest state power that has ever existed. The highest development of state power with the object of preparing the conditions for the withering away of state-power—such is the Marxist formula. Is this 'contradictory' ? Yes, it is 'contradictory'. But this contradiction is bound up with life, and it fully reflects Marx's dialectics. (Stalin, Works, Volume 12, page 382, “Political Report of the Central Committee to the Sixteenth Congress of the C.P.S.U.(B.)”; 2. Questions of the Guidance of Inner-Party Affairs, English edition).

Stalinism teaches the highest development of state power for the preparation of conditions which are needed for the withering away of the state power.

The withering away of the state is a dialetical question of the solution of the contradiction between ruled and ruling classes.

The question is: How is the separation between those governing and those governed eliminated? The answer to the question is simply this: The vast masses of the governed are starting to govern themselves. The ruling masses need not to rule themselves. In this case, there is nobody left who oppresses others, then there would be no class which would be able to oppress another class. In the classless society, the state of classes is no longer needed, "the state withers away" - as Engels put it.

The abolition of the state is an objective and gradual process. It is no arbitrary abolition by means of a so called "qualitative leap". Qualitative leaps take place exclusively in relation to the establishment or overthrow of states of class society. Withering of the state means nothing else but abolition of the inevitability of the substitution of the old state by a new state. The state withers away by means of the same class by which it was once created. The withering away of the proletarian state is indivisibly connected to the withering of the proletarian class itself.

The Marxist-Leninist state theory teaches that the state - as a special apparatus of coercion against people - will wither away, only there and then, when and where the division of society into classes, the division of physical and mental work, the division of city and country etc. etc. - withers away.

The withering away of the state includes a whole historical period - it will not die overnight. At first, the content of the state will change, then follows the dissolution of its form. The stateless society then creates its own new forms of new associations.

Communism will not "break any chains" of the socialist state, but communism develops gradually in relation to the continuously progressive perfection of the socialist state. The transition from socialism to communism is a fluent passage.

First: the capitalist state must be violently overthrown and destroyed by the proletariat.

Second: The counter-revolution of the bourgeoisie must violently overthrow and destroy the socialist state.

Third: the revisionist state must be violently overthrown and destroyed by the proletariat.

Communism does not overthrow and destroy the socialist state but makes it gradually superfluous.

The tendency of the unification of socialist states (with the aim to form their common socialist world state), must be brought in compliance with the tendency of the unification of all countries by means of the centralized world state, because the driving force of the abolition of the States is based in the merger of states. To put it simply, we propagate two slogans:

"Socialist countries - unite in a world-state!"

"World-State - merge all socialist countries for the purpose of the abolition of the state at all !"

In the epoch of world socialism, the socialist world state will be the main instrument for the further development towards world-communism.

However: In the beginning epoch of the world communism, the socialist world state will become itself increasingly the main hindrance, namely to the same degree in which the society has already left the socialist stage, for entering the stage of communism.

The individual world-socialist states can not all die at the same time. This depends in particular on the respective stage of their development, and is also depending on the stage of development of world socialism as a whole. What matters, is the tendency of the merge of the individual states by means of the centralized world state, and thus the tendency of the approach of the process of their withering away. Important is the relationship between abolition of the state and the abolition of class-division. This is not possible in one blow - neither on a national nor on a global scale. But the further the world socialism is developed, the faster and more thoroughly is proceeding the development towards the classless society in the individual world-socialist countries. Only if the conditions for the withering away of the individual socialist countries are becoming more mature, the conditions of withering away will also mature for the world state. First, the individual socialist state is dying and in a final step follows the death of the world state.

If the proletarian state, (that is the proletariat - organized as the ruling class) prepares and organizes the transition to a classless society, then it prepares the organization in such way that the proletarian state will become superfluous in the new communist society. The driving force of the proletarian state experiences a dialectical change of meaning. The former driving force will, namely, be brought to the opposite result, to a brake shoe of the voluntary association of the communist society. The transformation of the class-specific brake shoe of the proletarian state into the driving force of the free communist association, will ease the free cohabitation of the people all over the world.

The transition from socialism to communism is taking place peacefully but only if the world-capitalist encirclement is already eliminated on a global scale. As we saw in the Soviet Union, there was a heavy class-struggle against the revisionists during the construction phase to communism. This fight resulted to the failure of the further development of socialism towards communism, and moreover, towards the destruction of the socialist state. We have to learn from this particular phenomenon of class-struggle in an advanced socialist country - which is both in a strong position of the transition process towards communism and supported by the Stalinist socialist world camp. This was exactly the excellently given situation in which the Soviet Union had more and more to struggle against the revisionists for the bare survival of socialism !! The stronger and more advanced and matured the socialist state is – the longer time will be needed, and the more efforts will be necessary for the counter-revolutionary process of the revisionist restoration of capitalism. Thus, Stalinism-Hoxhaism teaches us that the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin was NOT restored in the weaker period of the construction of socialism - but rather later in the far stronger period of the construction of communism, in the period of the socialist camp ! These teachings are valuable and indispensable for world socialism and the later construction of world communism. It was the beginning of the revisionist state by which the restoration of capitalism was implemented. If socialism has not yet triumphed on a world scale, neither Communism offers in "one" country, nor socialism in "one" country a guarantee for the final victory. Only the success of the socialist world revolution decides on the question: "Shall the socialist state wither away in Communism or will the capitalist state be restored ?"

Thanks to Stalinism, there was the real possibility of building communism in "one" country in the first period of socialism, but not yet the possibility of the abolition of the state because of the world capitalist encirclement, which prevailed in this period. The state must be unconditionally maintained during the whole period of the construction of communism in "one" country because the imperialist encirclement could not be removed without the world revolution. The qualitative leap was - again - necessary in the period of the restoration of capitalism. The revisionists in power can only be removed by the revolution for the restoration of socialism – as Hoxhaism teaches us.

This must not be mixed up with other characters of revolutions in the first period of socialism. Stalin spoke of particular revolutions which have taken place at the stage of socialist construction, for example the so-called revolution "from above" in agriculture:

In a period of eight to ten years we effected a transition in the agriculture of our country from the bourgeois, individual-peasant system to the socialist, collective-farm system. This was a revolution which eliminated the old bourgeois economic system in the countryside and created a new, socialist system. But that revolution did not take place by means of an explosion, that is, by the overthrow of the existing government power and the creation of a new power, but by a gradual transition from the old bourgeois system in the countryside to a new system. And it was possible to do that because it was a revolution from above, because the revolution was accomplished on the initiative of the existing power with the support of the bulk of the peasantry. (Stalin, Marxism and Problems of Linguistics”; QUESTION: What are the characteristic features of language?, June 20, July 4, and August 2, 1950 issues of Pravda, English version).

In the course of transition to communism we amass and gain all those new elements of relevant administrative works and, simultaneously, we minimize - and we remove - some elder elements of repressive governmental force. If all elements of the repressive state have been substituted by administrative elements - then the state will become superfluous.

For better understanding this process of exchanging elements, let's have a comparable look at the transition of the phase of the newly created socialist state into the phase of the advanced and completed socialist state:

Stalin:

In order to overthrow capitalism it was not only necessary to remove the bourgeoisie from power, it was not only necessary to expropriate the capitalists, but also to smash entirely the bourgeois state machine and its old army, its bureaucratic officialdom and its police force, and to substitute for it a new, proletarian form of state, a new, Socialist state.

And that, as we know, is exactly what the Bolsheviks did. But it does not follow that the new proletarian state may not preserve certain functions of the old state, changed to suit the requirements of the proletarian state. Still less does it follow that the forms of our Socialist state must remain unchanged, that all the original functions of our state must be fully preserved in future. As a matter of fact, the forms of our state are changing and will continue to change in line with the development of our country and with the changes in the international situation.

Lenin was absolutely right when he said :

"The forms of bourgeois states are extremely varied, but in essence they are all the same : in one way or another, in the final analysis, all these states are inevitably the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. The transition from capitalism to Communism will certainly create a great variety and abundance of political forms, but their essence will inevitably be the same : the dictatorship of the proletariat." (Lenin, Selected Works, Vol. VII, p. 34.)

Since the October Revolution, our Socialist state has passed through two main phases in its development.

The first phase was the period from the October revolution to the elimination of the exploiting classes.

The principal task in that period was to suppress the resistance of the overthrown classes, to organize the defence of the country against the attacks of the interventionists, to restore industry and agriculture, and to prepare the conditions for the elimination of the capitalist elements. Accordingly, in this period our state performed two main functions.

The first function was to suppress the overthrown classes inside the country. In this respect our state bore a superficial resemblance to previous states whose functions had also been to suppress recalcitrant, with the fundamental difference, however, that our state suppressed the exploiting minority in the interests of the labouring majority, while previous states had suppressed the exploited majority in the interests of the exploiting minority. The second function was to defend the country from foreign attack. In this respect it likewise bore a superficial resemblance to previous states, which also undertook the armed defence of their countries, with the fundamental difference, however, that our state defended from foreign attack the gains of the labouring majority, while previous states in such cases defended the wealth and privileges of the exploiting minority. Our state had yet a third function : this was the work of economic organization and cultural education performed by our state bodies with the purpose of developing the infant shoots of the new, Socialist economic system and re-educating the people in the spirit of Socialism. But this new function did not attain to any considerable development in that period.

The second phase was the period from the elimination of the capitalist elements in town and country to the complete victory of the Socialist economic system and the adoption of the new Constitution.

The principal task in this period was to establish the Socialist economic system all over the country and to eliminate the last remnants of the capitalist elements, to bring about a cultural revolution, and to form a thoroughly modern army for the defence of the country. And the functions of our Socialist state changed accordingly. The function of military suppression inside the country ceased, died away; for exploitation had been abolished, there were no more exploiters left, and so there was no one to suppress.

In place of this function of suppression the state acquired the function of protecting Socialist property from thieves and pilferers of the people's property.

The function of defending the country from foreign attack fully remained; consequently, the Red Army and the Navy also fully remained, as did the punitive organs and the intelligence service, which are indispensable for the detection and punishment of the spies, assassins and wreckers sent into our country by foreign espionage services. The function of economic organization and cultural education by the state organs also remained, and was developed to the full. Now the main task of our state inside the country is the work of peaceful economic organization and cultural education. As for our army, punitive organs, and intelligence service, their edge is no longer turned to the inside of the country, but to the outside, against external enemies.

As you see, we now have an entirely new, Socialist state, without precedent in history and differing considerably in form and functions from the Socialist state of the first phase.” (Stalin, Works, Volume 14; Report on the Work of the Central Committee to the Eighteenth Congress of the C.P.S.U.(B.) - March 10, 1939.)



There is no withering away of a state without class struggle – as long as the state exists, class struggle is inevitable.

This new phase, characterized by Comrade Stalin, could only be developed in the hard class struggle for the strengthening of the socialist state.

Stalinim teaches: Not only the Bolshevik party, but also the Bolshevik state strengthens itself by purifying from counter-revolutionary elements.

In a socialist state , the class of the bourgeoisie is destroyed, but we cannot get rid of the petty bourgeoisie in the same way. The petty-bourgeois influences on the proletarian state still take a long time and must therefore be combated until the end. The petty-bourgeois influence on the socialist state has a tendency to transform progressive elements of the socialist state in regressive elements of the state - a fertile soil for the restoration of capitalism.

The philistinism is expression of a specific petty-bourgeois attitude of class in its relation towards the state. Both in socialism and in capitalism, there is no petty-bourgeois state, neither on a national nor on a global scale - because the socialist state is dominated by the proletariat and the capitalist state by the bourgeoisie. However, the petty bourgeoisie would never renounce its influence on the state. On the contrary. The petty bourgeoisie is in contradiction with both types of states.

If the world dictatorship of the bourgeoisie is eliminated by the world socialist revolution, the petty-bourgeois element will become the most dangerous enemy of the dictatorship of the world proletariat:

Lenin:

First they incline towards a strengthening of the alliance between these masses and the proletariat, and then towards bourgeois restoration. The experience of all revolutions in the eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth centuries shows most clearly and convincingly, that the only result of these vacillations – if the unity, strength and influence of the revolutionary vanguard of the proletariat is weakened in the slightest degree – will be the restoration of the power and the property of the capitalists and landowners”

(Lenin, Collected works, Volume 32, page 248, English edition).

Stalin and the Bolshevist party used the Soviet state as the main instrument, to take all the measures - which were necessary both for the construction and defence of communism. The Soviet state was needed to resolve the contradiction between city and country, between mental and physical labour, the division of labour, between agriculture and industry, etc. The proletarian state is also required to protect state property from remains of bureaucratic privileges, so to prevent the restoration of state capitalist property. The removal of outdated socialist relations of production is a fundamental and indispensable task of the state for the creation of a communist society. Thus Stalin said in his struggle for the transition to communism in "one" country in "Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR":

These comrades believe that the conversion of the property of individuals or groups of individuals into state property is the only, or at any rate the best, form of nationalization. That is not true. The fact is that conversion into state property is not the only, or even the best, form of nationalization, but the initial form of nationalization, as Engels quite rightly says in Anti-Dühring. Unquestionably, so long as the state exists, conversion into state property is the most natural initial form of nationalization. But the state will not exist forever. With the extension of the sphere of operation of socialism in the majority of the countries of the world the state will die away, and, of course, the conversion of the property of individuals or groups of individuals into state property will consequently lose its meaning. The state will have died away, but society will remain. Hence, the heir of the public property will then be not the state, which will have died away, but society itself, in the shape of a central, directing economic body.” (Stalin: “Economic Problems of the USSR”; 2. Measures for Elevating Collective-Farm Property to the Level of Public Property,  September 28, 1952, English version).

Stalinism thus teaches that the state dies away only on the condition that the extension of the sphere of operation of socialism already exists on a world scale. For short: Without socialist world revolution, without perfection of world socialism (last not least by means of the perfection of the state) – no state will ever die away ! The radical economic changes are the material basis of the destruction of any kind of political oppression – thus for the abolition of the state.

If the world proletariat and its state would not harmonize the communist superstructure with the communist base ( on a world scale),- then world communism runs into danger, to regress into direction of capitalism, and the possibility of the abolition of the state recedes into the distance in ever more areas. If the basis of communism is once created , then the perfection of the communist superstructure is finally decisive for the abolition of the state. The state withers away, not until the communist base and the communist superstructure have been harmonized. Mind you, there is an objective process that can be either supported or inhibited by the subjective factor. The abolition of the state follows its own inner logic of objective laws. They can not be put into effect arbitrarily, but only be fostered or hindered.

In place of the government over human beings remains only the administration of property and the planning and management of production- and distribution processes. To put it in simple terms: Communism begins then and there where the individuals do their work unpaid for the interests of the community, without any effect or force of the government on the self-initiated movement of the masses :

Lenin:

This is not helping one's neighbour … it is work done to meet the needs of the country as a whole, and it is organised on a broad scale and is unpaid. It would, therefore, be more correct if the word 'communist' were applied not only to the name of the Party but also to those economic manifestations in our reality that are actually communist in character.” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 30, page 286, English version).

This will also be applied not only to the name of the Communist International but to the economic manifestations of world socialism, therefore also on a global scale [ unpaid work in the interest of the world society as a whole].

Communist labour develops itself even without government coercion in socialism, but it represents an exception. In world socialism, the socialist work for the state still dominates and is not yet replaced by world-communist elements. The wage system functions only in the conditions of commodity circulation and leads thus to the regeneration of capitalism. Therefore, the wage-system of world-socialism will be gradually abolished in the course of the development of world communism - through permanent alignment and equalization of the wage differentials on a global scale. Lenin defined the communist work as follows:

Lenin:

Communist labour in the narrower and stricter sense of the term is labour performed gratis for the benefit of society, labour performed not as a definite duty, not for the purpose of obtaining a right to certain products, not according to previously established and legally fixed quotas, but voluntary labour, irrespective of quotas: it is labour performed without expectation of reward, without reward as a condition, labour performed because it has become a habit to work for the common good, and because of a conscious realisation (that has become a habit) of the necessity of working for the common good – labours as the requirement of a healthy organism” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 30, page 517, English edition).

Marx teaches that the roots of the state die away namely those of the bourgeois society. In addition, Lenin taught that withering away of the state is rooted in society's dominating conscious habit of the necessity of working for common good. The people subdue their state in favour of their own interests, and consequently, they liberate themselves from the state - the state withers away if the masses are enabled to run all state affairs by themselves.

Lenin:

Communism implies Soviet power as a political organ, enabling the mass of the oppressed to run all state affairs – without that, communism is unthinkable” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 31, page 420, English version).

And, again, this political organ is expressively the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Marx:

Between capitalist and communist society there lies the period of the revolutionary transformation of the one into the other. Corresponding to this is also a political transition period in which the state can be nothing but the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat(Marx: Critique of the Gotha Programm”, chapter IV, 1875).e

Marx asked:

What transformation will the state undergo in communist society? In other words, what social functions will remain in existence there that are analogous to present state functions? This question can only be answered scientifically, and one does not get a flea-hop nearer to the problem by a thousand-fold combination of the word 'people' with the word 'state'.” (ibidem).

What is decisive for the Marxist-Leninist contents of the formula of the withering away of the state?

Will the state vanish into thin air ? Will the state disappear on the orders of the party or through its own decree ? Of course not.

The state is not an absolute item, just as it comes, it goes again. We have to prove scientifically the negation of the negation of the state (the apparent return of the state), the negation of the negation of the withering away of the state (the apparent return of the abolition of the state), the difference between relative and absolute abolition of the state, the relativity of this difference, etc .

What matters is the materialist process of dying. The dialectic of the withering away of the state implies that it gradually materializes itself into a new quality. The nature of the transition of the state - from its role as the driving force right up to its role of a brake shoe of the society's development - this is a major element of the Marxist dialectic of the state. Conversely, this means: We may neither hamper the socialist state if it fulfils its role as the main driving force, nor can we endlessly expand the state if it has already turned into a brake shoe of communism. The functions of the state - one after another - will be absorbed by the newly organized cohabitation of members of the communist society and dissolved by equivalents of administrative functions. Even the term of "masses" will be changed on conditions of communism.

Masses are then just not merely "masses" whose cohabitation is steered and guided by the state, but free people who have freed themselves from their existence as "masses", who organize and regulate their individual life and needs on a higher [ stateless ] stage of their association (the self-organization of their cohabitation) - just without power of the state, without state coercion. This is exactly defined in the "Communist Manifesto" of Marx and Engels:

When, in the course of development, class distinctions have disappeared, and all production has been concentrated in the hands of a vast association of the whole nation, the public power will lose its political character. Political power, properly so called, is merely the organised power of one class for oppressing another. If the proletariat during its contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled, by the force of circumstances, to organise itself as a class, if, by means of a revolution, it makes itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps away by force the old conditions of production, then it will, along with these conditions, have swept away the conditions for the existence of class antagonisms and of classes generally, and will thereby have abolished its own supremacy as a class. In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and class antagonisms, we shall have an association, in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all.” (Marx and Engels, Communist Manifesto”, Chapter II. Proletarians and Communists, English version).

Marx :

In a higher phase of communist society, after the enslaving subordination of the individual to the division of labour, and with it also the antithesis between mental and physical labour, has vanished, after labour has become not only a livelihood but life's prime want, after the productive forces have increased with the all-round development of the individual, and all the springs of co-operative wealth flow more abundantly – only then can the narrow horizon of bourgeois law be left behind in its entirety and society inscribe on its banners: From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs!” (quotation found in: Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 25, page 473, English version).

The state is transformed from the realm of necessity (to overcome the class antagonisms), into the realm of freedom of association of a humanized society (liberated from the state). Man is free only without a state. While the State exists, there can be no freedom. Freedom only exists when the state is abolished on a global scale, so in the society of world communism.

Withering away of the state means withering away of democracy (= popular government)

The dictatorship of the proletariat is the highest form of democracy in class society - the proletarian democracy. However, also this special characteristic withers away with the state. The abolition of democracy (popular government) under communism requires the perfection of democracy under socialism. This sounds paradoxical but is profoundly dialectical. Under communism, there is no more rule of man over man.

Lenin:

Victorious socialism cannot consolidate its victory and bring humanity to the withering away of the state without implementing full democracy” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 23, page 74, English version).

It is known, that Lenin has unmasked such elements - which were talking about the premature needlessness of democracy, namely already during the period of socialism. World socialism is the last and highest stage of class rule. Under communism, however, there is no rule of the people (democracy), nor any other form of rule of man over man. Marxism-Leninism teaches that - with the state - also democracy dies. Thus will die also the highest form of democracy, the world democracy , as soon as world socialism proceeds to world communism. Who governs whom - in the classless world society ?

Lenin:

It is constantly forgotten that the abolition of the state means also the abolition of democracy: that the withering away of the state means the withering away of democracy.” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 25, State and Revolution”, page 460, English version).





The world-proletarian state can never die before the epoch of world communism.

It is a cornerstone of Stalinism-Hoxhaism that the consolidation of the global power of the Soviet state is indispensable for the fulfilment of our mission of world communism. Postulations of the prematurelywithering of the state” - in midst of the international arena of class struggle, means nothing more than to disarm the world proletariat, and to betray the socialist world revolution. Because our Marxist-Leninist theory of the state was openly and hiddenly attacked by Tito, by Trotskyites, by revisionists etc., we need to defend it unconditionally.

The slogan of the “abolition of the state” - even before the period of Communism - is a petty bourgeois anarchistic slogan, because the petty bourgeoisie feels threatened and oppressed, by both the state of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. The modern revisionists criticized the so called “formalism” of the Marxist-Leninist state. Under the guise and cloak of "overcoming the formalism and dogmatism" of the Stalinist theory of state, the modern revisionists wanted to overcome the socialist state and thus restore the capitalist bourgeois state.

It was finally the Titoites, who built, indeed, the first social-fascist revisionist state and both Comrade Stalin and Enver Hoxha had been their fiercest opponents.

The Titoites misuse the Marxist-Leninist doctrine of the abolition of the state as a smoke screen for the purpose of masking their fight for the liquidation of the socialist state ( liquidators of the Bolshevist party AND liquidators of the socialist state).

Even in the fight against Bukharin, Lenin turned this trick down:

To proclaim the withering away of the state prematurely would distort the historical perspective” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 27, page 148, English edition).

Bukharin argued in 1926 that the superstructure will be dissolved in the base.

The anarcho-syndicalist roots of the Yugoslav "model" have their origin in Bakunin-ism, which propagated the ideology of anarchism in the First International. Marx and Engels wrote in 1872 in their confidential circular of the General Council of the International Association "The Fictitious Splits in the International":

Anarchy, then, is the great war horse of their master Bakunin, who has taken nothing from the socialist systems except a set of slogans. All socialists see anarchy as the following program:

Once the aim of the proletarian movement — i.e., abolition of classes — is attained, the power of the state, which serves to keep the great majority of producers in bondage to a very small exploiter minority, disappears, and the functions of government become simple administrative functions. The Alliance draws an entirely different picture. It proclaims anarchy in proletarian ranks as the most infallible means of breaking the powerful concentration of social and political forces in the hands of the exploiters. Under this pretext, it asks the International, at a time when the Old World is seeking a way of crushing it, to replace its organization with anarchy.” (Marx and Engels between January and March 5, 1872: “Fictitious Splits in the International” Chapter VII, English edition).

Also Tito demanded to dissolve all existing Communist organizations, the socialist states, and all the communist instruments of political power - namely just at the moment, when world imperialism focused all its counter-revolutionary aggression on Communism – for short: He called for the disarmament and surrender of the socialist camp, the dissolution of the socialist States for assimilation into the imperialist camp, especially the dissolution of the socialist state of Albania for the purpose of its annexation into the Yugoslav territory.

Ironically, Tito accused Stalin to be a "modern revisionist" ! Historically asked: Is there anyone who accuses us Stalinist-Hoxhaists as "modern revisionists" ? The fact that this charge is ridiculous, we thank to the consistent struggle of the Marxist-Leninist world movement with Enver Hoxha at the top.

Tito not only spread his revisionist theory of the state, but also instigated an unprecedented and unscrupulous campaign of slanders and accusations against the Soviet Union and Stalin. Tito made ​​no difference between the Soviet state and the imperialist state of the tsarism ! This shows that the Yugoslav State was an agency of imperialism against the Soviet Union and the People's Democracies. Behind the "Stalin-critique" [ criticism of the alleged "revisionist and degenerated Soviet Union" ] it was Tito who created the first State of modern revisionism in the world ! With his anti-Stalinism, Tito supported the Soviet revisionists for the purpose of the destruction of the Leninist-Stalinist state. Thus he paved the way to the restoration of the capitalist state. What are the alleged "non-aligned states" of Titoism? Titoism drew a demarcation line between its "model of Marxist self-administration" and the allegedly "degenerated" Soviet State System of Lenin and Stalin, on the one hand, and in demarcation line to the Western type of capitalist states, on the other hand. By the Titoist "self-administration", the Marxist doctrine of the abolition of the state was misused and set against Stalinism, in the service and in favour of American imperialism. Abolition of the state under communism is only possible on a global scale - ergo: Alleged "Abolition of the State" as an American counterpart-formula for the creation of a new capitalist Yugoslav state for the purpose to create the capitalist-revisionist encirclement against development of communism on a world scale. So much for the world-historical significance of the Marxist formula: "Abolition of the State" at the interface between world capitalism and world communism, and thus its special world-historical significance for the two camps in world politics! Therefore:

The abolition of the state in the Balkans - that is only possible when all vestiges of Titoism and its capitalist misinterpretation of the "withering away of the state" have been overcome completely. And there are no better teachers of the struggle against Titoism than the two classics of Marxism-Leninism - Comrade Stalin with his best pupil at his side, Comrade Enver Hoxha!

Stalin:

Some comrades have interpreted the thesis about the abolition of classes, the creation of a classless society, and the withering away of the state as a justification of laziness and complacency, a justification of the counter-revolutionary theory of the extinction of the class struggle and the weakening of the state power. Needless to say, such people can not have anything in common with our Party. They are either degenerates or double-dealers, and must be driven out of the Party. The abolition of classes is not achieved by the extinction of the class struggle, but by its intensification. The state will wither away, not as a result of weakening the state power, but as a result of strengthening it to the utmost, which is necessary for finally crushing the remnants of the dying classes and for organising defence against the capitalist encirclement that is far from having been done away with as yet, and will not soon be done away with. (…)

We must bear in mind that the growth of the power of the Soviet state will intensify the resistance of the last remnants of the dying classes. It is precisely because they are dying and their days are numbered that they will go on from one form of attack to another, sharper form, appealing to the backward sections of the population and mobilising them against the Soviet regime. There is no mischief and slander which these "have-beens" will not resort to against the Soviet regime and around which they will not try to rally the backward elements. This may provide the soil for a revival of the activities of the defeated groups of the old counter-revolutionary parties: the Socialist-Revolutionaries, the Mensheviks, and the bourgeois nationalists of the central and border regions, it may also provide the soil for a revival of the activities of the fragments of counter-revolutionary elements among the Trotskyites and Right deviators. ” (Stalin, Works, Volume 13,The Results of the First Five-Year Plan”; VII: The Results of the Five-year Plan in Four Years in the Sphere of the Struggle Against the Remnants of the Hostile Classes, English edition).

Stalin:

We are going ahead, towards Communism. Will our state remain in the period of Communism also?

Yes, it will, unless the capitalist encirclement is liquidated, and unless the danger of foreign military attack has disappeared. Naturally, of course, the forms of our state will again change in conformity with the change in the situation at home and abroad.

No, it will not remain and will atrophy if the capitalist encirclement is liquidated and a Socialist encirclement takes its place. That is how the question stands with regard to the Socialist state.” (Stalin, Works, Volume 14, March 10, 1939 ; Report on the Work of the Central Committee to the Eighteenth Congress of the C.P.S.U.(B.)” ; III. FURTHER STRENGTHENING OF THE C.P.S.U.(B.); 4 – Some questions of theory, English edition).

The general-line of the Comintern (ML) bases itself on the doctrine of Stalinism - on the creation of prerequisites for the withering away of the state, namely to destroy the capitalist-revisionist encirclement by the world socialist revolution.

At the time of the creation of communism in the USSR, the question was raised whether the USSR should be strengthened consistently or whether the state should be abolished. At that time two different social world formations had directed their weapons against each other. The capitalist world was dominant and the USSR had not only protected the Soviet peoples, but also the world proletariat and the majority of the world population. The USSR could not at all serve the world revolution if it would be weakened by the realisation of the slogan of the “abolition of the state”.

On the one hand, the USSR was open to the world proletariat and to the oppressed peoples, and on the other hand, closed to prevent the penetration of the hostile capitalist States. This State had not only the highest goal of building communism, moreover, it was threatened with a new war. The first socialist state had to undertake a huge task. Before, no other state had ever to undertake this huge task. And, in future, no state will be needed for such a huge task. What we have to learn is this: The lower the world-revolutionary consciousness about the internationalist role of the Soviet state, the greater the underestimation of the need to increase and extend its power on a global scale.

Stalin :

It is sometimes asked 'We have abolished the exploiting classes; there are no longer any hostile classes in the country; there is nobody to suppress; hence there is no more need for the state; it must die away. - Why then do we not help our Socialist state to die away? Why do we not strive to put an end to it? Is it not time to throw out all this rubbish of a state?' Or further : 'The exploiting classes have already been abolished in our country; Socialism has been built in the main; we are advancing towards Communism. Now, the Marxist doctrine of the state says that there is to be no state under Communism. - Why then do we not help our Socialist state to die away? Is it not time we relegated the state to the museum of antiquities?'

These questions show that those who ask them have conscientiously memorized certain propositions contained in the doctrine of Marx and Engels about the state. But they also show that these comrades have failed to understand the essential meaning of this doctrine; that they have failed to realise in what historical conditions the various propositions of this doctrine were elaborated; and, what is more, that they do not understand present-day international conditions, have overlooked the capitalist encirclement and the dangers it entails for the Socialist country.

How is this blunder to be explained? It is to be explained by an underestimation of the strength and consequence of the mechanism of the bourgeois states surrounding us and of their espionage organs, which endeavour to take advantage of people's weaknesses, their vanity, their slackness of will, to enmesh them in their espionage nets and use them to surround the organs of the Soviet state. It is to be explained by an underestimation of the role and significance of the mechanism of our Socialist state and of its intelligence service, by an underestimation of this intelligence service, by the twaddle that an intelligence service in a Soviet state is an unimportant trifle, and that the Soviet intelligence service and the Soviet state itself will soon have to be relegated to the museum of antiquities.What could have given rise to this underestimation?

It arose owing to the fact that certain of the general propositions in the Marxist doctrine of the state were incompletely worked out and inadequate.

It received currency owing to our unpardonably heedless attitude to matters pertaining to the theory of the state, in spite of the fact that we have twenty years of practical experience in state affairs which provides rich material for theoretical generalizations, and in spite of the fact that, given the desire, we have every opportunity of successfully filling this gap in theory.” (Stalin, Works, Volume 14, March 10, 1939 ; Report on the Work of the Central Committee to the Eighteenth Congress of the C.P.S.U.(B.)” ; III. FURTHER STRENGTHENING OF THE C.P.S.U.(B.); 4 – Some questions of theory, English edition).



What distinguishes the Stalinist state from the Hoxhaist state?

With this question we like to refer mainly to the comparison of both socialist states in the time before and after the seizure of the modern revisionists.

The Stalinist State was encircled by the capitalist world and was not yet confronted with revisionism in power (later on with the exception of Yugoslavia), not with the already restored capitalist states.

The Hoxhaist State was encircled by the whole capitalist-revisionist world, and thus faced with the pressure of various revisionist states and their alliances and co-operations with the Western imperialists.

This is certainly not the only difference, but one of the most essential. This means:

1. The Hoxhaist State was the only socialist state that has asserted itself successfully against the modern revisionists in power.

2. The Hoxhaist state was the only state that prevented the restoration of capitalism in its own country.

3. The Hoxhaist state was the only state which remained as the continuous basis and lever of world socialist revolution – after the betrayal of the revisionist world camp.

4. The Hoxhaist State was the only reliable and anti-revisionist bulwark for the world proletariat, for the Marxist-Leninist comrades all over world and for the peoples who all struggled commonly for the overthrow of the whole capitalist-revisionist world.

The Hoxhaist theory of the state is based on the profound experiences of the anti-revisionist victorious Albanian socialist state, is therefore of historic importance for the creative development and perfection of the dictatorship of the world proletariat, and thus an integral part of the general-line of the Comintern / ML.

The essence of the Hoxhaist State is to advance the revolution and to avoid the risk of re-development of the "peaceful" bourgeois-revisionist degeneration of the socialist state.

Enver Hoxha:

The socialist Albanian state isalways on guard, keeping the pick in one hand and the rifle in the other” (Enver Hoxha, Speech delivered at the Meeting of 81 Communist and Workers' Parties in Moscow on November 16, 1960) .

The People's Socialist Republic of Albania is a state of the dictatorship of the proletariat, which expresses and defends the interests of all the working people. The People's Socialist Republic of Albania is based on the unity of the people round the Party of Labour of Albania and it has as its foundation the alliance of the working class with the cooperativist peasantry under the leadership of the working class.” (Article 2 of the Constitution of the PSRA).

The Albanian State was thus the first socialist state, which enshrined constitutionally the leading role of the Bolshevik Party within the state and society - and also Marxism-Leninism as the only ideology of the state.

The People's Socialist Republic of Albania unceasingly develops the revolution by adhering to the class struggle and aims at ensuring the final victory of the socialist road over the capitalist road, at achieving the complete construction of socialism and communism.” (Article 4 of the Constitution)

The doctrine of Hoxhaist State is not only of great importance for our global struggle against the bourgeois-revisionist political system, but also for learning from the experience of the struggle against modern revisionism in socialist Albania. By means of the teachings of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism, correctly applied to the anti-revisionist Foreign- and Security policy in Albania, great successes were achieved. Internal and external enemies could be defeated by the close unity of Party, State and People. There are many examples in history of the successful defence of Albania like that of the traitor Mehmet Shehu who was unmasked as an agent of foreign intelligence services.

However, there were also examples of defeats of the defence of the Albanian socialist state – especially after the death of comrade Enver Hoxha. Therefore it is urgently needed to analyse more thoroughly the background of the betrayal of Ramiz Alia who had paved the way to the restoration of capitalism, and who was a man of capitulation in face of the increasing pressure of the capitalist-revisionist world.

Nevertheless, Enver Hoxha created the very important lesson for the world proletariat, that the proletarian state can be victoriously restored on the ruins of the revisionist state - by means of the revolutionary overthrow of the revisionists in power. This doctrine applies not only nationally but also globally. Hoxhaism is therefore the creative advancement of the Marxist-Leninist theory of the state.

The doctrine of Hoxhaist State includes also the creative continuation of the teachings of Lenin and Stalin against bureaucracy and liberalism.

All these features characterize the Hoxhaist State as a State of a new Marxist-Leninist type which was developed in the struggle against modern revisionism, in the struggle against the degeneration of the socialist state apparatus.

Of particular importance is the connection of the direct control of workers and peasants with the control of the party and the state. This model must be implemented and perfected on a global scale. It is indispensable for the strengthening of the dictatorship of the world proletariat. On the one hand, it is needed as the best control between the affairs of the socialist nations and the world state and, on the other hand, necessary among the socialist countries themselves. All these three types of control are controls of the ruling classes, have proletarian character, and form a unit of co-operation. The one type of control can not be substituted through the other. And they can not be mutually excluded. We must always be wary that the control "from below" and "from above" are constantly in balance. In particular, the immediate and direct control of workers and peasants "from below" may not be transformed into an appendage of party control or state control. The control “from below” must always be sufficiently equipped with the needed authority and competence of the people. It goes without saying that, in the relationship between Marxist-Leninist party - the state - and masses, the proletariat and its party have a leading role. This is also valid for the system of control.

Without strengthening of the direct control of workers and peasants "from below", the socialist state can not wither away. There is no communism without the perfection of self-control and self-initiative "from below". The need of control in itself retains in a communist society - only the controls of classes disappear. All the party- and state controls are superfluous in communism.

In the epoch of world socialism, it is important to respect the laws of socialist control as a matter of strengthening the dictatorship of the world proletariat.

The direct workers' and peasants' control, the state control and party control - they are all to be brought into accord, and non-compliance has to be avoided, since, otherwise, they will become a dangerous factor for the restoration of capitalism. We all know that the socialist system of control can easily be transformed into a revisionist control, into a control of the bourgeoisie over the working class and all the other working people - if we would begin to deviate from the teachings of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism.

Our task as communists is to do everything in our power to prevent the possible transformation of “servants” into “rulers” of the world-revolutionary state, to prevent the possibility of capitalist restoration in the epoch of world socialism. We shall always defend the Stalinist-Hoxhaist teachings of the socialist world state in our struggle against the world-revisionists.

In the future there will be an internationalist world society in its content and also in its multinational composition of inhabitants. The nations merge by globalization and there will come a time when the so-called "foreigners" will represent the majority in every country of the world - without exception. Both in form and content, the future world community will get a new higher quality which no longer is constricted and dominated by contradictions between oppressing and oppressed nations and nationalities (although certain differences will not disappear absolutely and completely as Stalin had remarked). We are internationalists and not nationalists, so we welcome and promote the objective, global tendency of the new classless world without national borders. Last not least, we consider the withering away of states also in relation to the withering away of xenophobia, racial hatred, chauvinism and nationalism. Comrade Lenin has taught us, we internationalists are: true humanists of deed and we shall pave the way of the globalization of mankind towards globalization of humaneness in the spirit of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism.

People are only there free where humanity, itself, is moving freely. And humaneness gets free only in a free world. Under capitalism, humaneness itself, can not move freely because people are chained to the capitalist slavery. Among all societies of mankind, communism is the society with the highest stage of humaneness.