GENERAL-LINE

Comintern (SH)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Proletarians of all countries – unite!

World proletariat – unite all countries !

The Strategy and Tactics

of the

Socialist

World Revolution

 

General - Line

 

CHAPTER II


The proletarian socialist world revolution

 

 

World Revolution

and Lenin' s teachings on the state



The imperialism is the highest stage of capitalism, is rotten, parasitical and dying capitalism, and this is consequently the characteristic of the whole global capitalist system of states, too. The imperialist state system falls into ruin (from inside), due to the increasing globalization of class struggle between the world bourgeoisie and the world proletariat.


In Imperialism, highest stage of capitalism”, comrade Lenin provides a valuable definition of imperialism which includes its 5 major general characteristics.

These 5 characteristics can also be applied to the type of the imperialist state. The highest stage of the capitalist state includes these 5 major general characteristics worked out by Lenin:

      1. the concentration of production and capital has developed to such a high stage that it has created monopolies and in consequence it has also created a similar high stage of state which promotes and protects this high stage of concentration of production and capital. It is the type of a monopolistic state of the class of the monopolistic bourgeoisie [regulations by the monopolist state such as: tax- and customs policy, credit, loans, bonds, subsidies, and last not least also oppression of resistance of the exploited classes in the interests of protecting the profits of the monopolies, globalization of state terrorism etc.);

      2. the merging of bank capital with industrial capital, and the creation, on the basis of this “finance capital”; The financial oligarchy bases itself on a global system of ruling imperialist states [It means that a small number of financially “powerful” states stand out among all the rest” Lenin:Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism”; III. FINANCE CAPITAL AND THE FINANCIAL OLIGARCHY, English version];

      1. the export of capital as distinguished from the export of commodities is the main profitable business of the imperialist states which exploit all the other states; [“The capital-exporting countries have divided the world among themselves in the figurative sense of the term. But finance capital has led to the actual division of the world” Lenin:Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism”; IV. EXPORT OF CAPITAL , English version].

      1. the formation of international monopolist capitalist associations which share the world among themselves by means of imperialist states in cooperation with global political institutions ( “The monopolies have served only to facilitate, at the expense of the state, the recovery of private industries which were on the verge of bankruptcy. Private and state monopolies are interwoven in the epoch of finance capital; how both are but separate links in the imperialist struggle between the big monopolists for the division of the world. The epoch of the latest stage of capitalism shows us that certain relations between capitalist associations grow up, based on the economic division of the world; while parallel to and in connection with it, certain relations grow up between political alliances, between states, on the basis of the territorial division of the world, of the struggle for colonies, of the “struggle for spheres of influence” Lenin:Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism”; V. DIVISION OF THE WORLD AMONG CAPITALIST ASSOCIATIONS, English version];

      2. the territorial division of the whole world among the biggest capitalist powers is completed. The repartition of the world is based on the economic, political and military state-power of the imperialists. [Finance capital in general strives to seize the largest possible amount of land of all kinds in all places, and by every means, taking into account potential sources of raw materials and fearing to be left behind in the fierce struggle for the last remnants of independent territory, or for the repartition of those territories that have been already divided” Lenin:Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism”; VI.DIVISION OF THE WORLD AMONG THE GREAT POWERS, English version] .

Lenin taught us: “The epoch of imperialism is the eve of the proletarian revolution” - which includes unavoidably the revolutionary destruction of the bourgeois state's machine and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Stalinism-Hoxhaism teaches us: The existence of the imperialist system of states is unavoidably connected with its revolutionary destruction and with the establishment of the dictatorship of the world proletariat.

Enver Hoxha:

The present crisis is the crisis and failure of state monopoly capitalism”

(Enver Hoxha, Report on the 8th Congress of the PLA, Selected Works, Volume 6, page 387, English version) [underlined by the Comintern / ML].

What are the present capitalist states, what are the present relations among the capitalist states, what is the present global capitalist system of states ?

They are instruments of the global monopolies for their maximization of profits. Their most significant phenomena are now: excessive global debt, globalized instruments of exploitation in the service of the global financial capital, tampering with constitutional crises, corruption, repression and fascism, etc..

The bourgeoisie tramples on the national and international needs, interests and rights of the citizens. The capitalist states load all burdens of the global crisis onto the backs of the proletariat and the poor peasants all over the world. If the capitalist system of states still proceeds like that - and this is unavoidable according to follow the law of profit-making - then the collapse of the whole global capitalist state-system is bound to occur. One state after another goes to the wall - unable to please the existential minimum of the citizens' needs. The globalized monopoly on legitimate use of force has already transformed the whole world into a prison. However, the present global prison of the exploited and oppressed masses will be tomorrow transformed into a global prison of the exploiting and oppressing classes ! The revolution of the world proletariat is a global revolution of smashing the whole capitalist system of states, is a revolution for the global construction of a system of states in which only the workers and poor peasants have the rule over the world. The oppressing capitalist states of today will be smashed and swept away tomorrow.

Comrade Enver Hoxha emphasized:

By means of the system of credits, loans, aid, and various funds, they [the imperialists] have turned these countries into permanent debtors at the mercy of creditors who, in return for the money provided, demand not only their title-deeds, but also their souls. Accompanying the credits and aid, the multi-national companies have established themselves, becoming not only monopoly holders of concessions for the exploitation of the mines, oil, electric power, wholesale trade, communications, etc., but also political centres with which the different groups in power in each country are linked. The big banks with alluring names like the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the European Development Fund, etc., have been transformed into the headquarters of international neocolonialism for the domination and exploitation of the new countries. They are the financial and political centres which, together with the multinationals, organize and inspire coups d'état, topple governments and establish others, and even cause local wars when the interests of big capital require this” (Enver Hoxha, Report on the 8th Congress of the PLA, Selected Works, Volume 6, page 394, English version)

Present-day capitalist and revisionist world economy .. is more and more degrading the internal social relations and the relations between states(Enver Hoxha, Report on the 8th Congress of the PLA, Selected Works, Volume 6, page 387, English version) [underlined by the Comintern / ML]

Basing economic development on foreign loans, which was trumpeted for a time, both in the West and in the East, as the road to the salvation of mankind, has turned out to be a strategy for the enslavement of the poor and weak countries by imperialism and the big industrialized powers” (Enver Hoxha, Address to the electors , November 10, 1982, Selected Works, Volume 6, page 605, English version).

Stalin:

Earlier, the bourgeoisie presented themselves as liberal, they were for bourgeois democratic freedom and in that way gained popularity with the people. Now there is not one remaining trace of liberalism. There is no such thing as "freedom of personality" any more, - personal rights are now only acknowledged by them, the owners of capital, - all the other citizens are regarded as raw materials, that are only for exploitation. The principle of equal rights for people and nations is trodden in the dust and it is replaced by the principle of Full rights for the exploiting minority and the lack of rights of the exploited majority of the citizens. Earlier, the bourgeoisie, as the heads of nations, were for the rights and independence of nations and put that "above all." Now there is no trace left of this "national principle." Now the bourgeoisie sell the rights and independence of their nations for dollars. The banner of national independence and national sovereignty has been thrown overboard. [Stalin, Speech of the 19th Party Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, 14 October, 1952; Volume 16, English edition].

Lenin:

The question of the state is now acquiring particular importance both in the the theory and in practical politics. The imperialist war has immensely accelerated and intensified the process of transformation of monopoly capitalism into state-monopoly capitalism. The monstrous oppression of the working people by the state, which is merging more and more with the all-powerful capitalist associations, is becoming increasingly monstrous. The advanced countries – we mean their hinterland – are becoming military convict prisons for the workers. The unprecedented horrors and miseries of the protracted war are making the people's position unbearable and increasing their anger. The world proletarian revolution is clearly maturing. The question of its relation to the state is acquiring practical importance” (Lenin, Collected works, Volume 25, page 387, English edition) [underlined by the Comintern /ML].

Lenin answered this question as follows:

The dialectics of history is such that the war, by extraordinarily expediting the transformation of monopoly capitalism into state-monopoly capitalism, has thereby extraordinarily advanced mankind towards socialism”(Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 25, page 363, English edition).

Socialism is merely the next step forward from state-capitalist monopoly. Or, in other words, socialism is merely state-capitalist monopoly which is made to serve the interests of the whole people and has to that extent ceased to be capitalist monopoly”. There is no middle course here. The objective process of development is such that it is impossible to advance from monopolies ( and the war has magnified their number, role and importance tenfold) without advancing towards socialism” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 25, page 362, English edition).

The objective process of globalization is such that it is impossible to advance from global monopolies without advancing towards world socialism.

World socialism is nothing more than globalized state monopoly, which is applied to the benefit of all peoples and which has thereby ceased to be capitalist world monopoly.

The socialist world state is indispensable for the complete removal of world imperialism and its state-system, is indispensable for the construction of world socialism - the highest stage of socialism - is indispensable for the necessary transition towards world communism.

The proletarian world-state is the last and highest stage of the socialist state, is the only type of state which will wither away in favour of the classless, communist world society.

The socialist world state that is, the centrally armed and organized ruling class of the world proletariat, based on the alliance with the poor peasants, and led by the Communist International.

The main instruments of the dictatorship of the world proletariat are the leading Bolshevist world party, the world-proletarian state-power and the world-proletarian armament.

During the whole transitional period towards world communism, global class struggle will reach its highest stage in history of class-societies. Therefore a strong socialist world-state will be indispensable to maintain the dictatorship of the world proletariat and to avoid restoration of capitalism.

Stalinism-Hoxhaism, in particular, is the theory and practice of the global proletarian state.


Our theoretical knowledge on the state - and our general-line related to the state - is based on the teachings of the five Classics of Marxism-Leninism:

a) The teachings of Marx and Engels on the state covers the genesis of the state until the period of imperialism (Paris Commune).

b) The Leninist teachings on the state - since the beginning of the epoch of imperialism - is basis of the experience gained in the revolutions of 1905 and 1917 (dictatorship of the proletariat).

c) The Stalinist theory of the state is basis of the experience gained during the existence of Soviet power (Soviet Union and the Socialist World Camp).

d) The Hoxhaist theory of the state is basis of the experience gained during the existence of the state of the modern revisionists in power (the Hoxhaist state).

 

The Comintern / ML 's application of Lenin' s famous book: State and Revolution” and its theoretical continuation by comrade Stalin and comrade Enver Hoxha form an indivisible unit of the Stalinist-Hoxhaist teachings of the state which is basis of the application of conditions of the globalized society.

State and Revolution” - related to the present conditions of globalization, this is: World State and World Revolution”. The relationship between state and revolution directly corresponds to the relationship of world state and world revolution. They both depend on each other and can neither be separated from each other nor be put against each other.

"State and Revolution" must be applied to the international context of the world's state power of the financial capital. That is, if we want to solve the question of the destruction of state power of the monopolistic bourgeoisie. We must connect the question of state and revolution with the destruction of the whole system of world imperialism, the destruction of the global power of the financial oligarchy, etc.. To the extent as every bourgeois state is intertwined internationally, the whole system of financial enslavement must be globally destroyed.

Therefore, and to the same extent, the international integration of every proletarian socialist revolution in the world revolution is necessary. We live -not alone- in one state but also in a global system of states. The destruction of the global network of the imperialist states is the one thing, however, the destruction of every single bourgeois state is something quite different. For this purpose, the world revolution and the revolution in every single country must form a complementary unit. And this is also valid in regard to the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat on a national and global scale, and also concerning to the construction of the socialist state on a national and a global scale.

Any evasion from the question of the dialectical relation between the proletarian world revolution and the proletarian world state is an evasion, which both promotes anarchism (question of the indispensability of the world state) as well as the total distortion and flattening of Marxism-Leninism through the revisionists (question of the violence of the world revolution and the character of the world state – dictatorship of the world proletariat).

Lenin taught that the capital reigns through the international counter-revolution, and that the Soviet state is therefore needed as the global countervailing power.

Lenin pointed to the international character of the Soviet state:

Soviet government is a world-wide government. It is replacing the old bourgeois state”(1918, Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 28, page 360, English version). [replacement… of course, on a global scale ! – remark of the Comintern /ML]

The general-line of the Comintern (ML) aims at the violent destruction and removal of the world system of the bourgeois states through the establishment of the world system of the socialist states – by means of the socialist world revolution.

The key problem of the world revolution – until world communism – is the question of global state power, the world dictatorship of the proletariat.

Our general-line refers to the teachings of all the five classics of Marxism-Leninism, who have been scientifically proven that this is not only specifically applies to the first period of socialism (socialism in "one" country) in which socialism must be protected against the capitalist-revisionist encirclement from outside and against restoration of capitalism from inside, however, this is also valid, in general, for the second period, thus for world socialism, for the socialist world state. The proletarian world-state applies to the whole transitional period from capitalism to communism.


Lenin' s definition of the state:

The state is a machine for maintaining the rule of one class over another.” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 29, page 478, English edition).

History shows that the state as a special apparatus for coercing people arose wherever and whenever there appeared a division into groups of people some of which were permanently in a position to appropriate the labour of others, where some people exploited others (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 29, page 475, English edition).

.. it [The state] appears wherever and whenever a division of society into classes appears” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 29, page 474, English edition).

When there appears such a special group of men occupied solely with government, and who in order to rule need a special apparatus of coercion to subjugate the will of others by force - prisons, special contingents of men, armies, etc. - then there appears the state” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 29, page 475, English edition).

Lenin:

»This book [ Engel' s book The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State ] says that every state in which private ownership of the land and means of productions exists, in which capital dominates, however democratic it may be, is a capitalist state, a machine used by the capitalists to keep the working class and the poor peasants in subjection (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 29, page 485, English edition).

Marxism-Leninism defines the state as

      1. a product of the irreconcilability of class antagonism; an organization of the ruling class;

      2. a repressive apparatus of the class society with its chief instruments of special bodies of armed men (army and police), prisons, etc. - for military protection of the profits of the capitalists;

      3. an instrument of the exploitation of the oppressed classes.

Marxism-Leninism teaches that the capitalist state must be smashed by the violent revolution of the proletariat and replaced by the proletarian state which is “withering away” not until the communist society.

Both capitalist state-power and revolutionary struggle against it, increase and globalize in the same speed and intensity as the class antagonism globalizes, accelerates and intensifies. This class-specific law of state-power is valid for the globalized state-system of world imperialism – based on the increasing class antagonism of world proletariat and world bourgeoisie. The tendency of increasing centralization and concentration of the capitalist state-system, on a global scale, is according to the general law of the globalization of capital that has to be globally protected for those property owners who have centralized and concentrated the world capital in less and less hands.

The tendency of the globalization of the mode of production determines the tendency of the globalization of the system of the states, and thus determines the tendency of the socialist world revolution.

Stalinism-Hoxhaism is the global modification of the basic teachings of Marxism-Leninism on the state, thus in the period of globalization.

It is scientific criticism of the state-system of world imperialism in the period of globalization, is the theory of its complete destruction by means of the socialist world revolution, the theory of its replacement through a world-socialist state-system and the theory of the abolishment of the inevitability of any state in regard of the world communist society.

A waiver of the world state would be tantamount to the counter-revolutionary suppression of world revolution. Those who want the world revolution, however reject the proletarian state - are anarchists, Trotskyites, is everybody else, but not a Stalinist-Hoxhaist. This principle of state socialism in one country is even more valid for the state of international socialism! We are therefore consistently against any contempt or weakening of the dictatorship of the world proletariat, and therefore against any criticism on the international socialist state.

If the world proletariat has conquered state power, then it will use its world state power for the purpose of breaking the domination of private ownership of the means of production. The means of production will be gradually taken in possession of the world proletarian state.

Lenin pointed out ...

... that under capitalism the ultimate object of the strike struggle is to break up state machine and to overthrow the given class state power. Under the transitional type of proletarian state such as ours, however, the ultimate object of every action taken by the working class can only be to fortify the proletarian state and the state power of the proletarian class by combating the bureaucratic distortions, mistakes and flaws in this state, and by curbing the class appetites of the capitalists who try to evade its control, etc. (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 33, page 187, English version).

We are both against the "Trotskyist 'nationalization of the trade unions" as well as against the anarcho-syndicalist "transformation of the state into a trade union". The world proletariat is against the international state monopoly of the world bourgeoisie, but not against the state monopoly of international socialism.

The capitalist state can not simply be overtaken, it must be completely smashed and destroyed - as the classics of Marxism-Leninism teach us.

The socialist state apparatus will be built on the ruins of the global capitalist state system.

Only with the help of the socialist world government, the socialist world economy will develop according to the aim of maximum satisfaction of the constantly growing material and cultural needs of the entire socialist world society, through continuous growth and improvement of socialist production on the basis of the most advanced technology and careful handling of the natural resources.



What is the Marxist doctrine of the state, what is the Leninist doctrine of the dictatorship of the proletariat?


Derived from the Marxist teachings on the Paris Commune, Lenin worked out the theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat:

1) The Soviet state is the state form of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The socialist state is the organized armed proletariat which is governing as a class.

2) the dictatorship of the proletariat is a special form of the class alliance between the proletariat and the peasantry under the leadership of the proletariat, as the supreme principle of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

3) the dictatorship of the proletariat is the highest form of democracy in class society - the proletarian democracy.

The Bolshevik Party has the leading role in the Soviet state, which is connected by transmissions of the trade unions, the Soviets, the Cooperatives and the Konsomol and with the masses.

According to Stalinism, the dictatorship of the proletariat has three aspects:

a) the use of the power of the proletariat for the suppression of the exploiters, to defend the country, to ensure the connection with the proletariat of other countries, for the development and victories of the revolution in all countries.

b) the utilization of the power of the proletariat for the final separation of the toiling and exploited masses of the bourgeoisie, for the security of the alliance between the proletariat and the masses, for the development of the forces of the masses for socialist construction, for leading the masses by the state of the proletariat.

c) The use of the power of the proletariat for the organization of socialism, for the abolition of classes, for the transition to a society without classes, without a state.

Lenin pointed to the internationalist character of the proletarian state both on a national and international scale. The general-line of the Comintern / ML therefore points to the application of the internationalist character of the proletarian state on the special conditions of globalization.

Lenin:

We are internationalists. We stand for the close union and the complete amalgamation of the workers and peasants of all nations in a single world Soviet republic” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 30, page 293, English edition).

State of the whole people“ etc. - this is the formulas of the modern revisionists against the proletarian state of class. Also the globalized revisionist formula of the state of the whole peoples” is directed against the Stalinist-Hoxhaist formula of theglobal state of the class of the world proletariat”.

Stalin:

Arguing against confusing the dictatorship of the proletariat with “popular” government, “elected by all,” with “non-class” government, Lenin says:

The class which took political power into its hands did so knowing that it took power alone ( My italics.—J. St.). That is a part of the concept dictatorship of the proletariat. This concept has meaning only when this one class knows that it alone is taking political power in its hands, and does not deceive itself or others with talk about ‘popular’ government, ‘elected by all, sanctified by the whole people’” (see Vol. XXVI, p. 286).

(Stalin, Works, Volume 8,Concerning Questions of Leninism”, IV.THE PROLETARIAN REVOLUTION AND THE DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT).

With the dictatorship of the world proletariat, the class struggle of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the countries will not be over. In the contrary, this will be required to a greater degree. The dictatorship of the proletariat in the second period of socialism does not mean the end of the class struggle in each country, but its continuation in new forms, in globalized forms. The dictatorship of the proletariat is the world domination of the working class, and it is based on the centrally organized cooperation of the proletarians of all countries.

The former form of the dictatorship of the proletariat "in one" country, thus in the first period of socialism, is no longer practicable on the conditions of globalization. Contrary to the times when the dictatorship of the proletariat in a single country was only possible through support and solidarity of the proletarians of other countries, the prospective dictatorship of the proletariat will only be possible by the global cooperation of the proletarians of all countries, by the power of the centrally organized world proletariat which bases itself on the proletarian detachments in each country.

Stalin:

The overthrow of the power of the bourgeoisie and establishment of the power of the proletariat in one country does not yet mean that the complete victory of socialism has been ensured. Does it mean that with the forces of only one country it can finally consolidate socialism and fully guarantee that country against intervention and, consequently, also against restoration? No, it does not. For this the victory of the revolution in at least several countries is needed.. ... Now we must speak of the world proletarian revolution; for the separate national fronts of capital have become links in a single chain called the world front of imperialism, which must be opposed by a common front of the revolutionary movement in all countries. … Now the proletarian revolution must be regarded primarily as the result of the development of the contradictions within the world system of imperialism, as the result of the breaking of the chain of the world imperialist front in one country or another” (Stalin, The Foundations of Leninism”, III. Theory, English version).

The conquest of power on a global scale is unavoidable for breaking the whole resistance of the bourgeoisie in each country of the world. For this we need a globalized form of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Today we must speak of the dictatorship of a global proletarian class. The restoration of the dictatorship of the proletariat is nothing else but the dictatorship of the world proletariat.

And the proletariat under the rule of the revisionist state? Can the proletariat take over the revisionist state or must it re-establish its socialist state on the ruins of the revisionist state? The answer of the 5th Classic of Marxism-Leninism, of Comrade Enver Hoxha, is clear: The revolutionary proletariat must destroy the revisionist state and must rebuild the new socialist state on the ruins of the revisionist state. We shall finally leave behind us the historical period of the revisionist states at power because they all degenerate openly towards capitalist states whose days are numbered. We are entering a new phase in the revival of a socialist state - in the stage of world socialism in which the inevitability of the restoration of capitalism can be overcome forever.



What is the basis of Stalinism in the national question?

The basis of Stalinism in the national question is the construction of the USSR under the terms of the proletarian dictatorship.

Stalinism is elimination of the antagonistic contradiction between the nations, the elimination of the exploitation of the nations through other nations, the achievement of the equality of nations, solidarity and friendly cooperation and association of nations, the overcoming of the capitalist law of inequality of the development of the one nation opposite to the other nation - all this relates to the implementation of the internationalist law of transition from capitalism to socialism.

Stalinism is elimination of non-antagonistic contradictions between nations - and even eliminating the contradictions between nations, and the fusion of the nations as a pre-condition for the gradual abolition of nations - all this serves the implementation of the general law of transition from socialism to communism.

How can we apply the principles of Stalinism in the national question on the present conditions?

Stalinism has shown that the solution of the national question in the first epoch of socialism (in "one" country) and in the second epoch of socialism (on the world scale) may not lumped together, since they both differ significantly.

Today, the national question will be solved with the help of the world-socialist revolution . Only through the liberation from world capitalism can be created a global basis for the equality and the development of the free will of the peoples of the world; and the liberation of each nation from exploitation and oppression be guaranteed.

Stalinism-Hoxhaism in the national question is, today, liberation from the global capitalism, is fighting for the world socialist revolution, is globally the liberation of all exploited and oppressed nations.

In particular the lessons of the Stalinist USSR, and of the Hoxhaist Albania, these are the historical foundations for the successful establishment of a new World Union of Socialist States.

Enver Hoxha:

We are against those revisionist theoreticians who preach that now the entire revolutionary struggle should be reduced to a struggle for national independence, to win and to defend this independence against the aggression of imperialist powers, while negating the struggle for social liberation.

Only victory in this struggle guarantees genuine and complete national freedom, independence and sovereignty. (Enver Hoxha, Imperialism and Revolution, Second part, English version).

Just as Stalinism was the theory of solving the national question on the example of the USSR, and just as Hoxhaism was the theory of solving the national question in Albania, today is Stalinism-Hoxhaism the doctrine of solving the national question in the world scale, the global solution of the national question through the world-revolutionary struggle for world socialism on the basis of proletarian internationalism.

At first, the fatherland of the world proletariat existed only in a single country, before it could spread itself all over the world. This is why the fatherland of the world proletariat in the first period of socialism distinguishes from the “fatherland” of the world proletariat in the second period of socialism. Stalinism-Hoxhaism struggles for the establishment of a global “fatherland” of the proletariat and the poor peasants the world over.

The doctrine of the world union of socialist states, the doctrine of the socialist world state - is based on the Stalinist-Hoxhaist theory of the state.



The international significance of the Stalinist Constitution of the USSR, in 1936

The Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin was the first internationalist state, thus the first proletarian state, which had served to the whole world proletariat.

Learning from the classics of Marxism-Leninism, this means, how to understand the future significance of the new type of the world-socialist states. For Stalin, the socialist nation was never an end in itself, but destined to contribute to the creation of socialist nations across the globe. The world-socialist state is surrounded by a socialist world whereas socialism in "one" country is encircled by the capitalist world. Every socialist state which does not fight for the world revolution - every socialist state which undermines or even abandons the world revolution,- is doomed to the downfall, and on the path of the restoration of capitalism. Not an internationalist state betrays the interests of the world proletariat, however only a nationalist state does. The fate of the existence of any socialist state is invariably linked with the fate of the whole world proletariat. We can not struggle for the socialist state without the struggle for the world revolution. This would mean to abandon communism and to slip into the camp of the bourgeoisie.

Stalin:

The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, as you know, was formed in 1922, at the First Congress of Soviets of the U.S.S.R. It was formed on the principles of equality and the voluntary affiliation of the peoples of the U.S.S.R. The Constitution now in force, adopted in 1924, was the first Constitution of the U.S.S.R. That was the period when relations among the peoples had not yet been properly adjusted, when survivals of distrust towards the Great-Russians had not yet disappeared, and when centrifugal forces still continued to operate. Under those conditions it was necessary to establish fraternal cooperation among the peoples on the basis of economic, political, and military mutual aid by uniting them in a single federated, multinational state. The Soviet government could not but see the difficulties of this task. It had before it the unsuccessful experiments of multinational states in bourgeois countries. It had before it the experiment of old Austria-Hungary, which ended in failure. Nevertheless, it resolved to make the experiment of creating a multinational state, for it knew that a multinational state which has arisen on the basis of Socialism is bound to stand every and any test.

Since then fourteen years have elapsed. A period long enough to test the experiment. And what do we find? This period has shown beyond a doubt that the experiment of forming a multinational state based on Socialism has been completely successful. This is the undoubted victory of the Leninist national policy. (Prolonged applause.)

How is this victory to be explained?

The absence of exploiting classes, which are the principal organizers of strife between nations; the absence of exploitation, which cultivates mutual distrust and kindles nationalist passions; the fact that power is in the hands of the working class, which is the foe of all enslavement and the true vehicle of the ideas of internationalism; the actual practice of mutual aid among the peoples in all spheres of economic and social life; and, finally, the flourishing national culture of the peoples of the U.S.S.R., culture which is national in form and Socialist in content - all these and similar factors have brought about a radical change in the aspect of the peoples of the U.S.S.R.; their feeling of mutual distrust has disappeared, a feeling of mutual friendship has developed among them, and thus real fraternal cooperation among the peoples has been established within the system of a single federated state.

As a result, we now have a fully formed multinational Socialist state, which has stood all tests, and whose stability might well be envied by any national state in any part of the world. (Loud applause.)

Such are the changes which have taken place during this period in the sphere of national relations in the U.S.S.R.”

(Stalin, Works, Volume 14,On the Draft Constitution of the U.S.S.R” - II. Changes in the life of the U.S.S.R. in the period from 1924 to 1936).

Exterior - and interior policy of the USSR were the political instruments of the representation of the common interests of equal republics of the union, exercised by the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, the highest state organ of the Soviet Union. It is well known that the USSR was a federal state - consisting of 15 Soviet Socialist Republics and the Socialist Federative Soviet Republic, the Russian SFSR. It was not yet a unified nation state. Thus, the ratio between internal and foreign policy was somewhat more differentiated in the Soviet Union. Indeed, the sovereignty of the Republics of the Union were largely limited through the competence of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (see Article 14 of the constitution - 1936). In addition to it: every Republic of the Union had exercised its own state power (Article 15) , including about the own, albeit limited internal and foreign policy, which (in an over-all scope) belong to the competence of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR .

It was characteristic for the USSR that the Soviet Republics of the Union helped each other in building socialism, and that they organized themselves centralistically, that they possessed a centralized leadership etc. This was also advantageous in regard of the foreign affairs, namely most effective for the purpose to oppose the capitalist encirclement - the formation of a coherent socialist defence alliance. And this was necessary as long as the socialist and capitalist world camp coexisted.

We tie in with comrade Stalin who predicted: "The international significance of the new Constitution of the USSR can not be overestimated" (Stalin, Works, Volume 14, English edition).

The international significance of the Constitution of comrade Stalin may consist of nothing other than in its practical realization on a global scale. The restoration of the Stalinist constitution on a global scale - that is the general-line of the Comintern / ML.

The future constitution of a socialist world union will undoubtedly be the crowning of the victory of the Stalinist constitution on a global scale.

It is in the nature of things, that a constitution can only fulfil its purpose, if the material prerequisites are already given. The concrete formation of the future Union of world-socialist states are not yet clearly foreseeable, and thus cannot be demonstrated here in our general-line. Nevertheless it will prove to be useful even to imagine at least our raw notions of a possible “constitution”. We propose to take the first 12 articles of the original Constitution of comrade Stalin and to add further 7 articles:



[ CONSTITUTION OF THE SOCIALIST WORLD UNION ]


THE ORGANIZATION OF SOVIET WORLD SOCIETY



ARTICLE 1.



The Socialist World Union is a global, federal system of world-socialist states.

This is indispensable for the subsequent transformation to a proper socialist world state of the workers and peasants.



ARTICLE 2.



The Soviets of Working People's Deputies, which grow and attain strength as a result of the overthrow of the landlords and capitalists and the achievement of the dictatorship of the proletariat, constitute the political foundation of the S.W.U. (Socialist World Union)



ARTICLE 3.



In the S.W.U. all power belongs to the working people of town and country as represented by the Soviets of Working People's Deputies.



ARTICLE 4.

The socialist system of economy and the socialist ownership of the means and instruments of production firmly established as a result of the abolition of the capitalist system of economy, the abrogation of private ownership of the means and instruments of production and the abolition of the exploitation of man by man, constitute' the economic foundation of the S.W.U.



ARTICLE 5.

Socialist property in the S.W.U. exists either in the form of state property (the common possession of the peoples), or in the form of cooperative and collective-farm property (property of a collective farm or property of a cooperative association).



ARTICLE 6.

The land, its natural deposits, waters, forests, mills, factories, mines, rail, water and air transport, banks, post, telegraph and telephones, large state-organized agricultural enterprises (state farms, machine and tractor stations and the like) as well as municipal enterprises and the bulk of the dwelling houses in the cities and industrial localities, are state property of the S.W.U, and serve equally all the peoples.



ARTICLE 7.

Public enterprises in collective farms and cooperative organizations, with their livestock and implements, the products of the collective farms and cooperative organizations, as well as their common buildings, constitute the common socialist property of the collective farms and cooperative organizations. In addition to its basic income from the public collective-farm enterprise, every household in a collective farm has for its personal use a small plot of land attached to the dwelling and, as its personal property, a subsidiary establishment on the plot, a dwelling house, livestock, poultry and minor agricultural implements in accordance with the statutes of the agricultural artel.



ARTICLE 8.

The land occupied by collective farms is secured to them for their use free of charge and for an unlimited time, that is, in perpetuity.



ARTICLE 9.

Alongside the socialist system of economy, which is the predominant form of economy in the S.W.U., the law permits the small private economy of individual peasants and handicrafts-man based on their personal labour and precluding the exploitation of the labour of others.



ARTICLE 10.

The right of citizens to personal ownership of their incomes from work and of their savings, of their dwelling houses and subsidiary household economy, their household furniture and utensils and articles of personal use and convenience, as well as the right of inheritance of personal property of citizens, is protected by law.



ARTICLE 11.

 

The economic life of the S.W.U. is determined and directed by the state global economic plan with the aim of increasing the public wealth, of steadily improving the material conditions of the working people and raising their cultural level, of consolidating the independence of the S.W.U. and strengthening its defensive capacity.



ARTICLE 12.

 

In the S.W.U. work is a duty and a matter of honour for every able-bodied citizen, in accordance with the principle:

"He who does not work, neither shall he eat."

The principle applied in the S.W.U. is that of world socialism:
"From each country according to its ability, to each country according to its work."


ARTICLE 13.



All Socialist States of the World Union commit themselves voluntarily, to base their own constitution on the Constitution of the Socialist World Union.



ARTICLE 14.



The Constitution of the SWU protects the world socialism throughout the historical era between world capitalism and world communism:

Protection of the socialist property of the world: of land, forests, mills and factories and other means of production and - instruments;

Abolition of exploitation and elimination of the exploiting classes in all countries of the world;

Elimination of poverty of the world population and the profligacy of their minority, which has lived in luxury;

Elimination of unemployment on a global scale;

The right to work,e.g., the right on employment is guaranteed on a world scale.

World-right to recreation and regeneration

World-right to education, professional training, cultural and scientific activities

Active participation in the creation of all achievements of world socialism and use of all achievements of world socialism (measured in an equivalent value).



ARTICLE 15.



The Constitution of the S.W.U. is a constitution of the dictatorship of the proletariat, a constitution of the hegemony of the world proletariat, is a global constitution of the ruling workers and peasants. The defence of the dictatorship of the proletariat against attempts at restoration of the world dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, against the restoration of capitalism, is constitutionally enshrined.

The S.W.U. enshrines constitutionally the leading role of the Communist International and also Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism-Hoxhaism as the only valid ideology all over the world.

The S.W.U. unceasingly develops the socialist world revolution by adhering to the global class struggle and aims at ensuring the final victory of the socialist road over the capitalist road, at achieving the complete construction of world socialism and world communism.



ARTICLE 16.



The Constitution of the S.W.U. ensures the compliance with the rules of socialist internationalism between the S.W.U. and the single socialist states, on the one side, and among the socialist states on the other side. Above all, the internationalist solidarity of the world proletariat and its allies is the highest duty, greatest honour and of immeasurable value for the whole world-system of socialist states.

All world-socialist states are equal.

The compliance with the equal treatment principle is obligatory. To be specific:

No difference, whether in the skin colour or language, whether cultural or other differences between the socialist countries of the World Union may ever justify any legal inequality. The Constitution of the S.W.U. ensures the same rights to all nations, regardless of their past and present situation, regardless of their strength or weakness, in all spheres of economic, social, political and cultural life of the socialist society .



ARTICLE 17.



The Constitution of the S.W.U. guarantees human rights on a global scale.

The Constitution of the S.W.U. protects the world's democracy.

The Constitution of the S.W.U. protects nature and natural resources, and watches over its harmonization with the needs and wishes of the world population.

There is no distinction between active and passive citizens. All citizens of the Socialist World Union are politically active - namely in the sense and spirit of its constitution.

The Constitution of the S.W.U. guarantees equal rights of men and women on a world scale.

Repugnant to the Constitution, are distinctions such as "residents" and "non-residents", “strangers” and “natives”, "possessors" and "dispossessed", "educated and uneducated", etc.

Throughout the world, all citizens are equal , and thus their rights and obligations.

Not the locational advantage of a country over another, not the financial situation, not national or social origin, not gender, not the service position, etc., etc., but the personal skills and the personal work of each citizen in the world determines its position in the socialist world society.





ARTICLE 18.

The Constitution of the S.W.U. ensures all the needed means for all round development of all the people who are living in the socialist world society.

The world socialism is like a "single office" and like a "single factory" - with equal work and equal pay.

The Constitution protects health, food and prosperity of every citizen of the world.





ARTICLE 19.

The S.W.U. is a voluntary world-union of equal nations. This includes the right of leaving the Socialist World Union.



What distinguishes the federative Socialist World Union from the actual socialist world state ?

The type of government of the Socialist World Union (comparable with the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin) is based on an extensive decentralization, without which no all-encompassing foundation can be built on the centralization of a unified world government. The Socialist World Union is characterized by two key components:

first:

the first time, equal participation at the socialist world government of the nations - who were oppressed by both the world imperialism and the own bourgeoisie - and thus their centuries-long discrimination are ending.

second:

the first-time subordination of the former great powers under the common will of the nations and under the government of the united nations, the end of the epoch of the privileges and abuse of the dominant position of the great imperialist powers.

The Socialist World Union is a federal union of largely independent socialist countries, which gradually grow together and which foster their unification to a one single Socialist World State.

The problem is this:

The world-socialist state can not be established in one blow, such as world socialism can not be constructed in one blow. All the remains of the epoch of imperialism can neither be eliminated nor abolished, at a stroke. This is a stepwise global process for which a whole historical period of transformation will be needed. And within this long time, the world state can only be developed stepwise. The Socialist World Union, is thus an inevitable transitional form of a global structure of states, all of which create conditions for their development towards the holistic and centralized world state - towards the first and last world government. In the course of the development of the Socialist World Union, the decentralized elements of the world federation will be phased out - in favour of the unitary, centralized elements of the states . This is the general-line of the Comintern / ML for the gradual creation of the socialist world state.

The Socialist World Union may neither be equated with the centralized world state, nor be counter-posed. The Socialist World Union corresponds to the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin - on a world scale, which in turn was not yet developed towards a unified nation state - it was a Union of Soviet Republics.

Stalin:

No regime in the world has permitted such extensive decentralization, no government in the world has ever granted to the peoples such complete national freedom as the Soviet power in Russia. (Stalin, Works, Volume 4, The October Revolution and the National Question”, II. THE OCTOBER REVOLUTION AND THE NATIONAL QUESTION, November 6 and 19, 1918, English edition).

We have a supreme body in which are represented the common interests of all the working people of the U.S.S.R. irrespective of nationality. This is the Soviet of the Union. But in addition to common interests, the nationalities of the U.S.S.R. have their particular, specific interests, connected with their specific national characteristics. Can these specific interests be ignored? No, they cannot. Do we need a special supreme body to reflect precisely these specific interests? Unquestionably, we do. There can be no doubt that without such a body it would be impossible to administer a multinational state like the U.S.S.R. Such a body is the second chamber, the Soviet of Nationalities of the U.S.S.R.” (Stalin, Works, Volume 14,On the Draft Constitution of the U.S.S.R” - V. Amendments and Addenda to the Draft Constitution, paragraph 5, English edition).

The S.W.U. will not relinquish the two-chamber system - as an indispensable part of the constitution of Stalin. The unicameral law becomes effective, as soon as conditions are given for a unified socialist world government through the perfection of the Socialist World Union.

Is a constitution still necessary for the period of world communism?

No, it isn't. The world communism does no longer need any Constitution in the conventional sense - as less as the state which had once created the constitution. This does not mean that the Constitution - in a modified form, for a shorter time and in some points - is still easily conceivable in the beginning period of world communism. However, in the perfected world communism, people are already mature enough to do without states and all their constitutions. Constitutions are instruments of the dictatorship of classes, which will be abolished in world communism.

The globalization of the imperialist world order creates already those technical-material precondition which are needed for governing the world through the ordinary people. Globalization makes it possible that they can communicate and co-produce with each other, that they can exchange and distribute products on a world scale, and that they can create a global superstructure. In communism, all life and all work on this planet will be regulable, adjustable and controllable- without any state, without any constitution "from above".

However, the rights - guaranteed in the Constitution of the S W U - can never be higher than the stage of development of the world- socialist relations of production and the resulting global cultural development of the socialist world society. This means concretely: During the world socialism the "bourgeois law" is not yet completely removable. Completely abolished is only the right to private property at the means of production, the cornerstone of the exploiting capitalist world society.

Lenin said in „State and Revolution“:

In the first phase of communist society (usually called socialism) “bourgeois law” is not abolished in its entirety, but only in part, only in proportion to the economic revolution so far attained, i.e., only in respect of the means of production. “Bourgeois law” recognises them as the private property of individuals. Socialism converts them into common property. To that extentand to that extend alone - “bourgeois law” disappears” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 25, page 472, English edition).

The socialist world state has not yet eliminated the distribution of the actually unequal amount of labour towards unequal individuals.

Lenin:

This is a 'defect', says Marx, but it is unavoidable in the first phase of communism; for if we are not to indulge in utopianism, we must not think that having overthrown capitalism people will at once learn to work for society without any rules of law. Besides, the abolition of capitalism does not immediately create the economic prerequisites for such a change” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 25, page 472, English edition).

It follows that under communism there remains for a time not only bourgeois law, but even the bourgeois state, without the bourgeoisie. This may sound like a paradox or simply a dialectical conundrum, of which Marxism is often accused by people who have not taken the slightest trouble to study its extraordinarily profound content” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 25, page 476, English edition).

The "bourgeois law" and thus the constitution of the SWU will therefore be completely abolished only with the completion of world communism, when the world population - as a whole - regulates its own living - and this without binding legal standards.

In world communism, the national question is solved by itself. Communism is international in both its form and in its content. Communism liberates the world society from its national chains. This will happen by the gradual amalgamation process of all nations, and this process leads to the “withering away” of the whole system of nations.

People can only be free if they can lead their life without any force of the state, if they no longer live as members of this or that nationality, if they can live in a stateless world - without national borders.

The dialectic of the merging of nations presupposes first their revolutionary separation from the capitalist world system, and then the creation of independent socialist states, united in a socialist community of states. The separation from the world capitalist system is the precondition for the free and voluntary association of world socialist nations, which in turn form a prerequisite for the fusion of nations. The decay process of the bourgeois nations is directly determined by the decay process of world capitalism. The whole fate of the capitalist states is sealed by the world capitalist system itself . The state ideology of today is maximization of profit, is total subjugation under the rule of world capital - which makes the decision on the fate of each individual state.

Those who oppose the Stalinist-Hoxhaist doctrine of the socialist world state, do not really want world socialism as a major step towards world communism. Those who put their own national interests above the international proletarian interests, are no internationalists, because they try to defend the eternal indispensability of their state in particular, and of the state in itself. However, we Stalinist-Hoxhaists defend the proletarian state primarily for the purpose of the final abolition of the state.

A Stalinist-Hoxhaist ceases to be a Stalinist-Hoxhaist if he considers the interests of the individual socialist state to be more important than the interests of the world state of the proletariat. This is the demarcation line that separates us from all opponents of the world proletarian state.



The states of the Stalinist world camp

The doctrine of Stalin's creation of the socialist world camp, the world-revolutionary transition period - starting with "one" socialist nation through to the socialist nations on a world scale - this is one of the foundations of Stalinism.

What is the definition of the Stalinist world-politics?

The global politics of Stalin, this was the policy of the struggle for the victory of the socialist world camp over the capitalist world camp.

This was on the one hand the internationalist, revolutionary relationship between the Soviet people of the USSR and the world proletariat, to the peoples of the world, to the people's democracies - in the common struggle against the policy of the world bourgeoisie. This was on the other hand the policy of utilizing the contradictions within the capitalist camp, the policy of exertion of pressure onto the opposing camp: with the purpose to strengthen both the socialist world camp in general and in particular the transition to communism in “one" country - by weakening the capitalist camp through itself.

Stalinist world policy is the policy of the alienation of capitalist forces, in order to steer them into world-revolutionary paths.

The world policy of Hoxhaism it was then, to put the forces of restoration of capitalism in the service of the restoration of socialism.

Today we speak about transfer of the forces of the entire capitalist-revisionist world in the service of the world proletarian revolution.

The Stalinist-Hoxhaist policy systematically makes use of the resources, hinterland and all other means of the class enemy, to use them for Communist purposes.

Stalinism is the teaching to make use of contradictions among the world imperialists, among the multinational monopolies, among the great powers and their world associations - for the advance of world-socialist camp, and as a lever for the revolutionary liberation of the world proletariat.

Stalinism is the teaching of the liberation of the peoples from the world domination of American imperialism and the necessity of supporting the socialist world camp - the necessity of their anti-imperialist struggle under the revolutionary leadership of the world proletariat for the overthrow of the dictatorship of the whole bourgeois world. Stalinism has shown that the matter of liberation of all exploited and oppressed nations and nationalities became inevitably a matter which they can only solve by themselves.

Stalinism was a guide to action of the newly created socialist world camp to establish the dictatorship of the world proletariat.

Under the leadership of Stalin, socialism gained a new world-historical importance through extending the sphere of an individual socialist state towards an international socialist system of states.

The doctrine of the expansion of the sphere of an individual socialist state for creation of a socialist world-system - this is one of the most important foundations of Stalinism.

Stalinism has shown that the construction of socialism and communism in one country is not an end in itself. The Marxist-Leninist doctrine is not the creation of a socialist state as an end in itself, but moreover, this serves as a lever to create a world system of socialist states. Stalinism - its clear orientation of the socialist state to the creation of world socialism - corresponds profoundly to the spirit of proletarian internationalism and is therefore a great contribution of the Marxist-Leninist theory of proletarian internationalism, is a great advance to the Marxist-Leninist doctrine of world communism.

In the early 50s, Bolshevism reached the world-historic turning point - world-Bolshevism:

the destruction of the entire world imperialism; the breaking through of its encirclement by means of the proletarian internationalism in power;

the victory of socialism on a world scale; the turn of the dictatorship of the proletariat in "one" country - through to the world dictatorship of the proletariat;

the turn from communism in "one" country through to the final development of world communism.

In short: the upcoming transition from the first towards the second period of socialism - the turning point towards world socialism.

Stalinism is the further development of Marxist-Leninist theory of proletarian internationalism for the creation and strengthening of the socialist world camp, for the revolutionary overthrow of the capitalist world camp. The special feature of this further development is the demasking and struggle against the ideology of imperialist cosmopolitanism, is the struggle against the betrayal at the interests of nations and nationalities whereby the world bourgeoisie tries to protect the global interests of her class. Hoxhaism includes the special feature of demasking and struggle against the ideology of social-imperialist cosmopolitanism, includes the struggle against the revisionist betrayal at the interests of the socialist nations and against the co-operation of imperialism and social-imperialism for the purpose of defending capitalism against the socialist world revolution. The Hoxhaist state was a state which struggled against the whole state-system of the capitalist-revisionist world.

Comrade Enver Hoxha defended the Stalinist world camp at the meeting on Moscow - on November 16, 1960.

Stalin fought for the rights of the working class and the working people in the whole world, he fought to the end with great consistency for the freedom of the peoples of our countries of People's Democracy” (Enver Hoxha, speech delivered at the Moscow Meeting - November 16, 1960, page 130; English edition, Tirana 1969).

In the 1957 Moscow Declaration it was still correctly stressed that:

... the communist and workers' parties bear an exceptionally serious historic responsibility for the fate of the world socialist system and the international communist movement. The communist and workers' parties taking part in the meeting declare that they will spare no effort to strengthen their unity and comradely collaboration in the interest of the further unity of the family of the socialist states, in the interest of the international workers' movement, in the interests of the cause of peace and socialism.”

It must be said that, especially in recent times, in the international communist movement and in the relations among certain parties, there have arisen deep ideological and political disagreements, the deepening of which can only bring damage to our great cause. Therefore … it is necessary to condemn the mistakes and negative manifestations which have appeared so far and to correct them” (Enver Hoxha, speech delivered at the Moscow Meeting - November 16, 1960; page 47 English edition, Tirana 1969).

The path of transition to world socialism in general and the transition of communism in “one" country in particular, was betrayed by the restoration of the first socialist country in the world in a restored capitalist state. The transition to the second period was temporarily interrupted by a period of restoration of capitalism. It ended with the collapse of the socialist world camp, in general, and with the first period of building communism in "one" Stalinist country, in particular. The revisionist states could indeed stop the construction of communism in the first Stalinist state with the help of world imperialism, however they failed to destroy socialism – Socialism in Albania proved to be stronger than revisionism at power. Thanks to Hoxhaism, the first period of socialism has been successfully continued - despite the revisionist disintegration of the Stalinist world camp.

That was the great world communist victory of a small and brave Hoxhaist state over the entire fractious world of revisionist states - including the Maoist state.



World revolution and the socialist world state


With the world socialist revolution, the world proletariat becomes the ruling class in the world.

The socialist world state that is: the organized armed world proletariat as the globally ruling class.


Stalin:

Lenin's theory of revolution is... the theory of the development of the world revolution. The victory of socialism in one country is not a self-sufficient task. The revolution which has been victorious in one country must regard itself not as a self-sufficient entity, but as an aid, as a means for hastening the victory of the proletariat in all countries ... the beginning of and the precondition for the world revolution”

(Stalin, “The October Revolution and the Tactics of the Russian Communists, IV. The October Revolution as the Beginning of and the Precondition for the World Revolution, December 1924, English version).

On the creation of the proletarian state Stalin said:

The task to which I have devoted my life is … not the consolidation of some 'national' state, but of a socialist state, and that means an international state” (Stalin, Works, Volume 13, page 107, Talk With the German Author Emil Ludwig”, December 13, 1931, English edition).

So, Stalin regarded socialism in "one" country always as an international state, like a first and large component for the building of the socialist world state. And Stalin created a state in which the proletarians of all countries saw their interests protected. They regarded the Soviet Union as the fatherland of the world proletariat, although it only existed outside of their "own" capitalist country - in a geographical sense. Stalin regarded socialism in “one” country in the spirit of proletarian internationalism, and not as a purely national phenomenon which exclusively and quite alone belonged the peoples of the Soviet Union . Stalin has shared everything with the world proletariat. The Soviet state, the fatherland of the proletarians was an internationalist instrument of the Soviet people as well as of the whole world proletariat. And - following this internationalist tradition - the World-Socialist Republic shall serve the working people all over the world. "Defence" of the internationalist character of the proletarian state in words - however in deeds, to restore a bourgeois state of the type of a Russian great-power - this was the true reactionary core of the Soviet revisionist state. Those who make propaganda for the allegedly "socialist reform-ability" of a revisionist state are making nothing but pure propaganda for capitalism.

Stalin himself knew very well that any ideas of direct transition of the Soviet Union to a world-Soviet Union are in total contrast to the teachings of Marxism-Leninism. The world socialist state can only be created by the world proletariat itself - whereas the Soviet Union can “only” be part of it.

Lenin:

We are opposed to national enmity and discord, to national exclusiveness. We are internationalists. We stand for the close union and the complete amalgamation of the workers and peasants of all nations in a single world Soviet republic. Secondly, the working people must not forget that capitalism has divided nations into a small number of oppressor, Great-Power (imperialist), sovereign and privileged nations and an overwhelming majority of oppressed, dependent and semi-dependent, non-sovereign nations. For centuries the indignation and distrust of the non-sovereign and dependent nations towards the dominant and oppressor nations have been accumulating, of nations..

We want a voluntary union of nations – a union which precludes any coercion of one nation by another – a union founded on complete confidence, on a clear recognition of brotherly unity, on absolutely voluntary consent. Such a union cannot be effected at one stroke; we have to work towards it with the greatest patience and circumspection, so as not to spoil matters and not to arouse distrust, and so that the distrust inherited from centuries of landowner and capitalist oppression, centuries of private property and the enmity caused by its division and re-divisions may have a chance to wear off” (1919, Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 30, page 293, English version).

Lenin:

We are striving towards the complete abolition of frontiers” (1919, Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 30, page 293, English version).

At first, we strive for the destruction of antagonistic capitalist frontiers, and later on, for the abolition of the non-antagonistic socialist frontiers. We strive for world communism which needs no frontiers, no states. Our world politics aims for the realization of a free world without borders - a world without exploitation and oppression of men by men.

World politics is the main instrument for the conquest and protection of the power of classes over classes on a global scale. The global politics of violence in the real sense is the globally organized power of one class for oppressing another. The proletarian world politics ( in the long term) is the decisive means to liberate the policy from the shackles of its class character, and finally to make policy superfluous - in world communism.

The policy of the world proletariat - led by the Communist International - is thus in contrast to the policies of all previous classes not only a policy for the liberation of their “own” country but moreover for the liberation of the whole humanity from exploitation, crises and wars, a policy for the creation of a classless, communist world society. The proletarian world politics of the Stalinist-Hoxhaist World Party is the creative application of the theoretical and methodological foundations of proletarian policy of the five classics of Marxism-Leninism and is therefore the only scientific world politics.

The politics of the world proletariat is worked out by its vanguard, is task of the Communist International. The proletarian world party is responsible for the world proletarian politics. Whereas, the world politics of the ruling proletariat is exercised through the socialist world state. The world party sets the agenda of the politics of the socialist world state. The proletarian state is under political control of the class and its party and not vice versa.

The contents of the policy of the socialist world state has global class-character - the world-political form is in essence the way, as the global class struggle is organized and conducted by the world-socialist state.

The policy of the socialist world state is divided into internal and foreign policy. It may not be mixed up with the internal and foreign policy of the countries. The world affairs are inner affairs of the world state and the affairs of the countries ( from the point of view of the world state ) are foreign affairs.

Under globalized sign internal politics of the socialist world state is the enforcement and maintenance of the overall interests of the world proletariat, for establishing and defending the world dictatorship of the proletariat and for the suppression of all exploiting classes on a world scale. The internal politics of a world state serves also the construction of world socialism and its perfection as a prerequisite for the transition to world communism.

The foreign policy of the proletarian world state, however, is its policy toward the individual socialist states, the union and the summary of the individual states, is the policy of merging the federation of states into the united, centralized world state. The foreign policy of the World State achieves this goal by harmonizing the interests of the whole world state with the particular interests of individual socialist countries.

Only by means of the internal politics, the world-state creates the conditions for the development of its foreign policy. From the successes of the internal politics of the world state depends the development and perfection of the individual world-socialist countries. It is the cumulative strength of the socialist world state which drives forward the forces of development in the individual socialist countries. The dialectic of the relationship between world and countries is, at first, that the union of all individual socialist states develops in direction of the socialist world state. The Socialist World Union determines the unification of all the world-socialist countries towards the world socialist state – and in the course of this process - when the world state is perfectly established - it will be vice versa: the world state then determines the merging-process until its own abolition in the period of world communism.

At first, the domestic policy is a matter of consolidating the dictatorship of the proletariat on a world scale, and secondly it will be needed for the consolidation of the foreign policy of the individual socialist states. The decisive factor is the world dictatorship of the proletariat, which is strengthened by the dictatorship of the proletariat of each country - and in turn: the world-dictatorship will strengthen the dictatorship in the individual countries. First the proletarians of all countries make efforts for the implementation of their socialist federation of states respectively efforts for preparing the world state, and thereafter the world proletariat makes efforts to consolidate the dictatorship of the proletariat in each country, by means of the world state.

What is the essence of the domestic politics of the socialist world state ?

The domestic politics of the socialist world state is this : execution of the greatest measure of what is feasible for the development of world socialism.

What is the essence of the foreign politics of the socialist world state ?

The foreign politics of the socialist world state is this: execution of the greatest measure of what is feasible for the development of socialism in every single country.

The value of this definition of the internal and external policies of the socialist world government is this: full consideration of all governmental driving forces for the construction, consolidation and improvement of world socialism in general and supporting the driving forces of socialism in any country in particular. This way, all their mutual developments are maximally and in all respects promoted.

Only in the transition from world socialism to world communism, domestic- and foreign politics will form a unit that reaches their full identity, so that they have enough mutual strength - of being superfluous, one day. World Communism will leave forever the political world empire with all its forms and instruments, including the interior and foreign policy.


The type of the globalized mode of production determines the type of the global state

It is the global modes of production of today's class society, more precisely, the global ownership of the globalized means of production, from which the world proletariat has emerged. If the mode of production is changed, then the classes with all their characteristics and traits change accordingly. And thus the state of classes changes - with all the features and characteristics of its apparatus of oppression.

The world-socialist revolution is the most radical rupture with all traditional property relations. The world-socialist revolution makes possible even a much higher quality of the property relations than in the first period of socialism! Gradually, the world-socialist revolution expropriates without compensation, the entire world capital. The world-proletarian revolution has not at all the intention save the debt-ridden capitalist nations and we will not liberate them from the chains of the financial oligarchy. We will not pull their chestnuts from the fire - or something like that. We do not want to delay the path to the socialist world state unnecessarily, but shorten it directly by means of the world-socialist revolution. Every prolongation of the survival of capitalist states means simultaneously and unavoidably prolongation of the waiting time for the coming socialist states. Therefore, it is the general-line of the Comintern / ML to do everything possible to shorten the life of every capitalist state and to promote its decay.

By means of the socialist world revolution, the world proletariat disregards even the inviolability of the national property of the individual countries. It is the socialist world revolution which paves the way towards the globalization of all property-relations of the peoples all over the world. The exploited globalized industrial proletariat was once the driving force for the accumulation of world capital. With the socialist world revolution it becomes the ruling driving force for the globalization of the socialist mode of production, for creating global socialist property relations as the most important precondition for the successful construction of world socialism. In first line, the world proletariat strives for the revolutionary adaptation of globalized production relations at the globalized productive forces! This Stalinist-Hoxhaist aim is the most decisive factor of the whole world socialist revolution! This is one of the most important differences between the socialist world revolution and the October Revolution. The world socialist revolution differs from the October Revolution in particular in that it paves the way to the socialization of the entire world capital - its transformation into the ownership of the world-proletarian state (the globalized capital plus [ !!] the national capital of all countries = total abolition of capitalist private property on a world scale !).

The proletariat will use its political world domination for the purpose to wrest the world bourgeoisie, all capital, to centralize all instruments of production in the hands of the proletarian state, in order to increase the productive forces more quickly. To pave the way towards world communism, the world-proletarian state is indispensable - namely for the abolition of property at all. If no property exists any more, then there is also no longer a state for its protection. The abolition of the unavoidability of property is the most radical measure of a revolution. This can only be achieved by means of the socialist world revolution, by means of the socialist world state, etc.. The creation of world-state' s - ownership, for the later purpose of the abolition of world-ownership - this is one of the most important world-communist principles of Stalinism-Hoxhaism. This is therefore also an important part of our general-line. And thus the Comintern / ML distinguishes from all other parties and organizations all over the world.

The global politics of the Comintern / ML is based on the experiences and teachings of the construction and consolidation of the Soviet Union and Albania. The world-proletarian state and its global ownership is a decisive lever and base for the construction of world socialism and thus for the creation of the precondition for the stateless world communism.

The socialist state in the first period of socialism had to defend itself against the capitalist states, and it was forced by all means, to breach their encirclement. The socialist state was constantly threatened by the economical and military supremacy of world capitalism. The imperialist/social-imperialist war of classes against socialism has characterized the type of the socialist state in the first period of socialism. In spite of these difficult conditions, Stalinism brought the socialism on par with the whole capitalist world. Thanks of comrade Stalin, the Soviet Union became the strongest Union of states all over the world, became a model for the socialist world state. The Stalinist state demonstrated impressively its full superiority over the capitalist state.

Why will the world socialist revolution solve the question of the state ?

The state system of world capitalism decays because it can do nothing against its capitulation related to the unsolved social question - neither on a global, nor on a national scale. The reason: The state system of world capitalism has inseparably chained its own existence by means of its global exploitation and oppression.

The state system of world socialism wins, because it is a state system of the dictatorship of the world proletariat, which solves the social and the national question by means of the global elimination of exploitation and oppression.

The conditions for the victory of the state system of world socialism over the state system of world capitalism are:

the non-existence of contradiction between exploitation and oppression in general and the non-existence of the exploitive and oppressive states in particular;

the non-existence of the globalized, world-imperialist exploitation and oppression;

the elimination of its main imperialist manipulators, who fuel the ideology of world domination and mutual nationalist hatred;

the world proletariat is in power all over the world, which is an enemy of slavery and the unyielding carrier of the ideas of internationalism;

the actual realization of the mutual assistance of all peoples in all areas of the world economy and world social life;

finally restoration of the national culture of the peoples by means of the activities of the Socialist World Union - formally (still) national (but no longer in the old capitalist forms), and world-socialist in content.

By all these and similar factors will change fundamentally the habits of the peoples under the conditions of world socialism.

The feeling of mutual distrust and above all the bitter feeling to be again enslaved by a new bourgeois world power - will gradually disappear. And these changes shall open the door to achieve truly brotherly cooperation among nations in the socialist world system of a unified federal state, the S.W.U..

In this way, the state-relations within the Socialist World Union will become a great impetus in favour of the whole development of world socialism. The result will be that we shall establish a strong and fully constructed socialist world state. It will bear all tests, and will coronate the glorious Great Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin.

The antagonistic contradiction of capitalist states will be transformed into a non-antagonistic contradiction of socialist states, by means of the world dictatorship of the proletariat. These non-antagonistic contradictions are contradictions between big and small socialist states, more developed and less developed socialist states, etc.

Stalinism-Hoxhaism is able to solve these non-antagonistic contradictions in the spirit of socialist internationalism. However, this can not be achieved without efforts.

On conditions of world socialism, the danger of the re-transformation of the non-antagonistic into antagonistic contradictions - cannot be ruled out. And this concerns also to the socialist state. Under conditions of world socialism, the danger of the restoration of the socialist state into a capitalist state – cannot be ruled out. Over this decides a bitter global class-struggle: “who – whom ?”

We must assume that such super powers like America and China - once they have been transformed by the world socialist revolution in socialist states - have, for a long time, to cope with the remains of their former great-power chauvinism. The mistrust of smaller socialist states is entirely understandable and inevitable. To solve this problem, we have to learn from the 5 classics of Marxism-Leninism - who struggled against both the chauvinism of great powers and the local nationalism of the small states. Comrade Stalin solved this problem perfectly under conditions of the Soviet Union. Let's have in mind and never forget - the teachings of Stalinism-Hoxhaism on the restoration of capitalism and the history of social-imperialism !

The proletarian world dictatorship is the armed world power of the workers against the restoration of the old imperialist powers, against the restoration of world capitalism, against all counter-revolutionary remnants of world imperialism.

The key for the solution of this problem is the strengthening of the world state of the whole world proletariat in the spirit of socialist internationalism, is faith to the invincible teachings of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism, is strengthening the global class-struggle, is continuation of the socialist world revolution ! The strength of the world state lies in its variety and diversity of the united socialist states, combined with high communist ideological content.

In world socialism, thus in the second period of socialism, the world proletariat holds global power in the hands. It has eliminated world imperialism and consequently its former power of global encirclement. There are no hostile states, because on conditions of world socialism the socialist states help each other instead of feuding themselves. The remnants of the exploiting classes can be eliminated faster and more profoundly on a world scale. There is no more encirclement of world imperialism and therefore no more chance to support and strengthen these remnants from outside. By these excellent global conditions, the second period of socialism restores the achievements of the socialist state of the first period on a higher scale of development.

Nevertheless, the amalgamation process of the world-socialist nations cannot be realized without class struggle against its opponents. The transition of world socialism to world communism is a dialectical process of the combination of amalgamation and dissolution of socialist nations on a global scale ( at first the dominant amalgamation trend – and later on the dominant dissolution trend).

Stalin:

Lenin sometimes depicted the thesis on national self-determination in the guise of the simple formula: 'disunion for union'. Think of it—disunion for union. It even sounds like a paradox. And yet, this 'contradictory' formula reflects that living truth of Marx's dialectics which enables the Bolsheviks to capture the most impregnable fortresses in the sphere of the national question.” (Stalin, Works, Volume 12, page 382, Political Report of the Central Committee to the Sixteenth Congress of the C.P.S.U.(B.)”; 2. Questions of the Guidance of Inner-Party Affairs, English edition).

It is the period of the abolition of the inevitability of the painful processes of secession and unification of nations. For short: it is the period of the dying nations. However, we must have in mind the teachings of Lenin namely, that this process will require unconditionally a long (!) period until all socialist nations will have achieved their highest standard of maturity.

The transition from world socialism to world communism is a process where the old process of secession/amalgamation reappears only on a higher level of its quality (negation of negation of secession/amalgamation) - namely as a long-term process of dissolution of nations, dissolution of the political form of class-society. These processes of dissolution of the merged world-socialist states do not take place without the class struggle, but this fight is then also the last battle of transition to a classless, non-national, communist society.

The transition of socialism in "one" country right up to the world socialism is taking place through a world revolutionary process on the basis of the creation of the world dictatorship of the proletariat and not (as some still believe erroneously ) on the basis of the dictatorship of the proletariat in "one" country.



World revolution and the withering away of the state on a world scale

The doctrine of the withering of the state, that is inalienably fundamental part of the Marxist-Leninist theory of the state which scientifically proves the complete liberation of man from any state. Not solely the liberation from the capitalist state, but the liberation from any state at all, is the very essence of Marxism-Leninism.

The special feature of the Stalinist-Hoxhaist theory of the state is this:

scientific application of the Marxist-Leninist theory of the state on a world scale, in accordance with the conditions of globalization.

The Stalinist-Hoxhaist theory of the state is the theory of the socialist state of the world proletariat, in general, and the theory of the perfection of the socialist world state for its transition to the stateless world communism, in particular. As the global social division into classes withers away and takes firm root, as global class society withers away, the global state also withers away, and the stateless world society takes firm root.

Only when the socialist world state appears, when there is no exploitation of labour on a global scale any longer, then the division of the society into classes will disappear. All states in history were always displaced by new ones according to the new formation of the class-society which displaced the older one. However, only the socialist world state contains the typical character of withering away in favour of the classless, communist society.

The process of the withering away of the state is initiated by the socialist world revolution and not terminated. Without perfectioning the world proletarian state - no abolition of any state.

Out of an unfinished world proletarian revolution can never be created a consummate world state. And consequently, an unfinished construction of the socialist world state can never guarantee the complete abolition of the world state. Communism on a global scale is impossible without highest development of quality of the socialist world-state.

Lenin:

This machine called the state, (…) this machine the proletariat will smash. So far we have deprived the capitalists of this machine and have taken it over. We shall use this machine, or bludgeon, to destroy all exploitation. And when the possibility of exploitation no longer exists anywhere in the world, when there are no longer owners of land and owners of factories, and when there is no longer a situation in which some gorge while others starve, only when the possibility of this no longer exists shall we consign this machine to the scrap-heap. Then there will be no state and no exploitation. Such is the view of our Communist Party.” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 29, page 488, English version).

The abolition of the state on a global scale - that is Communism.

Stalin:

We stand for the withering away of the state. At the same time we stand for the strengthening of the dictatorship of the proletariat, which is the mightiest and strongest state power that has ever existed. The highest development of state power with the object of preparing the conditions for the withering away of state-power—such is the Marxist formula. Is this 'contradictory' ? Yes, it is 'contradictory'. But this contradiction is bound up with life, and it fully reflects Marx's dialectics. (Stalin, Works, Volume 12, page 382, “Political Report of the Central Committee to the Sixteenth Congress of the C.P.S.U.(B.)”; 2. Questions of the Guidance of Inner-Party Affairs, English edition).

Stalinism teaches the highest development of state power for the preparation of conditions which are needed for the withering away of the state power.

The withering away of the state is a dialetical question of the solution of the contradiction between ruled and ruling classes.

The question is: How is the separation between those governing and those governed eliminated? The answer to the question is simply this: The vast masses of the governed are starting to govern themselves. The ruling masses need not to rule themselves. In this case, there is nobody left who oppresses others, then there would be no class which would be able to oppress another class. In the classless society, the state of classes is no longer needed, "the state withers away" - as Engels put it.

The abolition of the state is an objective and gradual process. It is no arbitrary abolition by means of a so called "qualitative leap". Qualitative leaps take place exclusively in relation to the establishment or overthrow of states of class society. Withering of the state means nothing else but abolition of the inevitability of the substitution of the old state by a new state. The state withers away by means of the same class by which it was once created. The withering away of the proletarian state is indivisibly connected to the withering of the proletarian class itself.

The Marxist-Leninist state theory teaches that the state - as a special apparatus of coercion against people - will wither away, only there and then, when and where the division of society into classes, the division of physical and mental work, the division of city and country etc. etc. - withers away.

The withering away of the state includes a whole historical period - it will not die overnight. At first, the content of the state will change, then follows the dissolution of its form. The stateless society then creates its own new forms of new associations.

Communism will not "break any chains" of the socialist state, but communism develops gradually in relation to the continuously progressive perfection of the socialist state. The transition from socialism to communism is a fluent passage.

First: the capitalist state must be violently overthrown and destroyed by the proletariat.

Second: The counter-revolution of the bourgeoisie must violently overthrow and destroy the socialist state.

Third: the revisionist state must be violently overthrown and destroyed by the proletariat.

Communism does not overthrow and destroy the socialist state but makes it gradually superfluous.

The tendency of the unification of socialist states (with the aim to form their common socialist world state), must be brought in compliance with the tendency of the unification of all countries by means of the centralized world state, because the driving force of the abolition of the States is based in the merger of states. To put it simply, we propagate two slogans:

"Socialist countries - unite in a world-state!"

"World-State - merge all socialist countries for the purpose of the abolition of the state at all !"

In the epoch of world socialism, the socialist world state will be the main instrument for the further development towards world-communism.

However: In the beginning epoch of the world communism, the socialist world state will become itself increasingly the main hindrance, namely to the same degree in which the society has already left the socialist stage, for entering the stage of communism.

The individual world-socialist states can not all die at the same time. This depends in particular on the respective stage of their development, and is also depending on the stage of development of world socialism as a whole. What matters, is the tendency of the merge of the individual states by means of the centralized world state, and thus the tendency of the approach of the process of their withering away. Important is the relationship between abolition of the state and the abolition of class-division. This is not possible in one blow - neither on a national nor on a global scale. But the further the world socialism is developed, the faster and more thoroughly is proceeding the development towards the classless society in the individual world-socialist countries. Only if the conditions for the withering away of the individual socialist countries are becoming more mature, the conditions of withering away will also mature for the world state. First, the individual socialist state is dying and in a final step follows the death of the world state.

If the proletarian state, (that is the proletariat - organized as the ruling class) prepares and organizes the transition to a classless society, then it prepares the organization in such way that the proletarian state will become superfluous in the new communist society. The driving force of the proletarian state experiences a dialectical change of meaning. The former driving force will, namely, be brought to the opposite result, to a brake shoe of the voluntary association of the communist society. The transformation of the class-specific brake shoe of the proletarian state into the driving force of the free communist association, will ease the free cohabitation of the people all over the world.

The transition from socialism to communism is taking place peacefully but only if the world-capitalist encirclement is already eliminated on a global scale. As we saw in the Soviet Union, there was a heavy class-struggle against the revisionists during the construction phase to communism. This fight resulted to the failure of the further development of socialism towards communism, and moreover, towards the destruction of the socialist state. We have to learn from this particular phenomenon of class-struggle in an advanced socialist country - which is both in a strong position of the transition process towards communism and supported by the Stalinist socialist world camp. This was exactly the excellently given situation in which the Soviet Union had more and more to struggle against the revisionists for the bare survival of socialism !! The stronger and more advanced and matured the socialist state is – the longer time will be needed, and the more efforts will be necessary for the counter-revolutionary process of the revisionist restoration of capitalism. Thus, Stalinism-Hoxhaism teaches us that the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin was NOT restored in the weaker period of the construction of socialism - but rather later in the far stronger period of the construction of communism, in the period of the socialist camp ! These teachings are valuable and indispensable for world socialism and the later construction of world communism. It was the beginning of the revisionist state by which the restoration of capitalism was implemented. If socialism has not yet triumphed on a world scale, neither Communism offers in "one" country, nor socialism in "one" country a guarantee for the final victory. Only the success of the socialist world revolution decides on the question: "Shall the socialist state wither away in Communism or will the capitalist state be restored ?"

Thanks to Stalinism, there was the real possibility of building communism in "one" country in the first period of socialism, but not yet the possibility of the abolition of the state because of the world capitalist encirclement, which prevailed in this period. The state must be unconditionally maintained during the whole period of the construction of communism in "one" country because the imperialist encirclement could not be removed without the world revolution. The qualitative leap was - again - necessary in the period of the restoration of capitalism. The revisionists in power can only be removed by the revolution for the restoration of socialism – as Hoxhaism teaches us.

This must not be mixed up with other characters of revolutions in the first period of socialism. Stalin spoke of particular revolutions which have taken place at the stage of socialist construction, for example the so-called revolution "from above" in agriculture:

In a period of eight to ten years we effected a transition in the agriculture of our country from the bourgeois, individual-peasant system to the socialist, collective-farm system. This was a revolution which eliminated the old bourgeois economic system in the countryside and created a new, socialist system. But that revolution did not take place by means of an explosion, that is, by the overthrow of the existing government power and the creation of a new power, but by a gradual transition from the old bourgeois system in the countryside to a new system. And it was possible to do that because it was a revolution from above, because the revolution was accomplished on the initiative of the existing power with the support of the bulk of the peasantry. (Stalin, Marxism and Problems of Linguistics”; QUESTION: What are the characteristic features of language?, June 20, July 4, and August 2, 1950 issues of Pravda, English version).

In the course of transition to communism we amass and gain all those new elements of relevant administrative works and, simultaneously, we minimize - and we remove - some elder elements of repressive governmental force. If all elements of the repressive state have been substituted by administrative elements - then the state will become superfluous.

For better understanding this process of exchanging elements, let's have a comparable look at the transition of the phase of the newly created socialist state into the phase of the advanced and completed socialist state:

Stalin:

In order to overthrow capitalism it was not only necessary to remove the bourgeoisie from power, it was not only necessary to expropriate the capitalists, but also to smash entirely the bourgeois state machine and its old army, its bureaucratic officialdom and its police force, and to substitute for it a new, proletarian form of state, a new, Socialist state.

And that, as we know, is exactly what the Bolsheviks did. But it does not follow that the new proletarian state may not preserve certain functions of the old state, changed to suit the requirements of the proletarian state. Still less does it follow that the forms of our Socialist state must remain unchanged, that all the original functions of our state must be fully preserved in future. As a matter of fact, the forms of our state are changing and will continue to change in line with the development of our country and with the changes in the international situation.

Lenin was absolutely right when he said :

"The forms of bourgeois states are extremely varied, but in essence they are all the same : in one way or another, in the final analysis, all these states are inevitably the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. The transition from capitalism to Communism will certainly create a great variety and abundance of political forms, but their essence will inevitably be the same : the dictatorship of the proletariat." (Lenin, Selected Works, Vol. VII, p. 34.)

Since the October Revolution, our Socialist state has passed through two main phases in its development.

The first phase was the period from the October revolution to the elimination of the exploiting classes.

The principal task in that period was to suppress the resistance of the overthrown classes, to organize the defence of the country against the attacks of the interventionists, to restore industry and agriculture, and to prepare the conditions for the elimination of the capitalist elements. Accordingly, in this period our state performed two main functions.

The first function was to suppress the overthrown classes inside the country. In this respect our state bore a superficial resemblance to previous states whose functions had also been to suppress recalcitrant, with the fundamental difference, however, that our state suppressed the exploiting minority in the interests of the labouring majority, while previous states had suppressed the exploited majority in the interests of the exploiting minority. The second function was to defend the country from foreign attack. In this respect it likewise bore a superficial resemblance to previous states, which also undertook the armed defence of their countries, with the fundamental difference, however, that our state defended from foreign attack the gains of the labouring majority, while previous states in such cases defended the wealth and privileges of the exploiting minority. Our state had yet a third function : this was the work of economic organization and cultural education performed by our state bodies with the purpose of developing the infant shoots of the new, Socialist economic system and re-educating the people in the spirit of Socialism. But this new function did not attain to any considerable development in that period.

The second phase was the period from the elimination of the capitalist elements in town and country to the complete victory of the Socialist economic system and the adoption of the new Constitution.

The principal task in this period was to establish the Socialist economic system all over the country and to eliminate the last remnants of the capitalist elements, to bring about a cultural revolution, and to form a thoroughly modern army for the defence of the country. And the functions of our Socialist state changed accordingly. The function of military suppression inside the country ceased, died away; for exploitation had been abolished, there were no more exploiters left, and so there was no one to suppress.

In place of this function of suppression the state acquired the function of protecting Socialist property from thieves and pilferers of the people's property.

The function of defending the country from foreign attack fully remained; consequently, the Red Army and the Navy also fully remained, as did the punitive organs and the intelligence service, which are indispensable for the detection and punishment of the spies, assassins and wreckers sent into our country by foreign espionage services. The function of economic organization and cultural education by the state organs also remained, and was developed to the full. Now the main task of our state inside the country is the work of peaceful economic organization and cultural education. As for our army, punitive organs, and intelligence service, their edge is no longer turned to the inside of the country, but to the outside, against external enemies.

As you see, we now have an entirely new, Socialist state, without precedent in history and differing considerably in form and functions from the Socialist state of the first phase.” (Stalin, Works, Volume 14; Report on the Work of the Central Committee to the Eighteenth Congress of the C.P.S.U.(B.) - March 10, 1939.)



There is no withering away of a state without class struggle – as long as the state exists, class struggle is inevitable.

This new phase, characterized by Comrade Stalin, could only be developed in the hard class struggle for the strengthening of the socialist state.

Stalinim teaches: Not only the Bolshevik party, but also the Bolshevik state strengthens itself by purifying from counter-revolutionary elements.

In a socialist state , the class of the bourgeoisie is destroyed, but we cannot get rid of the petty bourgeoisie in the same way. The petty-bourgeois influences on the proletarian state still take a long time and must therefore be combated until the end. The petty-bourgeois influence on the socialist state has a tendency to transform progressive elements of the socialist state in regressive elements of the state - a fertile soil for the restoration of capitalism.

The philistinism is expression of a specific petty-bourgeois attitude of class in its relation towards the state. Both in socialism and in capitalism, there is no petty-bourgeois state, neither on a national nor on a global scale - because the socialist state is dominated by the proletariat and the capitalist state by the bourgeoisie. However, the petty bourgeoisie would never renounce its influence on the state. On the contrary. The petty bourgeoisie is in contradiction with both types of states.

If the world dictatorship of the bourgeoisie is eliminated by the world socialist revolution, the petty-bourgeois element will become the most dangerous enemy of the dictatorship of the world proletariat:

Lenin:

First they incline towards a strengthening of the alliance between these masses and the proletariat, and then towards bourgeois restoration. The experience of all revolutions in the eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth centuries shows most clearly and convincingly, that the only result of these vacillations – if the unity, strength and influence of the revolutionary vanguard of the proletariat is weakened in the slightest degree – will be the restoration of the power and the property of the capitalists and landowners”

(Lenin, Collected works, Volume 32, page 248, English edition).

Stalin and the Bolshevist party used the Soviet state as the main instrument, to take all the measures - which were necessary both for the construction and defence of communism. The Soviet state was needed to resolve the contradiction between city and country, between mental and physical labour, the division of labour, between agriculture and industry, etc. The proletarian state is also required to protect state property from remains of bureaucratic privileges, so to prevent the restoration of state capitalist property. The removal of outdated socialist relations of production is a fundamental and indispensable task of the state for the creation of a communist society. Thus Stalin said in his struggle for the transition to communism in "one" country in "Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR":

These comrades believe that the conversion of the property of individuals or groups of individuals into state property is the only, or at any rate the best, form of nationalization. That is not true. The fact is that conversion into state property is not the only, or even the best, form of nationalization, but the initial form of nationalization, as Engels quite rightly says in Anti-Dühring. Unquestionably, so long as the state exists, conversion into state property is the most natural initial form of nationalization. But the state will not exist forever. With the extension of the sphere of operation of socialism in the majority of the countries of the world the state will die away, and, of course, the conversion of the property of individuals or groups of individuals into state property will consequently lose its meaning. The state will have died away, but society will remain. Hence, the heir of the public property will then be not the state, which will have died away, but society itself, in the shape of a central, directing economic body.” (Stalin: “Economic Problems of the USSR”; 2. Measures for Elevating Collective-Farm Property to the Level of Public Property,  September 28, 1952, English version).

Stalinism thus teaches that the state dies away only on the condition that the extension of the sphere of operation of socialism already exists on a world scale. For short: Without socialist world revolution, without perfection of world socialism (last not least by means of the perfection of the state) – no state will ever die away ! The radical economic changes are the material basis of the destruction of any kind of political oppression – thus for the abolition of the state.

If the world proletariat and its state would not harmonize the communist superstructure with the communist base ( on a world scale),- then world communism runs into danger, to regress into direction of capitalism, and the possibility of the abolition of the state recedes into the distance in ever more areas. If the basis of communism is once created , then the perfection of the communist superstructure is finally decisive for the abolition of the state. The state withers away, not until the communist base and the communist superstructure have been harmonized. Mind you, there is an objective process that can be either supported or inhibited by the subjective factor. The abolition of the state follows its own inner logic of objective laws. They can not be put into effect arbitrarily, but only be fostered or hindered.

In place of the government over human beings remains only the administration of property and the planning and management of production- and distribution processes. To put it in simple terms: Communism begins then and there where the individuals do their work unpaid for the interests of the community, without any effect or force of the government on the self-initiated movement of the masses :

Lenin:

This is not helping one's neighbour … it is work done to meet the needs of the country as a whole, and it is organised on a broad scale and is unpaid. It would, therefore, be more correct if the word 'communist' were applied not only to the name of the Party but also to those economic manifestations in our reality that are actually communist in character.” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 30, page 286, English version).

This will also be applied not only to the name of the Communist International but to the economic manifestations of world socialism, therefore also on a global scale [ unpaid work in the interest of the world society as a whole].

Communist labour develops itself even without government coercion in socialism, but it represents an exception. In world socialism, the socialist work for the state still dominates and is not yet replaced by world-communist elements. The wage system functions only in the conditions of commodity circulation and leads thus to the regeneration of capitalism. Therefore, the wage-system of world-socialism will be gradually abolished in the course of the development of world communism - through permanent alignment and equalization of the wage differentials on a global scale. Lenin defined the communist work as follows:

Lenin:

Communist labour in the narrower and stricter sense of the term is labour performed gratis for the benefit of society, labour performed not as a definite duty, not for the purpose of obtaining a right to certain products, not according to previously established and legally fixed quotas, but voluntary labour, irrespective of quotas: it is labour performed without expectation of reward, without reward as a condition, labour performed because it has become a habit to work for the common good, and because of a conscious realisation (that has become a habit) of the necessity of working for the common good – labours as the requirement of a healthy organism” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 30, page 517, English edition).

Marx teaches that the roots of the state die away namely those of the bourgeois society. In addition, Lenin taught that withering away of the state is rooted in society's dominating conscious habit of the necessity of working for common good. The people subdue their state in favour of their own interests, and consequently, they liberate themselves from the state - the state withers away if the masses are enabled to run all state affairs by themselves.

Lenin:

Communism implies Soviet power as a political organ, enabling the mass of the oppressed to run all state affairs – without that, communism is unthinkable” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 31, page 420, English version).

And, again, this political organ is expressively the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Marx:

Between capitalist and communist society there lies the period of the revolutionary transformation of the one into the other. Corresponding to this is also a political transition period in which the state can be nothing but the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat(Marx: Critique of the Gotha Programm”, chapter IV, 1875).e

Marx asked:

What transformation will the state undergo in communist society? In other words, what social functions will remain in existence there that are analogous to present state functions? This question can only be answered scientifically, and one does not get a flea-hop nearer to the problem by a thousand-fold combination of the word 'people' with the word 'state'.” (ibidem).

What is decisive for the Marxist-Leninist contents of the formula of the withering away of the state?

Will the state vanish into thin air ? Will the state disappear on the orders of the party or through its own decree ? Of course not.

The state is not an absolute item, just as it comes, it goes again. We have to prove scientifically the negation of the negation of the state (the apparent return of the state), the negation of the negation of the withering away of the state (the apparent return of the abolition of the state), the difference between relative and absolute abolition of the state, the relativity of this difference, etc .

What matters is the materialist process of dying. The dialectic of the withering away of the state implies that it gradually materializes itself into a new quality. The nature of the transition of the state - from its role as the driving force right up to its role of a brake shoe of the society's development - this is a major element of the Marxist dialectic of the state. Conversely, this means: We may neither hamper the socialist state if it fulfils its role as the main driving force, nor can we endlessly expand the state if it has already turned into a brake shoe of communism. The functions of the state - one after another - will be absorbed by the newly organized cohabitation of members of the communist society and dissolved by equivalents of administrative functions. Even the term of "masses" will be changed on conditions of communism.

Masses are then just not merely "masses" whose cohabitation is steered and guided by the state, but free people who have freed themselves from their existence as "masses", who organize and regulate their individual life and needs on a higher [ stateless ] stage of their association (the self-organization of their cohabitation) - just without power of the state, without state coercion. This is exactly defined in the "Communist Manifesto" of Marx and Engels:

When, in the course of development, class distinctions have disappeared, and all production has been concentrated in the hands of a vast association of the whole nation, the public power will lose its political character. Political power, properly so called, is merely the organised power of one class for oppressing another. If the proletariat during its contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled, by the force of circumstances, to organise itself as a class, if, by means of a revolution, it makes itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps away by force the old conditions of production, then it will, along with these conditions, have swept away the conditions for the existence of class antagonisms and of classes generally, and will thereby have abolished its own supremacy as a class. In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and class antagonisms, we shall have an association, in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all.” (Marx and Engels, Communist Manifesto”, Chapter II. Proletarians and Communists, English version).

Marx :

In a higher phase of communist society, after the enslaving subordination of the individual to the division of labour, and with it also the antithesis between mental and physical labour, has vanished, after labour has become not only a livelihood but life's prime want, after the productive forces have increased with the all-round development of the individual, and all the springs of co-operative wealth flow more abundantly – only then can the narrow horizon of bourgeois law be left behind in its entirety and society inscribe on its banners: From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs!” (quotation found in: Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 25, page 473, English version).

The state is transformed from the realm of necessity (to overcome the class antagonisms), into the realm of freedom of association of a humanized society (liberated from the state). Man is free only without a state. While the State exists, there can be no freedom. Freedom only exists when the state is abolished on a global scale, so in the society of world communism.

Withering away of the state means withering away of democracy (= popular government)

The dictatorship of the proletariat is the highest form of democracy in class society - the proletarian democracy. However, also this special characteristic withers away with the state. The abolition of democracy (popular government) under communism requires the perfection of democracy under socialism. This sounds paradoxical but is profoundly dialectical. Under communism, there is no more rule of man over man.

Lenin:

Victorious socialism cannot consolidate its victory and bring humanity to the withering away of the state without implementing full democracy” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 23, page 74, English version).

It is known, that Lenin has unmasked such elements - which were talking about the premature needlessness of democracy, namely already during the period of socialism. World socialism is the last and highest stage of class rule. Under communism, however, there is no rule of the people (democracy), nor any other form of rule of man over man. Marxism-Leninism teaches that - with the state - also democracy dies. Thus will die also the highest form of democracy, the world democracy , as soon as world socialism proceeds to world communism. Who governs whom - in the classless world society ?

Lenin:

It is constantly forgotten that the abolition of the state means also the abolition of democracy: that the withering away of the state means the withering away of democracy.” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 25, State and Revolution”, page 460, English version).





The world-proletarian state can never die before the epoch of world communism.

It is a cornerstone of Stalinism-Hoxhaism that the consolidation of the global power of the Soviet state is indispensable for the fulfilment of our mission of world communism. Postulations of the prematurelywithering of the state” - in midst of the international arena of class struggle, means nothing more than to disarm the world proletariat, and to betray the socialist world revolution. Because our Marxist-Leninist theory of the state was openly and hiddenly attacked by Tito, by Trotskyites, by revisionists etc., we need to defend it unconditionally.

The slogan of the “abolition of the state” - even before the period of Communism - is a petty bourgeois anarchistic slogan, because the petty bourgeoisie feels threatened and oppressed, by both the state of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. The modern revisionists criticized the so called “formalism” of the Marxist-Leninist state. Under the guise and cloak of "overcoming the formalism and dogmatism" of the Stalinist theory of state, the modern revisionists wanted to overcome the socialist state and thus restore the capitalist bourgeois state.

It was finally the Titoites, who built, indeed, the first social-fascist revisionist state and both Comrade Stalin and Enver Hoxha had been their fiercest opponents.

The Titoites misuse the Marxist-Leninist doctrine of the abolition of the state as a smoke screen for the purpose of masking their fight for the liquidation of the socialist state ( liquidators of the Bolshevist party AND liquidators of the socialist state).

Even in the fight against Bukharin, Lenin turned this trick down:

To proclaim the withering away of the state prematurely would distort the historical perspective” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 27, page 148, English edition).

Bukharin argued in 1926 that the superstructure will be dissolved in the base.

The anarcho-syndicalist roots of the Yugoslav "model" have their origin in Bakunin-ism, which propagated the ideology of anarchism in the First International. Marx and Engels wrote in 1872 in their confidential circular of the General Council of the International Association "The Fictitious Splits in the International":

Anarchy, then, is the great war horse of their master Bakunin, who has taken nothing from the socialist systems except a set of slogans. All socialists see anarchy as the following program:

Once the aim of the proletarian movement — i.e., abolition of classes — is attained, the power of the state, which serves to keep the great majority of producers in bondage to a very small exploiter minority, disappears, and the functions of government become simple administrative functions. The Alliance draws an entirely different picture. It proclaims anarchy in proletarian ranks as the most infallible means of breaking the powerful concentration of social and political forces in the hands of the exploiters. Under this pretext, it asks the International, at a time when the Old World is seeking a way of crushing it, to replace its organization with anarchy.” (Marx and Engels between January and March 5, 1872: “Fictitious Splits in the International” Chapter VII, English edition).

Also Tito demanded to dissolve all existing Communist organizations, the socialist states, and all the communist instruments of political power - namely just at the moment, when world imperialism focused all its counter-revolutionary aggression on Communism – for short: He called for the disarmament and surrender of the socialist camp, the dissolution of the socialist States for assimilation into the imperialist camp, especially the dissolution of the socialist state of Albania for the purpose of its annexation into the Yugoslav territory.

Ironically, Tito accused Stalin to be a "modern revisionist" ! Historically asked: Is there anyone who accuses us Stalinist-Hoxhaists as "modern revisionists" ? The fact that this charge is ridiculous, we thank to the consistent struggle of the Marxist-Leninist world movement with Enver Hoxha at the top.

Tito not only spread his revisionist theory of the state, but also instigated an unprecedented and unscrupulous campaign of slanders and accusations against the Soviet Union and Stalin. Tito made ​​no difference between the Soviet state and the imperialist state of the tsarism ! This shows that the Yugoslav State was an agency of imperialism against the Soviet Union and the People's Democracies. Behind the "Stalin-critique" [ criticism of the alleged "revisionist and degenerated Soviet Union" ] it was Tito who created the first State of modern revisionism in the world ! With his anti-Stalinism, Tito supported the Soviet revisionists for the purpose of the destruction of the Leninist-Stalinist state. Thus he paved the way to the restoration of the capitalist state. What are the alleged "non-aligned states" of Titoism? Titoism drew a demarcation line between its "model of Marxist self-administration" and the allegedly "degenerated" Soviet State System of Lenin and Stalin, on the one hand, and in demarcation line to the Western type of capitalist states, on the other hand. By the Titoist "self-administration", the Marxist doctrine of the abolition of the state was misused and set against Stalinism, in the service and in favour of American imperialism. Abolition of the state under communism is only possible on a global scale - ergo: Alleged "Abolition of the State" as an American counterpart-formula for the creation of a new capitalist Yugoslav state for the purpose to create the capitalist-revisionist encirclement against development of communism on a world scale. So much for the world-historical significance of the Marxist formula: "Abolition of the State" at the interface between world capitalism and world communism, and thus its special world-historical significance for the two camps in world politics! Therefore:

The abolition of the state in the Balkans - that is only possible when all vestiges of Titoism and its capitalist misinterpretation of the "withering away of the state" have been overcome completely. And there are no better teachers of the struggle against Titoism than the two classics of Marxism-Leninism - Comrade Stalin with his best pupil at his side, Comrade Enver Hoxha!

Stalin:

Some comrades have interpreted the thesis about the abolition of classes, the creation of a classless society, and the withering away of the state as a justification of laziness and complacency, a justification of the counter-revolutionary theory of the extinction of the class struggle and the weakening of the state power. Needless to say, such people can not have anything in common with our Party. They are either degenerates or double-dealers, and must be driven out of the Party. The abolition of classes is not achieved by the extinction of the class struggle, but by its intensification. The state will wither away, not as a result of weakening the state power, but as a result of strengthening it to the utmost, which is necessary for finally crushing the remnants of the dying classes and for organising defence against the capitalist encirclement that is far from having been done away with as yet, and will not soon be done away with. (…)

We must bear in mind that the growth of the power of the Soviet state will intensify the resistance of the last remnants of the dying classes. It is precisely because they are dying and their days are numbered that they will go on from one form of attack to another, sharper form, appealing to the backward sections of the population and mobilising them against the Soviet regime. There is no mischief and slander which these "have-beens" will not resort to against the Soviet regime and around which they will not try to rally the backward elements. This may provide the soil for a revival of the activities of the defeated groups of the old counter-revolutionary parties: the Socialist-Revolutionaries, the Mensheviks, and the bourgeois nationalists of the central and border regions, it may also provide the soil for a revival of the activities of the fragments of counter-revolutionary elements among the Trotskyites and Right deviators. ” (Stalin, Works, Volume 13,The Results of the First Five-Year Plan”; VII: The Results of the Five-year Plan in Four Years in the Sphere of the Struggle Against the Remnants of the Hostile Classes, English edition).

Stalin:

We are going ahead, towards Communism. Will our state remain in the period of Communism also?

Yes, it will, unless the capitalist encirclement is liquidated, and unless the danger of foreign military attack has disappeared. Naturally, of course, the forms of our state will again change in conformity with the change in the situation at home and abroad.

No, it will not remain and will atrophy if the capitalist encirclement is liquidated and a Socialist encirclement takes its place. That is how the question stands with regard to the Socialist state.” (Stalin, Works, Volume 14, March 10, 1939 ; Report on the Work of the Central Committee to the Eighteenth Congress of the C.P.S.U.(B.)” ; III. FURTHER STRENGTHENING OF THE C.P.S.U.(B.); 4 – Some questions of theory, English edition).

The general-line of the Comintern (ML) bases itself on the doctrine of Stalinism - on the creation of prerequisites for the withering away of the state, namely to destroy the capitalist-revisionist encirclement by the world socialist revolution.

At the time of the creation of communism in the USSR, the question was raised whether the USSR should be strengthened consistently or whether the state should be abolished. At that time two different social world formations had directed their weapons against each other. The capitalist world was dominant and the USSR had not only protected the Soviet peoples, but also the world proletariat and the majority of the world population. The USSR could not at all serve the world revolution if it would be weakened by the realisation of the slogan of the “abolition of the state”.

On the one hand, the USSR was open to the world proletariat and to the oppressed peoples, and on the other hand, closed to prevent the penetration of the hostile capitalist States. This State had not only the highest goal of building communism, moreover, it was threatened with a new war. The first socialist state had to undertake a huge task. Before, no other state had ever to undertake this huge task. And, in future, no state will be needed for such a huge task. What we have to learn is this: The lower the world-revolutionary consciousness about the internationalist role of the Soviet state, the greater the underestimation of the need to increase and extend its power on a global scale.

Stalin :

It is sometimes asked 'We have abolished the exploiting classes; there are no longer any hostile classes in the country; there is nobody to suppress; hence there is no more need for the state; it must die away. - Why then do we not help our Socialist state to die away? Why do we not strive to put an end to it? Is it not time to throw out all this rubbish of a state?' Or further : 'The exploiting classes have already been abolished in our country; Socialism has been built in the main; we are advancing towards Communism. Now, the Marxist doctrine of the state says that there is to be no state under Communism. - Why then do we not help our Socialist state to die away? Is it not time we relegated the state to the museum of antiquities?'

These questions show that those who ask them have conscientiously memorized certain propositions contained in the doctrine of Marx and Engels about the state. But they also show that these comrades have failed to understand the essential meaning of this doctrine; that they have failed to realise in what historical conditions the various propositions of this doctrine were elaborated; and, what is more, that they do not understand present-day international conditions, have overlooked the capitalist encirclement and the dangers it entails for the Socialist country.

How is this blunder to be explained? It is to be explained by an underestimation of the strength and consequence of the mechanism of the bourgeois states surrounding us and of their espionage organs, which endeavour to take advantage of people's weaknesses, their vanity, their slackness of will, to enmesh them in their espionage nets and use them to surround the organs of the Soviet state. It is to be explained by an underestimation of the role and significance of the mechanism of our Socialist state and of its intelligence service, by an underestimation of this intelligence service, by the twaddle that an intelligence service in a Soviet state is an unimportant trifle, and that the Soviet intelligence service and the Soviet state itself will soon have to be relegated to the museum of antiquities.What could have given rise to this underestimation?

It arose owing to the fact that certain of the general propositions in the Marxist doctrine of the state were incompletely worked out and inadequate.

It received currency owing to our unpardonably heedless attitude to matters pertaining to the theory of the state, in spite of the fact that we have twenty years of practical experience in state affairs which provides rich material for theoretical generalizations, and in spite of the fact that, given the desire, we have every opportunity of successfully filling this gap in theory.” (Stalin, Works, Volume 14, March 10, 1939 ; Report on the Work of the Central Committee to the Eighteenth Congress of the C.P.S.U.(B.)” ; III. FURTHER STRENGTHENING OF THE C.P.S.U.(B.); 4 – Some questions of theory, English edition).



What distinguishes the Stalinist state from the Hoxhaist state?

With this question we like to refer mainly to the comparison of both socialist states in the time before and after the seizure of the modern revisionists.

The Stalinist State was encircled by the capitalist world and was not yet confronted with revisionism in power (later on with the exception of Yugoslavia), not with the already restored capitalist states.

The Hoxhaist State was encircled by the whole capitalist-revisionist world, and thus faced with the pressure of various revisionist states and their alliances and co-operations with the Western imperialists.

This is certainly not the only difference, but one of the most essential. This means:

1. The Hoxhaist State was the only socialist state that has asserted itself successfully against the modern revisionists in power.

2. The Hoxhaist state was the only state that prevented the restoration of capitalism in its own country.

3. The Hoxhaist state was the only state which remained as the continuous basis and lever of world socialist revolution – after the betrayal of the revisionist world camp.

4. The Hoxhaist State was the only reliable and anti-revisionist bulwark for the world proletariat, for the Marxist-Leninist comrades all over world and for the peoples who all struggled commonly for the overthrow of the whole capitalist-revisionist world.

The Hoxhaist theory of the state is based on the profound experiences of the anti-revisionist victorious Albanian socialist state, is therefore of historic importance for the creative development and perfection of the dictatorship of the world proletariat, and thus an integral part of the general-line of the Comintern / ML.

The essence of the Hoxhaist State is to advance the revolution and to avoid the risk of re-development of the "peaceful" bourgeois-revisionist degeneration of the socialist state.

Enver Hoxha:

The socialist Albanian state isalways on guard, keeping the pick in one hand and the rifle in the other” (Enver Hoxha, Speech delivered at the Meeting of 81 Communist and Workers' Parties in Moscow on November 16, 1960) .

The People's Socialist Republic of Albania is a state of the dictatorship of the proletariat, which expresses and defends the interests of all the working people. The People's Socialist Republic of Albania is based on the unity of the people round the Party of Labour of Albania and it has as its foundation the alliance of the working class with the cooperativist peasantry under the leadership of the working class.” (Article 2 of the Constitution of the PSRA).

The Albanian State was thus the first socialist state, which enshrined constitutionally the leading role of the Bolshevik Party within the state and society - and also Marxism-Leninism as the only ideology of the state.

The People's Socialist Republic of Albania unceasingly develops the revolution by adhering to the class struggle and aims at ensuring the final victory of the socialist road over the capitalist road, at achieving the complete construction of socialism and communism.” (Article 4 of the Constitution)

The doctrine of Hoxhaist State is not only of great importance for our global struggle against the bourgeois-revisionist political system, but also for learning from the experience of the struggle against modern revisionism in socialist Albania. By means of the teachings of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism, correctly applied to the anti-revisionist Foreign- and Security policy in Albania, great successes were achieved. Internal and external enemies could be defeated by the close unity of Party, State and People. There are many examples in history of the successful defence of Albania like that of the traitor Mehmet Shehu who was unmasked as an agent of foreign intelligence services.

However, there were also examples of defeats of the defence of the Albanian socialist state – especially after the death of comrade Enver Hoxha. Therefore it is urgently needed to analyse more thoroughly the background of the betrayal of Ramiz Alia who had paved the way to the restoration of capitalism, and who was a man of capitulation in face of the increasing pressure of the capitalist-revisionist world.

Nevertheless, Enver Hoxha created the very important lesson for the world proletariat, that the proletarian state can be victoriously restored on the ruins of the revisionist state - by means of the revolutionary overthrow of the revisionists in power. This doctrine applies not only nationally but also globally. Hoxhaism is therefore the creative advancement of the Marxist-Leninist theory of the state.

The doctrine of Hoxhaist State includes also the creative continuation of the teachings of Lenin and Stalin against bureaucracy and liberalism.

All these features characterize the Hoxhaist State as a State of a new Marxist-Leninist type which was developed in the struggle against modern revisionism, in the struggle against the degeneration of the socialist state apparatus.

Of particular importance is the connection of the direct control of workers and peasants with the control of the party and the state. This model must be implemented and perfected on a global scale. It is indispensable for the strengthening of the dictatorship of the world proletariat. On the one hand, it is needed as the best control between the affairs of the socialist nations and the world state and, on the other hand, necessary among the socialist countries themselves. All these three types of control are controls of the ruling classes, have proletarian character, and form a unit of co-operation. The one type of control can not be substituted through the other. And they can not be mutually excluded. We must always be wary that the control "from below" and "from above" are constantly in balance. In particular, the immediate and direct control of workers and peasants "from below" may not be transformed into an appendage of party control or state control. The control “from below” must always be sufficiently equipped with the needed authority and competence of the people. It goes without saying that, in the relationship between Marxist-Leninist party - the state - and masses, the proletariat and its party have a leading role. This is also valid for the system of control.

Without strengthening of the direct control of workers and peasants "from below", the socialist state can not wither away. There is no communism without the perfection of self-control and self-initiative "from below". The need of control in itself retains in a communist society - only the controls of classes disappear. All the party- and state controls are superfluous in communism.

In the epoch of world socialism, it is important to respect the laws of socialist control as a matter of strengthening the dictatorship of the world proletariat.

The direct workers' and peasants' control, the state control and party control - they are all to be brought into accord, and non-compliance has to be avoided, since, otherwise, they will become a dangerous factor for the restoration of capitalism. We all know that the socialist system of control can easily be transformed into a revisionist control, into a control of the bourgeoisie over the working class and all the other working people - if we would begin to deviate from the teachings of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism.

Our task as communists is to do everything in our power to prevent the possible transformation of “servants” into “rulers” of the world-revolutionary state, to prevent the possibility of capitalist restoration in the epoch of world socialism. We shall always defend the Stalinist-Hoxhaist teachings of the socialist world state in our struggle against the world-revisionists.

In the future there will be an internationalist world society in its content and also in its multinational composition of inhabitants. The nations merge by globalization and there will come a time when the so-called "foreigners" will represent the majority in every country of the world - without exception. Both in form and content, the future world community will get a new higher quality which no longer is constricted and dominated by contradictions between oppressing and oppressed nations and nationalities (although certain differences will not disappear absolutely and completely as Stalin had remarked). We are internationalists and not nationalists, so we welcome and promote the objective, global tendency of the new classless world without national borders. Last not least, we consider the withering away of states also in relation to the withering away of xenophobia, racial hatred, chauvinism and nationalism. Comrade Lenin has taught us, we internationalists are: true humanists of deed and we shall pave the way of the globalization of mankind towards globalization of humaneness in the spirit of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism.

People are only there free where humanity, itself, is moving freely. And humaneness gets free only in a free world. Under capitalism, humaneness itself, can not move freely because people are chained to the capitalist slavery. Among all societies of mankind, communism is the society with the highest stage of humaneness.


 

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