GENERAL-LINE

Comintern (SH)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Proletarians of all countries – unite!

World proletariat – unite all countries !

The Strategy and Tactics

of the

Socialist

World Revolution

 

General - Line

 

CHAPTER II


The proletarian socialist world revolution

 

 

World revolution

and break-through of the weakest chain-link of the imperialist chain


The break-through of the imperialist chain link is essentially part of the world revolution and, therefore, the break-out of the weakest chain-link is a global task of the whole world proletariat and not a task of the proletariat of the weakest chain-link, all alone. In analogy to the Marxist-Leninist doctrine that the construction of socialism is only possible on the ruins of the completely smashed capitalist state, Lenin recognized that imperialism is based on an international system of states, that the individual capitalist states are bound within this system, that they are linked and positioned in an international chain of states and - what is most important – that they depend on it. Globalisation means increase of dependence from the world imperialist chain, means increase of antagonisms contradictions among the chain-links, means: globalisation of the united struggle of all revolutionary forces of the chain-links to get rid of the whole world-imperialist chain. The stronger the world imperialist chain, the more powerful the revolutionary blasting force of its chain-links.

The world-imperialist chain was constructed by the richest states of the world for the purpose to increase the enslavement of all the other states.

The world imperialist chain is a global chain of oppression and exploitation of nations by imperialist nations, by the world bourgeoisie - with the global capital concentrated and centralized in her hands. The world imperialist chain was primarily built by means of the exploitation of the world proletariat who is chained tightest to the global capital, who suffers most by this global chain and who is the only force which is most capable and most determined to break through this chain, which bursts this chain, and which finally abolishes its inevitability.

The world revolution is impossible without the break-through of the weakest chain of the imperialist chain, is impossible without the socialist revolution in this part of the world. Moreover, the world revolution is a global system of the socialist revolution in every country. The Marxist-Leninist theory of the proletarian, socialist world revolution is a global liberation theory of the world proletariat for the abolition of the inevitability of the world-imperialist chain. And the break-through at its weakest link is indivisibly part of this theory. These socialist revolutions are chain-links of the world-revolution which directly interrelate to the chain-links of the world-imperialist chain. Historically, the beginning of the world revolution was connected with the break-through of the weakest chain-link of the imperialist chain. The era of world imperialism heralded the world-revolutionary era of the break-through and tearing-down of the imperialist chain. Derived from the capitalist law of the transitoriness of the world imperialist chain there are two tendencies in our time of globalisation:

The first tendency is, that both the break-through at the weakest point and irretrievable tearing-down of the whole world imperialist chain draw nearer up to a closely united process.

The second tendency is, that the break-through - which once was determined by the proletariat of a single nation – will be determined by the whole world proletariat in an steadily ascending line of its own globalised class-struggle. The general-line of the Comintern (ML) is basing on these two tendencies which speed up the chain' s decay and collapse and that' s why we promote them systematically.

Marxism-Leninism teaches that the democratic right of free self-determination of nations is worth nothing, if it does not include expressively the right of the exploited and oppressed nations to detach from the exploiting and oppressing nations. The break-through of the weakest chain-link is an inevitable step to get finally rid of the whole imperialist chain what is in the interest of the world proletariat, in general, and that of the proletariat of the weakest chain-link, in particular. The break-through of the weakest chain-link of the imperialist chain is required for the construction of socialism in a “single” country, in particular, and for the construction of world socialism, in general. The dialectical relationship and unit of the socialist revolution in a single country and the socialist world revolution is reflected and modified by the dialectical relationship and unit of the break-through of the weakest chain-link and the destruction and removal of the whole world-imperialist chain. The termination of the era of world imperialism is determined by the united revolutionary action of the whole world proletariat, in general, and by the united actions between the proletarians of all countries and the proletariat of the single country which breaks-through the imperialist chain, in particular. The destruction of the world-imperialist chain – including the anti-imperialist struggle of the national liberation movements - is in first line serving the interest of the worker, is an act of proletarian internationalism.

Lenin linked the breaking-out of the chain of imperialism in the context of the slogan of the right of nations to secede! This slogan of the secession of the oppressed from the oppressing nations is an important part of the Leninist world-revolutionary policy. The class solidarity between workers of different nations is impossible without recognition of the nations' right to secede from the imperialist world system. The victory of the breaking-through of the world-imperialist chain and the successful unification of the proletarians of all countries are connected in a direct interrelation. The self-determination of a nation is part of the struggle against world imperialist slavery, is a step to ease the break-through of the world-imperialist chain.

Lenin teaches: The world-imperialist chain is tearable by its decaying, parasitic and moribund nature in general. It is also tearable by the laws of the inhomogeneity of the economic, political and social development of the individual chain links, in particular. Lenin found out: The revolution is definetly most probable and most promising at the weakest point of the imperialist chain. The proletarian revolution can break through, there at first, where the front of the imperialist world system is weakest, and the revolutionary movement is strongest. It is therefore not sufficient that the ruling classes of the weakest link are no longer economically able to rescue the country from bankruptcy. The weakest link in the chain does not burst out of the world's imperialist chain by itself. The world-proletarian subjective factor is of decisive importance for this purpose. It requires not alone the collapse of the capitalist system, but also, that the rulers are not any more capable to pacify the commotions and dissatisfaction of the masses and that they cannot tackle the strong and well organized revolutionary forces of the proletariat.

Leninism is particularly the doctrine of socialism in a "single" country that liberated itself as a chain link and that makes its own way, independently from and in confrontation with the entire imperialist world system. The first socialist country is basis and lever for the socialist revolution in the next-following, the second weakest link in particular, and for the world socialist revolution in general. In this order, one weak link after another is broken out of the imperialist world chain, until the entire chain of imperialism is smashed and the world bourgeoisie defeated. The Leninist theory of the world-revolutionary process of breaking the weakest links out of the world-front of imperialism is valid for the entire historical period of transition from world-capitalism to world-socialism , especially under the present conditions of globalization. Today there is no country and no spot on earth, where the objective conditions for the out-break out of the world-imperialist chain are not given. Crucial today is the strengthening of the world revolutionary subjective factor by its globalization, in order to ease and speed up the break-through of the world-imperialist chain at its weakest chain-link. And the Comintern (ML) is the world organization which is doing everything possible for the strengthening of the globalization of the world-proletarian subjective factor by learning from the teachings of the five classics of Marxism-Leninism:



Quotations of Lenin, Stalin und Enver Hoxha

on the “break-through of the weakest chain-link of the imperialist chain”


Lenin:

The workers of the whole world … applaud us for breaking the iron ring … of imperialist chains” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 28, page 65, English edition).

Lenin:

You all know to what extent capital is an international force, to what extent all the big capitalist enterprises, factories, shops, etc., all over the world are linked up together; this makes it obvious that in substance capital cannot be completely defeated in our country. It is an international force, and in order to rout it thze workers must also make a concerted effort on an international scale. (Lenin, collected works, Volume 32, page 112 – 113, English version).

Capital is an international evil, and just because of this all countries find themselves so grappled to each other that when some go down they tend to drag down the rest” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 32, page 116, English version).

Lenin:

It is not enough to be a revolutionary and an adherent of socialism or a Communist in general. You must be able at each particular moment to find the particular link in the chain which you must grasp with all your might in order to hold the whole chain and to prepare firmly for the transition to the next link; the order of the links, their form, the manner in which they are linked together, the way they differ from each other in the historical chain of events, are not as simple and not as meaningless as those in an ordinary chain made by a smith” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 27, page 274, English version).

Lenin:

Political events are always very confused and complicated. They can be compared with a chain. To hold the whole chain you must grasp the main link. Not a link chosen at random” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 33, page 302, English version).

Lenin:

We must constantly test ourselves by a study of the chain of political events in their entirety, in their causal connection, in their results. By analysing the errors of yesterday, we learn to avoid errors today and tomorrow” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 26, page 52, English version).

Lenin:

This revolution as a whole can only be understood as a link in a chain of socialist proletarian revolutions being caused by the imperialist war” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 25, page 388).

Lenin:

    The first Bolshevik revolution has wrested the first hundred million people of this earth from the clutches of imperialist war and the imperialist world. Subsequent revolutions will deliver the rest of mankind from such wars and from such a world” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 33, page 57, English version).

Stalin:

The October Revolution is not merely a revolution 'within national bounds', but, primarily, a revolution of an international, world order. We often say that the October Revolution is a breach of the world imperialist front. But what does that mean? It means that it ushered in the era of proletarian revolutions and the dictatorship of the proletariat. The centres and periphery—together. Thereby, October struck world imperialism a mortal blow from which it will never recover “

(Stalin, works, Volume 10, Synopsis of the Article "The International Character of the October Revolution", October 1927).

Stalin:

The law of uneven development in the period of imperialism means the spasmodic development of some countries relative to others, the rapid ousting from the world market of some countries by others, periodic re-divisions of the already divided world through military conflicts and catastrophic wars, the increasing profundity and acuteness of the conflicts in the imperialist camp, the weakening of the capitalist world front, the possibility of this front being breached by the proletariat of individual countries, and the possibility of the victory of socialism in individual countries.”

One line is the line of our Party, which calls upon the proletarians of the individual countries to prepare for the coming revolution, to follow vigilantly the course of events and to be ready, when the conditions are favourable, to breach the capitalist front independently, to take power and shake the foundations of world capitalism. The other line is the line of our opposition, which sows doubts regarding the expediency of independently breaching the capitalist front and calls on the proletarians of the individual countries to wait for the "general denouement."



Stalin ( in answer to Trotsky):

Who has the greater chance of a speedy victory is a question that is not decided by contrasting the proletariat of one country with the proletariat of other countries, or the peasantry of our country with the proletariat of other countries. Such contrasting is mere childishness. Who has the greater chance of a speedy victory is a question that is decided by the real international situation, by the real correlation of forces on the front of the struggle between capitalism and socialism. It may happen that the proletarians of the West will defeat their bourgeoisie and seize power before we succeed in laying a socialist foundation for our economy. That is by no means excluded. But it may happen that the proletariat of the U.S.S.R. will succeed in laying a socialist foundation for our economy before the proletarians of the West overthrow their bourgeoisie. That is not excluded either. The question of the chances of a speedy victory is one the decision of which depends upon the real situation on the front of the struggle between capitalism and socialism, and upon it alone”

(Stalin, works, Volume 9, The Seventh Enlarged Plenum of the E.C.C.I.; November 22-December 16, 1926).



Stalin:

Imperialism was instrumental not only in making the revolution a practical inevitability, but also in creating favourable conditions for a direct assault on the citadels of capitalism. Such was the international situation which gave birth to Leninism.”

Now we must speak of the world proletarian revolution; for the separate national fronts of capital have become links in a single chain called the world front of imperialism, which must be opposed by a common front of the revolutionary movement in all countries. Now the proletarian revolution must be regarded primarily as the result of the development of the contradictions within the world system of imperialism, as the result of the breaking of the chain of the world imperialist front in one country or another.

Where will the revolution begin? Where, in what country, can the front of capital be pierced first?

Where industry is more developed, where the proletarian constitutes the majority, where the proletariat constitutes the majority, where the there is more culture, where there is more democracy-that was the reply usually given formerly.

No, objects the Leninist theory of revolution, not necessarily where industry is more developed, and so forth. The front of capital will be pierced where the chain of imperialism is weakest, for the proletarian revolution is the result of the breaking of the chain of the world imperialist front at its weakest link; and it may turn out that the country which has started the revolution, which has made a breach in the front of capital, is less developed in a capitalist sense than other, more developed, countries, which have, however, remained within the framework of capitalism” (Stalin, works, Volume 6, The foundations of Leninism”, April 1924).



Stalin:

It seems to me that the author of the article 'Must There Be Confusion?' is mistaken. Under no circumstances can the thesis—'the imperialist chain breaks where it is weakest'—be equated with Bukharin’s thesis: 'the imperialist chain breaks where the national-economic system is weakest.' Why? Because the former speaks of the weakness of the imperialist chain which has to be breached, that is, it speaks of the weakness of the imperialist forces, whereas Bukharin speaks of the weakness of the national-economic system of the country which (the country) has to breach the imperialist chain, that is, of the weakness of the anti-imperialist forces. That is by no means one and the same thing. More than that, these are two opposite theses.

According to Bukharin, the imperialist front breaks where the national-economic system is weakest. That, of course, is untrue. If it were true, the proletarian revolution would have begun not in Russia, but somewhere in Central Africa. The 'Introductory Essay on Leninism', however, says something that is the very opposite of Bukharin’s thesis, namely, that the imperialist chain breaks where it (the chain) is weakest. And that is quite true. The chain of world imperialism breaks in a particular country precisely because it is in that country that it (the chain) is weakest at the particular moment. Otherwise, it would not break. Otherwise, the Mensheviks would be right in their fight against Leninism.

And what determines the weakness of the imperialist chain in a particular country? The existence of a certain minimum of industrial development and cultural level in that country. The existence in that country of a certain minimum of an industrial proletariat. The revolutionary spirit of the proletariat and of the proletarian vanguard in that country. The existence in that country of a substantial ally of the proletariat (the peasantry, for example), an ally capable of following the proletariat in a determined struggle against imperialism. Hence, a combination of conditions which render the isolation and overthrow of imperialism in that country inevitable.” (Stalin, Works, Vol. 12, April 1929 - June 1930, pp. 143-145, A Necessary Correction”).

Stalin:

The characteristic feature of the assistance given by the victorious country is not only that it hastens the victory of the proletarians of other countries, but also that, by facilitating this victory, it ensures the final victory of socialism in the first victorious country.

Most probably, in the course of development of the world revolution, side by side with the centers of imperialism in individual capitalist countries and with the system of these countries throughout the world, centers of socialism will be created in individual Soviet countries and a system of these centers throughout the world, and the struggle between these two systems will fill the history of the unfolding of the world revolution.”

The world significance of the October Revolution lies not only in the fact that it constitutes a great beginning made by one country in causing a breach in the system of imperialism and that it is the first center of socialism in the ocean of imperialist countries, but also in that it constitutes the first stage of the world revolution and a mighty base for its further development. Therefore, not only those are wrong who forget the international character of the October Revolution and declare the victory of socialism in one country to be a purely national, and only a national, phenomenon, but also those who, although they bear in mind the international character of the October Revolution, are inclined to regard this revolution as something passive, merely destined to accept help from without. Actually, not only does the October Revolution need support from the revolution in other countries, but the revolution in those countries needs the support of the October Revolution, in order to accelerate and advance the cause of overthrowing world imperialism.”

(Stalin, Works, Volume 6,The October Revolution and the Tactics of the Russian Communists”, December 1924).

Stalin:

The disintegration of the single, all-embracing world market must be regarded as the most important economic sequel of the Second World War and of its economic consequences. It has had the effect of further deepening the general crisis of the world capitalist system.

China and other, European, people's democracies broke away from the capitalist system and, together with the Soviet Union, formed a united and powerful socialist camp confronting the camp of capitalism, The economic consequence of the existence of two opposite camps was that the single all-embracing world market disintegrated, so that now we have two parallel world markets, also confronting one another.”

The sphere of exploitation of the world's resources by the major capitalist countries (...) will not expand, but contract; that their opportunities for sale in the world market will deteriorate, and that their industries will be operating more and more below capacity. That, in fact, is what is meant by the deepening of the general crisis of the world capitalist system in connection with the disintegration of the world market.”

(Stalin: “Economic Problems of the USSR”, 1951).


Enver Hoxha:

    (1948 – the socialist world camp o0f comrade Stalin):

    The capitalist world becomes smaller and smaller, the sphere of the capitalist system of exploitation narrows, primarily in Europe and Asia.”

    The forces of the socialist world have grown and have become stronger” (Enver Hoxha, Report on the II. Congress of the PLA, march 31, 1952, Selected Works, page 170 and 171, translation from the German edition).

    If we want to thwart the global-strategy of world imperialism and world social-imperialism, – as comrade Enver Hoxha taught us – then we

    ...base ourselves firmly on the Marxist-Leninist theory of the revolution, ... that in the present situation there are a series of weak links in the capitalist world chain, as there will be in the future, at which the revolutionaries and the peoples must carry out ceaseless activity, an unrelenting and courageous organized struggle to break these links one after another” (Enver Hoxha, »Imperialism and Revolution«, English edition, Chapter: The Revolution - the Only Weapon to Defeat the Strategy of the Enemies of the Proletariat and the Peoples”).

    Enver Hoxha:

    The Marxist-Leninist parties in capitalist countries are therefore obliged to work and fight constantly for the weakening of the international monopoly capital, to put it in a flurry. Thus, also the multinationals who oppress and exploit the peoples. In such a way that the people can break the weakest link in the capitalist chain, ie to rise an insurgency, to seize power and carry out democratic reforms and also to establish the dictatorship of the proletariat, the socialist base, and a socialist superstructure " (Enver Hoxha, Oeuvres choisies, Volume 5, pages 757-781, translation from the French edition).

Meanwhile, in the course of globalisation, the disintegration process of the world imperialist chain has deepened and continued to spread, which increases the prospects for the realization of the proletarian socialist revolution enormously. Today, there are government debt and bankruptcy, even among the strongest links in the chain of the imperialist world.

The chain of world imperialism has its own global tendency to crumble and its final decay is inevitable. But as long as it exist, it undergoes changes in its development, relevant to the application and development of Marxism-Leninism, for the right strategy and tactics of the proletarian, socialist world revolution of crucial importance. We assigned colonial chain links related to certain imperialist powers in the beginning of the imperialist world. For the first time, the weakest link in the imperialist chain was the Russian imperialism, from which broke away all the nations and peoples which were linked to it. All these nations and peoples were re-linked in the Soviet Union and became socialist states. With every tearing out of the next weakest imperialist chain-link also all those oppressed and exploited nations and peoples have better opportunities to liberate themselves, with the support of the victorious proletariat which established its dictatorship in this second weakest imperialist chain-link, etc.. In the course of the world revolution, the bursting out of an imperialist chain-link results unfailingly in the detachment of all its colonies and dependent nations. The era of the dictatorship of the world proletariat is thus the era of the liberation of all nations and peoples from the world imperialist chain.

Today there are globalised chain-links of the world- imperialist chain. Dominant are multinational, globalised structures in contrast to the old, nationally limited structures of the major imperialist powers. The financial markets have become globalized and they are united in a global network. The imperialist powers are thus linked more closely together, which complicates the uprooting of individual chain links. This needs more centralisation and concentration of the global revolutionary forces. It is the centralization and concentration of global finance capital in few hands, which has brought many countries in a dependent relationship, and this to an increasing extent. Today there are an increasing number of weak imperialist links which have been sucked into the whirlpool of the increasing shocks and crises of the entire world capitalist system. It is world capitalism itself which aggravates the growing amount of bankruptcy states and which weakens its own chain-links. It produces more and more weak links of the imperialist chain - its own collapse. The world proletariat has the the task to unite the toiling masses of all the weak chain-links, for the purpose of shaking and breaking the whole world-imperialist chain.

Under the conditions of globalisation it is inevitable that the increasing contradictory relationship between the oppressed and oppressor nations develops in favour of world socialism. The fronts become more permeable as a result of globalization. The whole world-imperialist chain becomes more permeable. On the one hand, we observe bankrupt capitalist nations with a downward trend towards the camp of the dependent and neo-colonialised nations - caused by the increasing competitive battles on the world markets. On the other hand, we notice the trend of some transitional countries towards imperialism (Brazil - in South America ; South-Africa - in Africa, China and India - in Asia). Even changes among the superpowers themselves are to be observed. China became a social-imperialist superpower and has thus replaced the first social-imperialist superpower, the former Soviet Union. At the same time, the crisis-ridden U.S. imperialism has a tendency to lose its dominant superpower status. These major changes in the composition of the chain of world imperialism, the redistribution of dominance of the globalised world, makes it necessary to reorient our globalised revolutionary class-forces on the newly emerged conditions. The general-line of the Comintern (ML) has to take into account all these changes within the world-imperialist chain. The blind and dogmatic takeover of the strategy and tactics of comrade Lenin and Stalin must be rejected because we are not allowed to equate the present conditions of globalisation with those of their times. We must learn to change our world-revolutionary struggle. We must take advantage of all the new opportunities offered by globalization. The capitalist nations which are increasingly faced with their existential crisis of globalization, are certainly more prone to dropping out of the world imperialist chain - at least they slip into the number of the weakest links. We must strengthen the solidarity of the proletarians between the strong and weak nations, we must take advantage of the contradictions between the strong and weak capitalist nations in order to weaken the imperialist world chain, as a whole. We also need to strengthen the solidarity of the proletariat of the oppressor nations with the working people of the poorest countries of the world. This also contributes to the weakening in the world imperialist chain. And finally, the proletariat of the nations which developed to new imperialism, must lead a consistent struggle against the emerging social-chauvinism. With its socialist revolution, it must take advantage of the new economic developments in its country for the better and faster construction of socialism. It must primarily support the revolution of the peoples who are exploited by the neo-imperialist transitional country. Above all, the proletariat must make use of the contradictions between the old and new imperialist powers, which will grow in any case. The old and new imperialist powers entangle themselves in a fight against each other and annihilate their forces mutually. The old ones try to defend their supremacy. And the new imperialist countries trying to break the dominant position of the old imperialist powers, in order to expand themselves.

Lenin:

We have so far been victorious only because of the most profound discord among the imperialist powers, and only because that discord has not been a fortuitous and internal dissension between parties, but a most deep-seated and ineradicable conflict of economic interests among the imperialist countries” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 31, page 466, English edition).

Lenin:

    Until socialism finally triumphs all over the world … we must take advantage of the antagonisms and the contradictions that exist between the two imperialisms, the two groups of capitalist states, and play them off against each other. Until we have conquered the whole world, and as long as we are economically and militarily weaker than the capitalist world, we must stick to the rule that we must be able to take advantage of the antagonisms and contradictions existing among the imperialists.”

    However, as soon as we are strong enough to overcome capitalism, as a whole, we shall immediately seize it by the scruff of the neck” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 31, page 438 - 439 and 441, English edition).

Lenin said, concerning the smashing of the world-imperialist chain:

The socialist revolution will not be solely, or chiefly, a struggle of the revolutionary proletarians in each country against their bourgeoisie – no, it will be a struggle of all the imperialist-oppressed colonies and countries, of all dependent countries, against international imperialism. Characterising the approach of the world social revolution in the Party Programme … we said that the civil war of the working people against the imperialists and the exploiters in all the advanced countries is beginning to be combined with national wars against international imperialism” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 30, page 159, English edition).

Globalisation of crises has a tendency to weaken the world's imperialist chain as a whole and to accelerate the globalization of the world revolutionary forces. Were it not for globalization, we would not have the opportunity to combat the world's imperialist chain with global counteragents. And out of this opportunity results a global commitment which is stipulated in the general line of the Comintern (ML). Whoever denies the globalization of the struggle of smashing the weakest chain-link denies the proletarian internationalism, contributes to maintaining the globalised chain of imperialism and becomes an opponent of the proletarian, socialist world revolution.



 

next:

- the creation of the world revolutionary chain of socialism