GENERAL-LINE

Comintern (SH)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Proletarians of all countries – unite!

World proletariat – unite all countries !

The Strategy and Tactics

of the

Socialist

World Revolution

 

General - Line

 

CHAPTER II


The proletarian socialist world revolution

 

 

 





World revolution

and imperialist War





1.

Definitions


The global question of war and peace can only be solved by the world-proletarian, revolutionary overthrow of world imperialism

- namely expressively under the banner of world socialism.



What is Marxism in the question of war and revolution?

Marx and Engels are the founders of the materialist teaching of the history of wars and revolutions in general, and the founders of the teaching of the inevitability of wars and revolutions in the development of class society, in particular; Marxism is the dialectics of the relationship between war and revolution, Marxism is the theory of the necessity of the armament of the liberation movement of the proletariat, in general, and the necessity of the defense of the socialist society by means of the armed dictatorship of the proletariat, in particular; last not least, Marxism is the science of the abolition of the unavoidableness of the misuse of weapons of people against people - is the weaponless, peaceful and classless, communist society.



What is Leninism in the question of war and revolution?

The Leninism – in the question of war and revolution - is Marxism in the epoch of imperialist wars and the proletarian revolution. More precisely: the Leninism is the theory and tactics of the transformation of the imperialist war into the proletarian revolution in general, the theory and tactics of the arming of the dictatorship of the proletariat, in particular.



What is Stalinism in the question of war and revolution?

Stalinism - in the question of war and revolution - is Marxism-Leninism in the period of the transition from the armed class war for the construction of socialism in the Soviet Union to the armed class war for socialism on a global scale, in general;

Stalinism – in the question of war and revolution – is Marxism-Leninism of the armed international class war in the period of transition from socialism in the Soviet Union to communism in the Soviet Union, in particular.



What is Hoxhaism in the question of war and revolution?


Hoxhaism is Marxism-Leninism of the transition of the anti-fascist liberation war into the victory of the anti-imperialist people’s revolution, it's further transition into the armed socialist revolution which led to the overthrow of the own bourgeoisie and which made it possible to construct socialism on the outer conditions of the Great Patriotic War and the socialist world camp of Comrade Stalin;

Hoxhaism – in the question of war and revolution - is furthermore the Marxist-Leninist theory and tactics of the armed anti-revisionist, anti-imperialist and antisocial-imperialist struggle in the period of revisionism at the power, in general, and the theory and tactics of the national defense of the dictatorship of the proletariat under conditions of the military capitalist-revisionist encirclement, in particular.

What is Stalinism - Hoxhaism in the question of war and revolution - today ?

Stalinism-Hoxhaism - in the question of war and revolution - is the Marxist-Leninist theory and tactics of the victory over the imperialist wars by means of the world proletarian revolution under today's conditions of globalization, in general; and the theory and tactics of the armament and military world defense of the dictatorship of the world proletariat, in particular; it is – last not least - the theory and tactics of the transition to the weaponless, peaceful and classless society on a global scale – to world communism.

Stalinism-Hoxhaism is the doctrine of the liberation of the wars of world imperialism, is the doctrine of the abolition of the inevitability of world imperialist war, is the doctrine of world-proletarian class war for the final liberation from the violent rule of the world-bourgeoisie, is the doctrine of the victory of socialism over the imperialist war on a global scale, is the doctrine of the military protection of the global domination of the proletariat.


 


2.

Only world communism guarantees the abolition of class wars



Only the global military authority of the dictatorship of the world proletariat ensures the world peace among the peoples. For the first time in the history of class society, the coming period of world socialism offers the possibility of the preventability of wars of classes. This possibility was neither given under the terms of socialism in "one" country, nor under the terms of the socialist world camp of Stalin, because: as long as the world capitalism has even a single tooth in its mouth, a threat by wars remains unavoidable. Therefore, the socialist world revolution differs from all other proletarian revolutions: the socialist world revolution transforms the inevitability of imperialist wars into their preventability.

The whole history of capitalism is the history of permanent bloody wars of conquest for redistribution of world domination, which is based on global wage slavery for the purpose of maximizing profits. Only world socialism eliminates the capitalist roots of today's wars, and thus creates the conditions for lasting peace and security of the entire world population. As long as the aggressive wars of imperialism and social-imperialism still exist, it is our main task: weakening and destruction of the imperialist world order and its fruit - the imperialist war. The main means are the revolutionary and Liberation Wars and the main force is the world proletariat. When faced with the imperialist war, the oppressed and exploited classes may not lapse into fatalism. They may not be taken by surprise. They must prevent to get roped into the imperialist war. And if they were though thrown into the imperialist war, then they have to use their revolutionary weapons, they have to transform the imperialist war into civil war :

firstly, in order to end the imperialist war, (of course, we communists fight for its quickest termination, however, not without combination of the world-revolutionary struggle. Otherwise this would not be a proletarian slogan, but a bourgeois-pacifistic „peace“)

secondly, in order to overthrow world imperialism by means of the socialist world revolution,

and thirdly, in order to build up (and to protect) the dictatorship of the world proletariat.

Enver Hoxha emphasized in his speech - delivered at the Meeting of 81 Communist and Workers' Parties in Moscow on November 16, 1960:

... that there can be an absolute guarantee of the prohibition of war only when socialism has triumphed throughout the world or, at least, in a number of other great imperialist countries” (page 138, English edition, Tirana 1969).

It is a cornerstone of Stalinism-Hoxhaism that the world revolutionary weapons of the proletariat will be indispensable for world peace and for the fulfillment of its mission of peaceful world communism. Postulations of the prematurely “withering of the war” and “lasting” peace in midst of the international arena of wars in the world's class society, means nothing more than to disarm the world proletariat, to betray the socialist world revolution and the peace-loving peoples. Our Marxist-Leninist theory of “war and revolution” (namely that the complete destruction of world imperialism is absolutely precondition for the abolition of the inevitability of imperialist wars) was and is still openly and hiddenly attacked by all the lackeys of the world bourgeoisie. That's why we need to defend Marxism-Leninism unconditionally in word and deed, with weapons and without weapons.

The pacifist slogan of the “disarmament and abolition of weapons” - even before the period of Communism - is a petty bourgeois anarchistic slogan, because the petty bourgeoisie feels threatened and oppressed, by both the weapons of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. Pacifism is the other side of the coin – is an ideological tool for the hidden preparation of the next predatory wars of the world bourgeoisie. To proclaim the withering away of the weapons, prematurely, would distort the historical perspective of world communism. The abolition of classes is not achieved by direct and premature disarmament of proletarian weapons, by the extinction of armed class war, but by its intensification. The intensification ( but not to fuel the flames artificially) of revolutionary wars is indispensable for the withering of wars. Proletarian weapons will not remain if the capitalist world is liquidated and the socialist world takes its place, if the danger of the restoration of capitalism is avoided, if the last remnants of the dying classes, the fragments of counter-revolutionary elements, have lost all soil for a revival of their armed activities. The radical economic changes (harmonization of the relationship between productive forces and relations of production) are the material basis of the abolition of imperialist wars, the material basis of the peaceful, classless, communist world society.

World communism - this is the global community without violence of classes, and any war of man against man is eliminated forever.

The final product of socialized production of weapons is in principle the unarmed society. Socialism abolishes the bourgeois weapons by means of the proletarian weapons. And in Communism the proletarian weapons are not needed any more. Our thesis is this:

Without globalized expropriation of the capitalist weapons, there is no globalized socialization of weapons - and without globalized socialist weapons, there will be no global abolition of weapons.

The necessity of the ruling weapons ceases to exist in that moment when the reign of classes has ceased to exist at all. And thus, it is not any longer required to describe class-interests as the ruling "general" interests, thus the interests of the ruling weapons. The world proletariat rules the weapons for the purpose of the final abolition of every rule of weapons. Lenin clearly pointed out: „(...) from the standpoint of the basic ideas of Marxism, the interests of social development are higher than the interest of the proletariat, the interests of the working-class movement as a whole are higher than the interests of a separate section of the workers or of separate phases of the movement.” (Lenin, complete works, Volume 4, page 236, English edition).

From the standpoint of the basic ideas of Stalinism-Hoxhaism, the significance of the globalized armament of all the exploited and oppressed peoples is higher than the armament of the world proletariat, the armament of the world proletariat higher than that of a separate section of the workers or of separate phases of the armed struggle.

We Marxist-Leninists do not contrast proletarian class interests with the general human interests. We do not contrast the proletarian weapons with the weapons of the liberation wars of the exploited and oppressed peoples all over the world. On the contrary, the founders of Marxism have emphasized the unity of interests of the proletariat and the peoples. They have always emphasized the general human character of the interests of the proletariat, the general character of the armed proletarian struggle. Communism without classes and without weapons is both in the interests of the world proletariat and the whole world community. Marxism-Leninism teaches: One cannot uproot capitalism in a peaceful way. Quite different is the case with communism. Lenin once said:

Communism cannot be imposed by force.” (Lenin, complete works, Volume 29, page 175, English edition).

He is right, because:

In the question of violence world-socialism differs fundamentally from world-communism.

World-socialism is the armed dictatorship of the world-proletariat in the whole transitional period between world-capitalism and world-communism and thus a period of violent global class struggles. Whereas, an armed transition from world-socialism to world-communism is impossible because the weapons wither away to the same degree as the classes wither away. In the world-socialist transition period antagonistic contradictions of classes still exist, whereas the world-communist transition period is a non-antagonistic period in which all classes wither away.

Lenin teaches the impossibility of a democratic peace without a series of revolutions.

Lenin used expressively the term “democratic” peace. For Lenin, the struggle for “democratic” peace was not his final goal. We communists strive for a higher quality of peace – for the socialist peace. So, we may not confuse the democratic peace with the socialist peace. Both can neither be equated nor transformed into an irreconcilable contrast with each other. The prerequisite for a socialist peace is certainly a democratic peace . There is no socialism without democracy, and consequently, there is no socialist without a democratic peace (and we expressively premise - on a global scale !). As communists we do not reject the struggle for a democratic peace because it is indispensable for the creation of a socialist peace.

But the essential difference between the democratic and the socialist peace is this:

firstly in particular,

the democratic peace cannot abolish the inevitability of war, while the socialist peace makes wars preventable. In principle, socialist peace is characteristic for the epoch of world socialism. As long as world capitalism still exists, there was only the possibility of socialist peace between socialist countries of the socialist world camp. Socialist peace on a world scale is realizable, not before the world-imperialist encirclement is completely destroyed;

and secondly in general,

a democratic peace is not able to remove the capitalist system with its inherent contradictions of the antagonistic class society. Whereas, the revolutionary destruction of the antagonistic class society is a premise for the socialist peace;

for short:

The democratic peace is a prerequisite for the transition of the antagonistic to the non-antagonistic class society.

The socialist peace is a prerequisite for the peaceful transition of non-antagonistic class society into a classless society of communism.

A communist peace is only possible in the communist world-society, thus only under the terms of the classless society. In other words, in world-socialism - thus in the whole period between capitalism and communism - the socialist peace is only guaranteed through the most rigorous class struggle of the world proletariat.

Though the inevitability of war is eliminated in world socialism, the possibility of reconversion of a non-antagonistic class society into an antagonistic class society will still persist. This possibility cannot be excluded, as long as communism does not yet exist. It is obvious: If capitalism is again restored, then no socialist peace, and even no democratic peace, can be guaranteed.

If Lenin has taught us the impossibility of a democratic peace without a series of revolutions, then it follows: A socialist peace is impossible without class struggle of the world proletariat, thus against permanently present danger of the restoration of world capitalism within the whole period of world socialism .

The opportunists like to make us "forget" the causal relationship between capitalism and the question of war and peace. One can not eliminate the imperialist war, without eliminating the contradiction between labor and capital. If the peace movement limits its struggle exclusively against war, then the cause of the war, (=capitalism) remains untouched. "Let's leave the existence of capitalism untouched !" That's exactly the mission of the opportunists within the peace movement. Our answer to the opportunists: First of all, world revolution and the overthrow of capitalism - then world peace!

We Marxist-Leninists are no peaceful worshipers of bourgeois legality, but the claim that a communist party would be a "thuggish and terrorist" party, had always been sharply rejected by the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism. Frederick Engels said „... If there is no reactionary violence, which must be subdued, then there is no talk about revolutionary violence.“ (Engels, Volume 38, pages 489 and 490, letter from Engels to Bebel, October 7, 1892, translation from the original German edition).

The weapon of the proletariat is thus directed against the bourgeoisie in defense of the existence of its own class. Without removal of reactionary violence, the proletariat cannot achieve its emancipation. And without its own emancipation, the proletariat cannot create the economic foundations for the abolition of all classes. The working class emancipates itself, so that the worker can emancipate himself/herself as a human being. Only then the worker has finally ceased to be just a "wage slave" and nothing else. Only then he/she will create a society in which he/she is truly free, and not doomed to be only a gearwheel in the wheel work of the class society. All human beings are only then equal if they can finally leave the shadow existence of their class, if they are not any more forced to wage class war against this or that class. And who alone in this world can break this vicious circle ? Who deserves the honor of the greatest contribution in mankind's history? That honor belongs solely - the armed working class ! The victory of the armed struggle of the proletarian class – this is the whole spirit and purpose for the application of the military theory of Marxism-Leninism. The Marxist-Leninist military theory proves itself in practice from the moment when the worker becomes a conscious soldier in the great army of the world proletariat, which is led by the Communist International.

From the moment when the world communist movement affirms, the necessity of the armament of the socialist world revolution, the armament of the struggle against the imperialist war, the armament of the global civil war ( namely in complete harmony and unity with the proletarians of all countries), from that moment it will consequently also affirm the new global Marxist-Leninist military theory as the basis of the development of the strategy and tactics of the socialist world revolution, of the globalized anti-imperialist war, of the global civil war.

This means: the Comintern / ML will

firstly, propagate the inevitableness of a centrally organized proletarian world army ( Either we create a real global workers' and peasants' army, a strictly disciplined regular army, or we do not, and in that event our cause will be lost.);

secondly, we will form the red world army, we will train the world proletariat in handling weapons, we will recruit specialized soldiers and war experts from the imperialist and reactionary armies for our cause;

thirdly, we will organize the complete arming of all exploited and oppressed peoples for their liberation from world imperialism and from imperialist wars.

In the general-line of the Comintern / ML, the arming of the proletariat and the arming of the exploited and oppressed peoples for their liberation from world imperialism and imperialist wars, is firmly established. The world bourgeoisie armed against the world proletariat is one of the biggest, fundamental and cardinal facts of the globalized capitalist society of today. Therefore, there is no unarmed world socialist revolution and there is no unarmed world socialism, as long armed counter-revolutionary classes still exist.

Lenin:

An oppressed class which does not strive to learn to use arms, to acquire arms, only deserves to be treated like slaves.”

Our slogan must be: arming of the proletariat to defeat, expropriate and disarm the bourgeoisie. These are the only tactics possible for a revolutionary class, tactics that follow logically from, and are dictated by, the whole objective development of capitalist militarism. Only after the proletariat has disarmed the bourgeoisie will it be able, without betraying its world-historic mission, to consign all armaments to the scrap-heap. And the proletariat will undoubtedly do this, but only when this condition has been fulfilled, certainly not before.” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 23, pages 80 and 81, English edition).


Comparable with his book „State and Revolution“, Lenin developed his ideas on war and revolution in his article „War and Revolution“:

The war has been brought about by the ruling classes and only a revolution of the working class can end it.” Lenin, collected works, Volume 24, page 420, English edition).

The conversion of the present imperialist war into a civil war is the only correct proletarian slogan, one that follows from the experience of the Commune, and outlined in the Basel resolution (1912); it has been dictated by all the conditions of an imperialist war between highly developed bourgeois countries. (Lenin, collected works, Volume 21, page 34, English edition).

Present-day war is a people’s war. What follows from this truth is not that we must swim with the “popular” current of chauvinism, but that the class contradictions dividing the nations continue to exist in wartime and manifest themselves in conditions of war. Refusal to serve with the forces, anti-war strikes, etc., are sheer nonsense, the miserable and cowardly dream of an unarmed struggle against the armed bourgeoisie, vain yearning for the destruction of capitalism without a desperate civil war or a series of wars. It is the duty of every socialist to conduct propaganda of the class struggle, in the army as well; work directed towards turning a war of the nations into civil war is the only socialist activity in the era of an imperialist armed conflict of the bourgeoisie of all nations.” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 21, page 40, English edition)

It is impossible to escape imperialist war - which is unavoidably engendered by the imperialist world - (…), except by a Bolshevik struggle and a Bolshevik revolution. Let the bourgeoisie and the pacifists, the generals and the petty bourgeoisie, the capitalists and the philistines, the pious Christians and the knights of the Second and the Two-and-a-Half Internationals vent their fury against that revolution. No torrents of abuse, calumnies and lies can enable them to conceal the historic fact that for the first time in hundreds and thousands of years the slaves have replied to a war between slave-owners by openly proclaiming the slogan: 'Convert this war between slave-owners for the division of their loot into a war of the slaves of all nations against the slave-owners of all nations'.” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 33, Fourth Anniversary of the October Revolution, page 56 [remark of the author: the German translation differs a little bit from the English translation])

The war which the capitalists of all countries are waging cannot be ended without a worker's revolution against these capitalists. The worker's revolution is mounting throughout the world. The workers in all countries are bound to win” (Lenin, complete works, Volume 24, page 416, English edition).

Economic ruin, crisis, the horrors of war, an impasse from which there is no way out – this is what the capitalists have brought all the nations to. Indeed there is no way out – except through the transfer of power to the revolutionary class, to the revolutionary proletariat, which alone, supported by the majority of the population, is capable of aiding the revolution to victory in all the belligerent countries and leading humanity to lasting peace and liberation from the yoke of capitalism.” (Lenin, complete works, Volume 24, page 206, English version).

Lenin's conclusions in „Revolution and War“ can be summarized in a single sentence:

The world proletarian revolution is the only escape from the horrors of a world slaughter.“ (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 28, page 287, English version).

Engels:

The men at the top of all major states will be terrified about the approaching day, if the armed soldiers refuse to massacre their brothers and their fathers (...) Long live the international social revolution! " (Engels, MEW, Volume 22, pages 186-187, translation from the original German edition).

Marxism-Leninism teaches not only that the revolution emerges from the war and that the revolution can finish the war, but also vice versa, that the revolution can prevent the imperialist war even before the war breaks out. Socialism ultimately will prevail in both cases. What determines the outcome of war and revolution? This depends mainly on the relative strength of the forces of the proletarian and the bourgeois class. So this is neither a question of "spontaneous" world development, nor a question which will solely be answered by the ruling class. Marxism-Leninism, determines the world proletariat as the class that decides over "War and Peace" because the world proletariat is invincible if it makes use of the teachings of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism. Marxism-Leninism teaches: The world proletariat is the only revolutionary class which - directly and without detours - is able, to overthrow the capitalist world and to eliminate the inevitability of imperialist wars forever.

After we had determined the ratio between "world state and world revolution", in the last chapter, we must also define the current globalized relations between "war and revolution". How determines the Comintern / ML the relationship between war and revolution?

The war between capitalists, between capitalist powers, decides only on the redistribution of the riches of the capitalist world.

The war between the socialist world revolution and world-imperialist counterrevolution, the world's civil war, decides on the basic end or continuation of the era of world imperialism, the epoch of imperialist wars. The world proletariat will create world socialism, by means of taking possession and usage of its revolutionary weapons.





3.

Defense and creative continuation of the general-line of the

Comintern in the struggle against imperialist war


Especially, the Comintern / ML will be guided by the theses of the eighth ECCI plenum on war and the danger of war, 29 May 1927 (extracts):

“Lenin's attitude to war determines communist party tactics for an entire historical epoch, the epoch of imperialist war. Slogans such as 'War on war', 'Turn imperialist war into civil war', or 'For the defeat of one' s own bourgeois government in an imperialist war', are even today classic examples of genuine revolutionary internationalism. It is one of the merits of Leninism that it deals with questions of war in terms of their concrete historical conditioning. It defines three types of war:

(a) wars fought between imperialist States;

(b) national-revolutionary wars, and wars of colonial peoples against imperialism;

(c) wars of the capitalist counterrevolution against the proletarian revolution and against the countries in which socialism is being built.

It remains for the Comintern to translate the general treatment of the war question into concrete terms. Bolshevism focuses the anti-war struggle on the mass movement and mass struggle. Activity among the masses in the factory, the unions, the countryside, the army—that is the task of communists before and during the war, that is the way to transform the war into a civil war. Communists must begin the fight against war ... at the time when war is being prepared. Both before the outbreak of war and in war-time the communist parties must work persistently to set up an illegal apparatus for the fight against war; they should not however confine themselves to these underground activities, but by revolutionary action win freedom to agitate, and to lead the masses on to the streets in the fight to turn the imperialist war into a civil war, to capture power through the proletariat, to overthrow the bourgeoisie and establish the proletarian dictatorship. The fight against war is not a single action; it requires great sacrifices from the working class, a series of mass actions (demonstrations, strikes in armament factories, etc.) which culminate in the victorious rising of the proletariat. Communist parties must do their utmost to extend these mass actions into a general strike. The Comintern realizes that in the case of a war between two imperialist Powers it is extremely difficult to bring off a general strike at the moment when war breaks out, but it is none the less absolutely essential for communist parties in all capitalist countries to conduct continuous propaganda and agitation for the general strike, both before and during the war. It should be borne in mind that the moment for making the general strike slogan a slogan of action depends on the revolutionary development of the situation, i.e. when the general strike becomes practical. During its course communists must aim steadily at turning the general strike into an armed revolt. In an ordinary imperialist war the workers must be in favor of the defeat of their own government. The slogan of fraternization remains one of the most important in anti-militarist work among the soldiers and sailors of imperialist armies and navies. This slogan must be linked with the demand to the soldiers in the imperialist armies to go over at a suitable moment to the side of the revolutionary troops.

Practically all sections of the Comintern underestimate the war danger. All communist parties behave as if war were a matter of the more or less distant future, and not the bloody reality of today. Objectively such 'mistakes' are a capitulation to imperialism. The communist parties must explain to the masses that without revolutionary mass action no real fight against war is possible, that pacifism is merely deception, that the fight for a lasting peace and the prevention of war is tantamount to the overthrow of bourgeois government and the establishment of proletarian dictatorship.

The support for the action of the international proletariat against imperialist war makes it obligatory for all Comintern sections to reinforce their revolutionary work among the workers of the colonies and semi-colonies, and to intensify their anti-military work among the imperialist armies of occupation.”

The 8th term of admission into Communist International – worked out by Lenin and adopted by the 2nd Congress of the Comintern - is as follows:

8. Parties in countries whose bourgeoisie possess colonies and oppress other nations must pursue a most well-defined and clear-cut policy in respect of colonies and oppressed nations. Any party wishing to join the Third International must ruthlessly expose the colonial machinations of the imperialists of its “own” country, must support—in deed, not merely in word—every colonial liberation movement, demand the expulsion of its compatriot imperialists from the colonies, inculcate in the hearts of the workers of its own country an attitude of true brotherhood with the working population of the colonies and the oppressed nations, and conduct systematic agitation among the armed forces against all oppression of the colonial peoples.”

And we add Thesis 3 of Lenin's Theses on the National and Colonial Question – adopted by the second Congress of the Comintern on July 28, 1920:

Thesis 3: “The imperialist war of 1914-18 has very clearly revealed to all nations and to the oppressed classes of the whole world the falseness of bourgeois-democratic phrases, by practically demonstrating that the Treaty of Versailles of the celebrated “Western democracies” is an even more brutal and foul act of violence against weak nations than was the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk of the German Junkers and the Kaiser. The League of Nations and the entire post war policy of the Entente reveal this truth with even greater clarity and distinctness. They are everywhere intensifying the revolutionary struggle both of the proletariat in the advanced countries and of the toiling masses in the colonial and dependent countries. They are hastening the collapse of the petty-bourgeois nationalist illusions that nations can live together in peace and equality under capitalism.”

Resolution of the 10th ECCI- Plenum on the international day of struggle against imperialist war:

“The plenary session of the ECCI calls on the workers of the colonies and semi-colonies to show vigorous support for the action of the international proletariat against imperialist war, and makes it obligatory for all Comintern sections to reinforce their revolutionary work among the workers of the colonies and semi-colonies, and to intensify their anti-military work among the imperialist armies of occupation. In drawing attention to the inadequate energy displayed by some Comintern sections in preparing for 1 August, the plenary session of the ECCI observes that the passivity shown in this respect by certain strata in the communist parties is only one expression of the general opportunist tendencies connected with an underestimation of the war danger, a fatalist attitude towards war, an underestimation of proletarian strength and of the role of the communist parties in the class struggles of the proletariat.” (Resolution of the 10th ECCI- Plenum on the international day of struggle against imperialist war; July 1929)

In 1928, the VI. Congress of the Comintern characterized the then international situation of the epoch as an "epoch of wars and revolution". The Comintern /ML confirms the basic correctness of this characterization. In continuation of this characterization (applied to the beginning of this 21st Century), the Comintern / ML speaks about the „period of global wars and world revolution“ (taking the development of globalization in consideration).

In the minutes of the Sixth Congress of the Comintern we can read:

This third period, in which the contradiction between the growth of the productive forces and the contraction of markets become particularly accentuated, is inevitable giving rise to a fresh series of imperialist wars:--among the imperialist States themselves; wars of the imperialist States against the U.S.S.R.; wars of national liberation against imperialism and imperialist intervention and to gigantic class battles. The intensification of all international antagonisms ..., the intensification of the internal antagonisms in capitalist countries (the swing to the Left of the masses of the working class, growing acuteness of the class struggle), and the wide development of colonial movements (...), which are taking place in this period, will inevitably lead ... to the severe intensification of the general crisis of capitalism. “

The Comintern stated in 1929:

 “To unmask social-democracy and its part in preparing war in the most implacable fashion, particularly 'left' social-democracy, which is the most dangerous variety of social imperialism, because it conceals its support for the military preparations of the capitalist countries behind pacifist phrases designed to put the proletarian masses off their guard.” (resolution of the 10th ECCI Plenum on the international day of struggle against imperialist war; July 1929)

These correct decisions of the VI. World Congress about the struggle against social-fascism were rejected by the VII. World Congress - namely in connection with the withdrawal from the correct Stalinist „Third Period“ as an allegedly period of „sectarian“ deviation.

It is well-known that the VII. World Congress has made further principal changes in the world-revolutionary general-line of the Comintern of Lenin and Stalin, especially revisionist deviations in the question of war and peace. We ask: Why dissolution of the Comintern at the height of the anti-imperialist, anti-fascist war of the world proletariat ?

In the question of World War I, Lenin stood irreconcilably facing the social-chauvinists of the Second International while the leaders of the VII. World Congress assumed a reconciliatory position towards the Second International in World War II.

The Leninist revolutionary theory of the transformation of war into the civil war

[ „Whoever wants a lasting and democratic peace must stand for civil war against the governments and the bourgeoisie.“ (Lenin, collected works, Volume 21, page 316, in: „Socialism and War“, English edition)] ,

and Stalin's theory of the transformation of fascism into socialism [socialist world camp] was quietly sacrificed in favor of a reconciliatory united front with the bourgeoisie. [ = capitulatory subordination of the working class to the bourgeoisie = transformation of the Marxist-Leninist popular front policy into a revisionist popular front policy, renunciation of the socialist world revolution ].

The revisionists hope to convince the workers by the United Front tactics of the „correctness“ of the reformist-revisionist and the "incompetency" of the revolutionary tactics of the anti-imperialist war. In contrast, the Comintern / ML needs the united front, because we hope to convince the world proletariat to the contrary. And it is the essence of neo-revisionism if this wrong and dangerous attitude of the revisionists is criticized by means of lip service - however defended in deeds. Neo-revisionists differ from the revisionists on the issue of the armed socialist world revolution by this: The revisionists openly advocate the "peaceful road" while the neo-revisionists hide themselves behind the "anti-revisionist" formula of „armed struggle“ (for example: so called „people's war“ of the Maoists). These two agencies of the bourgeoisie collaborate behind the back of the proletarians - against the world socialist revolution. Therefore we have to attack and to overthrow the remaining state power centers of social fascism, which still nourish various neo-revisionist world centers.


The predatory wars that are now waged under the aggravated conditions of world crisis, accelerate the coming end of the world capitalism and the inevitable approach of the socialist world revolution. The objective conditions for the overthrow of the domination of global capitalism have matured, and thus the objective conditions for the abolition of the inevitability of imperialist wars.

The previous history of socialism is the history of socialism, which emerged as consequences of two World Wars. However, Marxism-Leninism teaches that socialism must not necessarily and exclusively result from imperialist world wars. The global conditions for the reconquest of socialism open us now an easier and direct way to world socialism. Today, preventing a third world war, that means to stop the globalized machinations of local wars ( which the imperialists successively waged and still wage since the end of the Second World War in various forms of military interventions, machinations of so called „civil wars“ etc. - according to the world imperialist strategy of „divide and rule“ ). It is the general line of the Comintern / ML to thwart the global world-imperialist strategy of wars through the anti-war-strategy of the world revolution, and thus to forestall the outbreak of the Third World War. Our general policy is based on the Marxist-Leninist lessons of the two world wars, thus on the experiences of the world proletariat after two world wars. Hence the strategy and tactics of the Comintern / ML, with the world revolution, the whole world imperialist war machine to crush and to forestall the destruction of the world by the world imperialism.

Stalin said: "Peace can be maintained and strengthened, if the peoples put the maintenance of peace in their own hands and defend it to extremes. The war can become unavoidable, if the war mongers succeed in ensnaring the masses with lies."

Stalinism teaches the necessary struggle against the war mongers to extremes, teaches world peace through the destruction of world imperialism. Stalinism is the ideology of the world proletariat, which successfully thwarts the intentions of the imperialist warmongers, reactionaries and counter-revolutionaries to ensnare the global masses with lies.

Hoxhaism teaches, that the transition from the anti-Imperialist liberation war into the people's revolution and then into the socialist revolution of the Albanian proletariat, guaranteed peace to the Albanian people until the last day of the existence of Socialist Albania, thus peace on conditions of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Stalinism-Hoxhaism teaches the globalized, centralized struggle of the peoples against the war mongers to the extreme – guided by the world proletariat and the Comintern (SH) - , the transition into a global peoples-revolution, and its further transition into the socialist world revolution by the world proletariat. The world revolution provides the basis for the peaceful building of world socialism. World socialism means preventability of wars for the first time in history of class society.


Capitalist crises prepare the ground for wars, and in their turn grow out of wars; the one conditions the other on one and the same basis of imperialist connections and relations within world economics and world politics.

In his report to the 16th. Party congress, Stalin defined the basic contradictions of world capitalism which were extremely growing in the course of the world-economic crisis and this means:

This means, firstly, that the bourgeoisie will seek a way out of the situation through further fascistization in the sphere of domestic policy, and will utilize all the reactionary forces, including Social-Democracy, for this purpose.

It means, secondly, that in the sphere of foreign policy the bourgeoisie will seek a way out through a new imperialist war.

It means, lastly, that the proletariat, in fighting capitalist exploitation and the war danger, will seek a way out through revolution.“ (Stalin, works, Volume 12, 2. The intensification of the contradictions of capitalism”, English edition)


It was the general crisis of the capitalist world system that has caused the First and Second World War. And again it was the general crisis of the capitalist world system, which, since the Second World War, has caused uninterruptedly wars in various parts of the world. It is the war strategy of U.S. imperialism to expand and maintain its supremacy in the world, especially in global markets. The contradiction between the collapse of the ancient world domination of Western imperialism and the emergence of new imperialist powers such as China, intensifies rapidly, and carries the risk of a third world war - waged to redivide the world. With the aggravation of the global crisis, the globalization of war becomes more likely. If we fail to stop this trend of globalization of wars , then this will inevitably mean that the world bourgeoisie will force a global, protracted, bloody civil war upon the world proletariat and the peoples. In the case where the world proletariat should not succeed in to prevent a new world war by the revolution, then the inevitable international civil war will be transformed in the world victorious dictatorship of the world proletariat. Our general policy expresses the shortest and most direct route of the socialist world revolution. It is the way towards world socialism through maximum possible avoiding victims. Therefore, the struggle of the world proletariat to world peace is an indispensable lever for the victory of world revolution. The struggle for world peace on Marxist-Leninist foundation - applied to the present conditions of globalization - is a central part of the general line of the Comintern / ML.

Imperialism is the root and the economic struggle for hegemonic world order is the source of the bourgeoisie of the imperialist war. Globalization of imperialism means globalizing imperialist power over the weapons for the purpose:

a) the globalized armed counter-revolution inwardly and

b) the globalized military subjugation and pillage outwardly.

The antagonistic conflict between the global imperialist relations of production and the material productive forces of the world's society is aggravating inevitably, especially in the course of imperialist wars. So it is the imperialist war, which destroys most rapidly the productive forces, and thus undermines radically the only source of the world-imperialist relations of production. And the result became visible by the October Revolution in Russia, where the socialist relations of production took the place of the capitalist relations of production. And the same thing will happen by means of the world socialist revolution. Crisis and war will be removed by means of the development of global socialist relations of production, which take the place of the globalized imperialist relations of production.

The globalized weapons of the capital, which serve the private ownership at the means of production, can not become united in a sustained manner. Imperialist weapons are ultimately doomed to defeat, because global defense of private property at the means of production means simultaneously its global destruction. The exploiting classes have the blood of the exploited classes on their hands; capitalism makes capitalists to beasts. ”The entire history of capital is one of violence and plunder, blood and corruption.” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 21, page 105, English edition)

But labor unites ! The global weapons of the proletariat will be united victoriously against the global weapons of capital. And with each victory against the common enemy, the world proletariat gets reinforcement by all oppressed and exploited classes of the world.

The mere presence of private ownership of the means of production is theft. And a globalized army which protects the growth of private property in less and less hands of a minority of the rich, this is nothing more than an army of bloody genocide. There is no capital without war for capital. The existence of world capital is impossible without world war. War is inherent in private property at the means of production. And the world proletariat conducts its class war with the aim to abolish the inevitability of wars for private ownership at the means of production.

The bourgeoisie weakens herself by the fact that she must conduct wars in the interests of the accumulation of world capital. And simultaneously her forces are tied at the counterrevolution against the world proletariat. This means a crucial test for the world bourgeoisie. And, indeed, history proved more than one time that the war among the capitalists weakens their forces, to such degree that they became vanquishable. Thus the imperialists place themselves in a critical state in which they give their own weapons into the hands of the world proletariat involuntarily , what makes the victory of the world proletariat not only possible but moreover inevitable.




4.

Marxism-Leninism is the guidance for our strategy and tactics against imperialist wars


Lenin:

Socialists have always condemned war between nations as barbarous and brutal. But our attitude towards war is fundamentally different from that of the bourgeois pacifists (supporters and advocates of peace) and of the Anarchists. We differ froth the former in that we understand the inevitable connection between wars and the class struggle within the country; we understand that war cannot be abolished unless classes are abolished and Socialism is created; and we also differ in that we fully regard civil wars, i.e., wars waged by the oppressed class against the oppressing class, slaves against slave-owners, serfs against land-owners, and wage-workers against the bourgeoisie, as legitimate, progressive and necessary. We Marxists differ from both the pacifists and the Anarchists in that we deem it necessary historically (from the standpoint of Marx’s dialectical materialism) to study each war separately.“ (Chapter I: „The Present War is An Imperialist War“)

The Comintern / ML is guided by Lenin's general-line of the Bolshevist tactics in the struggle against terrorism on the one hand and opportunism on the other hand :

Lenin:

At all events, we are convinced that the experience of revolution and counter-revolution in Russia has proved the correctness of our Party’s more than twenty-year struggle against terrorism as tactics. We must not forget, however, that this struggle was closely connected with a ruthless struggle against opportunism, which was inclined to repudiate the use of all violence by the oppressed classes against their oppressors. We have always stood for the use of violence in the mass struggle and in connection with it. Secondly, we linked the struggle against terrorism with many years of propaganda, started long before December 1905, for an armed uprising. We have regarded the armed uprising not only as the best means by which the proletariat can retaliate to the government’s policy, but also as the inevitable result of the development of the class struggle for socialism and democracy. Thirdly, we have not confined ourselves to accepting violence in principle and to propaganda for armed uprising. For example, four years before the revolution we supported the use of violence by the masses against their oppressors, particularly in street demonstrations. We sought to bring to the whole country the lesson taught by every such demonstration. We began to devote more and more attention to organizing sustained and systematic mass resistance against the police and the army, to winning over, through this resistance, as large as possible a part of the army to the side of the proletariat in its struggle against the government, to inducing the peasantry and the army to take a conscious part in this struggle. These are the tactics we have applied in the struggle against terrorism.” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 23, page 123, English edition)

It is not the business of Socialists to help the younger and stronger robber to rob the older and overgorged robbers. Socialists must take advantage of the struggle between the robbers to overthrow them all. To be able to do this, the Socialists must first of all tell the people the truth, namely, that this war is in a treble sense a war between slave-owners to fortify slavery. This is a war firstly, to fortify the enslavement of the colonies by means of a “fairer” distribution and subsequent more “concerted exploitation of them; secondly, to fortify the oppression of other nations within the “great” powers, for ...(they) maintain their rule only by such oppression, intensifying it by means of war; and thirdly, to fortify and prolong wage slavery, for the proletariat is split up and suppressed, while the capitalists gain, making fortunes out of the war, aggravating national prejudices and intensifying reaction, which has raised its head in all countries, even in the freest and most republican. (Lenin, collected works, Volume 21, The Attitude of Socialists Towards Wars, in: „Socialism and War“ - Chapter I: „War Between the Biggest Slave-Owners for Preserving and Fortifying Slavery“, English edition)

The character of the war (whether it is reactionary or revolutionary) does not depend on who the attacker was, or in whose country the 'enemy' is stationed; it depends on what class is waging the war, and on what politics this war is a continuation of. If the war is a reactionary, imperialist war, that is, if it is being waged by two world groups of the imperialists, rapacious, predatory, reactionary bourgeoisie, then every bourgeoisie (even of the smallest country) becomes a participant in the plunder, and my duty as a representative of the revolutionary proletariat is to prepare for the world proletarian revolution as the only escape from the horrors of a world slaughter. I must argue … from the point of view of my share in the preparation, in the propaganda, and in the acceleration of the world proletarian revolution. That is what internationalism means, and that is the duty of the internationalist“ (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 28, „Proletarian Revolution and Renegade Kautsky“, page 286 – 287, English version).

What is the Leninist definition of the imperialist war ?

"A war is certainly imperialist if both warring sides oppress foreign countries or nationalities, and are fighting for their share of the loot and for the right to "oppress and rob" more than the others." (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 26, Revision of the Party program, chapter IV)

Lenin put the fundamental question - the key issue - „the class character of the war:

What caused that war, what classes are waging it, and what historical and historic-economic conditions gave rise to it“ … „From the point of view of Marxism, that is, of modern scientific socialism, the main issue in any discussion by the socialists on how to assess the war and what attitude to adopt towards it is this: what is the war being waged for, and what classes staged and directed it. We Marxists do not belong to that category of people who are unqualified opponents of all war. We say: our aim is to achieve a socialist system of society, which, by eliminating the division of mankind into classes, by eliminating all exploitation of man by man and nation by nation, will inevitably eliminate the very possibility of war. But in the war to win that socialist system of society we are bound to encounter conditions under which the class struggle within each given nation may come up against a war between the different nations, a war conditioned by this very class struggle. Therefore we cannot rule out the possibility of revolutionary wars, i.e., wars arising from the class struggle, wars waged by revolutionary classes, wars which are of direct and immediate revolutionary significance“ (Lenin, Collected works, Volume 24, page 398 – 399, English version).

How, then, can we disclose and define the 'substance' of a war? War is the continuation of policy. Consequently, we must examine the policy pursued prior to the war, the policy that led to and brought about the war. If it was an imperialist policy, i.e., one designed to safeguard the interests of finance capital and rob and oppress colonies and foreign countries, then the war stemming from that policy is imperialist. If it was a national liberation policy, i.e., one expressive of the mass movement against national oppression, then the war stemming from that policy is a war of national liberation.“ (Lenin, collected works, Volume 23, page 33, English edition).


Concerning the relation between war and peace, Lenin said:

Peaceful alliances prepare the ground for wars, and in their turn grow out of wars; the one conditions the other, producing alternating forms of peaceful and non-peaceful struggle on one and the same basis of imperialist connections and relations within world economics and world politics. (Lenin, collected works, Volume 22, „Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism“, Chapter IX, page 295, English edition)

Lenin worked out the „Proposals Submitted by the Central Committee of the R.S.D.L.P. to the Second Socialist Conference“, in 1916:

1. Just as all war is but a continuation by violent means of the politics which the belligerent states and their ruling classes had been conducting for many years, sometimes for decades, before the outbreak of war, so the peace that ends any war can be nothing but a consideration and a record of the actual changes brought about in the relation of forces in the course of and as a result of the war.

2. As long as the foundations of present, i.e., bourgeois, social relations remain intact, an imperialist war can lead only to an imperialist peace, i.e., to greater, more extensive and more intense oppression of wreak nations and countries by finance capital, which grew to gigantic proportions not only in the period prior to the war, but also during the war. The objective content of the policies pursued by the bourgeoisie and the governments of both groups of Great Powers before and during the war leads to intensified economic oppression, national enslavement and political reaction. Therefore, provided the bourgeois social system remains,   the peace that follows upon the war, whatever its outcome, must perpetuate this worsening of the economic and political condition of the masses.

To assume that a democratic peace may emerge from an imperialist war is, in theory, to substitute vulgar phrases for an historical study of the policies conducted before and during that war. In practice, it is to deceive the masses of the people by beclouding their political consciousness, by covering up and prettifying the real policies pursued by the ruling classes to prepare the ground for the coming peace, by concealing from the masses the main thing, namely, that a democratic peace is impossible without a whole series of revolutions.

3. Socialists do not refuse to fight for reform. Even now, for example, they must vote in parliament for improvements, however slight, in the condition of the masses, for increased relief to the inhabitants of the devastated areas, for the lessening of national oppression, etc. But it is sheer bourgeois deception to preach reforms as a solution for problems for which history and the actual political situation demand revolutionary solutions ’That is precisely the kind of problems the present war has brought to the fore. These are the fundamental questions of imperialism, i.e., the very existence of capitalist society, the questions of postponing the collapse of capitalism by a re-division of the world to correspond to the new relation of forces among the “Great” Powers, which in the last few decades have developed, not only at fantastic speed, but—and this is particularly important—also with extreme unevenness. Real political activity working a change in the relation of social forces, and not merely deceiving the masses with words, is now possible only in one of two forms—either helping “one’s own” national bourgeoisie to rob other countries (and calling this “defense of the fatherland” or “saving the country”), or assisting the proletarian socialist revolution fostering and stirring up the ferment which is beginning among the masses in all the belligerent countries, aiding the incipient strikes and demonstrations, etc., extending and sharpening these as yet feeble expressions of revolutionary mass struggle into a general proletarian assault to overthrow the bourgeoisie.” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 22, pages 169 - 170 , English edition).


Stalin defined wars of the capitalists as an immanent part of the basic economic law of capitalism. He formulated roughly:

The securing of the maximum capitalist profit through the exploitation, ruin and impoverishment of the majority of the population of the given country, through the enslavement and systematic robbery of the peoples of other countries, especially backward countries, and, lastly, through wars and militarization of the national economy, which are utilized for the obtaining of the highest profits. (…) In seizing colonies, subjugating peoples and engineering wars, the magnates of modern monopoly capitalism are striving to secure (…) the maximum profit that is the motor of monopoly capitalism. It is precisely the necessity of securing the maximum profits that drives monopoly capitalism to such risky undertakings as the enslavement and systematic plunder of colonies and other backward countries, the conversion of a number of independent countries into dependent countries, the organization of new wars - which to the magnates of modern capitalism is the "business" best adapted to the extraction of the maximum profit - and, lastly, attempts to win world economic supremacy.” (Stalin, works, “Economic Problems of socialism in the USSR”, Moscow 1952, English edition).

Lenin:

The monopoly of modern finance capital is being frantically challenged; the era of imperialist wars has begun.” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 23, page 116, English edition)

Lenin:

Capital gains from the bankruptcy of a rival capitalist or of a rival  nation, because in this way capital becomes more concentrated. Hence the keener and “closer” economic competition becomes, i.e., the economic driving of a competitor towards bankruptcy, the more the capitalists strive to add military pressure in order to drive the competitor in that direction. The fewer the countries to which capital can still be exported as advantageously as to colonies or to such dependent states (…) the fiercer is the struggle for the subjugation and partition (…). That is what economic theory reveals about the period of finance capital and imperialism.” (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 21, The collapse of the Second International, pages 229 – 230, English edition)

Lenin:

Capitalism ... has developed the forces of production to such a degree that mankind is faced with the alternative of going over to Socialism or of suffering years and even decades of armed struggle between the “great” powers for the artificial preservation of capitalism by means of colonies, monopolies, privileges and national oppression of every kind.” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 21, The Attitude of Socialists Towards Wars, in: „Socialism and War“ - Chapter I, English edition)

Lenin:

The imperialist tendency towards big empires is fully achievable, and in practice is often achieved [underlined by the Comintern / ML], in the form of an imperialist alliance of sovereign and independent—politically independent—states. Such an alliance is possible and is encountered not only in the form of an economic merger of the finance capital of two countries, but also in the form of military “co-operation” in an imperialist war. National struggle, national insurrection, national secession   are fully “achievable” and are met with in practice under imperialism. They are even more pronounced, for imperialism does not halt the development of capitalism and the growth of democratic tendencies among the mass of the population. On the contrary, it accentuates the antagonism between their democratic aspirations and the anti-democratic tendency of the trusts.“ (Lenin, collected works, Volume 23, pages 50 – 51, English edition)

Lenin:

The question of war and peace hangs by a thread both in the West and in the Far East because two trends exist [underlined by the Comintern / ML]; one, which makes an alliance of all the imperialists inevitable; the other, which places the imperialists in opposition to each other – two trends, neither of which has any firm foundation.“ (Lenin, Collected Works, Volume 27, page 369, English edition).

Herewith, Lenin has discovered the universal law of the imperialist wars.

This universal law can be defined as follows:

The imperialist war is the inevitable periodic redistribution of world by the continuation of the imperialist policy by military means.

In other words:

The imperialist war is the inevitable sequel to the political struggle of the imperialists for world domination by military means.

Two tendencies determine the entire period of the imperialist wars over the redistribution of the world:

1. One trend is the redistribution of the world between various imperialist countries, or between their blocks, between superpowers, etc. They struggle against each other for world domination which is the essence of imperialist policy and imperialist wars.

Lenin:

The capitalists ... cannot help fighting if they want to preserve capitalism, for without a forcible redivision of colonies the new imperialist countries cannot obtain the privileges enjoyed by the older (and weaker) imperialist powers.” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 23, “Imperialism and the split in socialism”, page 114, English edition)

The competitive struggle for world domination is thereby triggered and driven by two opposing forces:

(a) the replacement of the spheres of influence of the one imperialists (alliances, blocks, super power, etc.) through the spheres of influence of the other imperialists (alliances, blocks, super power, etc.).

(b) the maintenance and defense of their own spheres of influence against those of the others.

2. The other, second trend "to get it all together", the "somehow" functioning of the imperialist world order; the trend of a "rough-and-ready consensus" for handling the redistribution of the world among the imperialists (by means of their secret diplomacy). It is an inherent necessity and in the common interest of all imperialists for avoiding the loss risk of the continued existence of the imperialist system as a whole. This trend is characterized in that the imperialists are forced to impose restrictions on themselves. Any transgression would be unavoidably dangerous not only for the existence of one or the other imperialists, but for the entire imperialist world order.

This second tendency grows rapidly through intensified conditions of war and crises and gains increasingly importance, namely to such a degree as the world proletariat and the peoples will strengthen the struggle for their liberation from world imperialism - in short, the second trend is gaining in importance with the degree of maturity of the socialist world revolution.

Both tendencies co-exist. They remain effective throughout the whole period in which the imperialist wars are inevitable.

The first tendency prevails in the initial stage, thus in the period of the rising power of world imperialism.

The second tendency prevails in the final stage, thus in the period in which all the imperialists are forced to desperate attempts for saving the decaying system of world imperialism.

The world proletariat and the peoples will learn to take advantage of the contradiction between both these tendencies, especially in regard of the present conditions of globalization.

The optimal utilization of the interaction of antagonistic contradictions of these two tendencies of imperialist war - this is the anti-imperialist tactics of Marxism-Leninism.

World imperialism is characterized by the antagonistic contradiction between these two tendencies, and is therefore unable to avoid imperialist wars, or to ensure lasting world peace.

Stalin:

For communism, ... these tendencies are but two sides of a single cause-the cause of the emancipation of the oppressed people from the yoke of imperialism; because communism knows that the union of peoples in a single world economic system is possible only in the basis of mutual confidence and voluntary agreement”. (Stalin, works, “The foundations of Leninism,” - Chapter IV, - “The National Question”, English edition)

This reflects the spirit of proletarian internationalism, namely the solidly united support of all forces of the anti-imperialist war. The anti-imperialist war of the oppressed and exploited peoples is an essential lever for the world socialist revolution. Why ?

The imperialist war has now assumed globalized forms, and has thus globally merged the liberation struggle of all peoples. Consequently, the (formerly narrowed) national context of the liberation wars could not remain unchanged. The universal law of Lenin is that the national character of the anti- imperialist war predominates in the early stage of its development. In the final phase of globalization, the revolutionary war against the imperialist war will be increasingly determined by the globalized elements. The globalization of the imperialist war also means the globalization of all forces against the imperialist war.

It is the connection of the world-proletarian anti-war front with the front of the national liberation war of the oppressed and exploited peoples towards a united world front against the imperialist war, through which the universal law of anti-imperialist war will be successfully put into practice.

The contradiction between oppressing and oppressed nations can not be resolved within the framework of world capitalism - neither peaceful nor warlike. Nations can only co-exist peacefully in socialism, if socialism has been victorious on a world scale. All this does not go off without a class war, is a question of the revolutionary armed struggle. The whole history of nations is a history of armed struggle of classes.

Stalinism-Hoxhaism determines both the universal law of imperialist war and the universal law of anti-imperialist war as a reflection of the objective processes of the global class struggle, which are taking place independently of the will of the people. This does not mean that we would have no influence on the replacement of the one by the other universal law. Of course, we can learn to control these laws, that is, restricting and weakening the effects of universal law of the imperialist wars, on the one hand, and to promote and strengthen the universal law of the anti-imperialist war, on the other hand. The victory of our struggle for world socialism depends on how far we succeed in harmonizing our struggle for socialism with the universal law of anti-imperialist war.

But what is the universal law of the anti-imperialist war ?

We derive the universal law of anti-imperialist war from Lenin's universal law of the imperialist war - in a reverse conclusion - as follows:

The anti-imperialist war is a war against the inevitable periodic redistribution of the imperialist world by continuing the struggle of all anti-imperialist forces by military means - generally.

The anti-imperialist war of the world proletariat is the inevitable sequel to the political struggle of the world proletariat for world domination by military means - in particular.

The anti-imperialist war is the war to abolish the inevitability of imperialist redivision of the world, is the martial form of the transformation of the imperialist redistribution of the world into a socialist distribution of the world.

Two trends determine the entire period of the anti-imperialist wars:

The first trend:

The awakening of the proletarian struggle against the imperialist war in the various imperialist countries and the incipient anti-imperialist liberation war of the various peoples in the colonies, semi-colonies and dependent countries. The anti-imperialist war of socialism "in one country", defense of socialism in the homeland; military support for both the anti-war struggle of the proletariat and the people in the oppressed countries, who have been driven into the war. The breaking through the imperialist chain and breaking away the weakest chain-link. The unification of the proletariat, the poor peasants and the soldiers of one nation against the unification of the foreign and domestic imperialists. Victory of socialist revolution "in one" country, emerged from the anti-imperialist war.

The second trend:

The anti-imperialist war becomes an inevitable side effect of the collapse of world imperialism. The global collapse of world imperialism encompasses an entire world-historical era, an era of various wars and revolutions - the imperialist wars, the civil war, the complexity of these and of those wars on a global scale, national wars, liberation wars of the nationalities. The imperialists transform the institutions of the United Nations into instruments of their predatory war aims; they form various global groupings, massive state capitalist trusts and syndicates, global military alliances and special counter-revolutionary units. This era is an era of tremendous crashes, military decisions with global consequences, an era of crises of global nature. From this develops the proletarian world-front against the imperialist war. The global front of the peoples against the imperialist war awakes. The anti-war-front of the world proletariat unites with the Peoples Liberation Front to a global invincible alliance. Workers, peasants and soldiers, they will all unite globally - for preventing, respectively, for ending and eliminating imperialist wars. The world-imperialist war turns into the global civil war. The entire chain of war of world imperialism will break to pieces. The economic and military forces of the world imperialists will be exhausted some day. The global imperialist capitulation is inescapable. The world proletariat will disarm the world bourgeoisie. The second trend is crowned by the victory of the socialist world revolution.

The first tendency prevails in the initial stage, the second trend in the final phase of the era of the anti-imperialist war.

Contrary to the two antagonistic tendencies of the universal law of imperialist wars, the universal law of the anti-imperialist war is effective by means of the non-antagonistic interaction of both its tendencies.

For us communists, these two trends are only two sides of the same thing, thus overcoming and then abolition of the inevitability of imperialist wars. Because we communists know that the peoples can emancipate themselves only by peaceful means and jointly create conditions for the communist world. The world of peoples can not be peaceful, can not be communist, while there is still the danger of war in the world.

An alleged "world socialism", in which the one socialist country wages war against the other socialist country, can never be a genuine world socialism. And vice versa: A socialist country that does not primarily serve to world peace by all means, can never be a genuine peace-loving socialist country.

The nature of the struggle of the unpropertied proletariat is revolutionary- destructive in capitalism, while the workers, in socialism, struggle like a propertied class. The armed world proletariat struggles for the global protection of the socialist relations of production.

In the epoch of world socialism the armed world proletariat will protect not only the own ownership but also, protects the world-ownership of the peoples. Only the armed world proletariat is capable to abolish its own property and thus every ownership all over the world. And this includes ultimately the abolition of its own arming and of any ownership of weapons.

The violent action for maintaining the contradiction between capital and labor comes from the armed class struggle of the bourgeoisie. From this the proletariat derives the violent counter-action for the liberation of the productive forces from the shackles of the capitalist relations of production, thus the revolutionary abolition of the capitalist contradiction between capital and labor. With the armed class struggle, the proletariat can not emancipate itself without abolishing its former living conditions. The armed struggle of the proletariat class is only the execution of the judgment which the private property has imposed on itself, because the private property has produced the proletariat. In contrast, the armed private property is the violent penal system which the wage-labor has imposed on itself, by generating the wealth of the bourgeoisie and the own misery.

Lenin quotes Marx and Engels (“Conspectus of the book “The Holy Family”):

When the proletariat is victorious, it by no means becomes the absolute side of society for it is victorious only by abolishing itself and its opposite. Then the proletariat disappears as well as the opposite which determines it, private property.” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 38, “Philosophical Notebooks, page 27, English edition). This expresses the dialectics of the unity of the opposites of the armed struggle between the proletariat and bourgeoisie, between civil war and imperialist war.

This can also be applied to the arming of the proletariat which disappears as well as the opposite which determines it, the private property at the weapons.

It is the dialectical transformation of the imperialist war into its opposite – thus the anti-imperialist war, the civil war. It is the “qualitative leap” from the old imperialist society of wars and the emergence of the world-socialist society without imperialist wars.





5.

The peace policy of Comrade Stalin

- Cornerstone of Stalinism and a vital part of the general-line of the Comintern / ML



The peace policy of the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin was the crucial leverage against the war policy and the wars of imperialism, launched the beginning of the socialist world revolution. The peace policy of Comrade Stalin was not only the indispensable basis for the construction of the socialist camp and the world of communism in the Soviet Union, but also a basis for the creation of the inevitability of anti-imperialist world peace. Stalinism was the victorious banner for the achievement of world peace under the conditions of socialism "in one" country and the world socialist camp. The Stalinist peace served the progress of the proletarian, socialist world revolution. The peace policy of Stalin includes the victory of the civil war of the world proletariat, which would inevitably follow from a new imperialist world war.

Stalin taught:

As the English workers in the years 1918-1919, during the armed attack of the English bourgeoisie on the Soviet Union, organized their struggle against the war under the slogan "Hands off Russia!", was a support, it was above all a support of the struggle of their own people for peace, and then, also, a support of the Soviet Union. (...) The special quality of the present support is thus explained, that the interests of our Party are not only not against the interests of the peace-loving people, but on the contrary, blend with them. (Stormy applause.) Where the Soviet Union is concerned, its interest in the matter of world peace cannot be separated from the cause of peace in the whole world.” (Stalin, Volume 16, Speech, held on the 19th Party Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, 14 October, 1952, English edition)

Those, who try to put the Stalinist policy of peace in contrast to the role of the fatherland of the world proletariat, are anti-Stalinists.

Those who try to separate the Great Patriotic War from the center of the world revolution are not proletarian internationalists.

Those who cast doubt on Stalinism, this instrument for the abolition of the inevitability of imperialist wars, are defenders of maintaining the status quo of the inevitability of the imperialist wars.

All these elements - whether they like it or not - are lackeys of the social-imperialist and imperialist warmongers, are social-chauvinists, nationalists, whatever you want but no Stalinists !

Stalinism is the doctrine of the victory of the proletariat in the transition to world socialism. Equipped with the weapon of Stalinism, the dictatorship of the proletariat gained an international victory over the fascist dictatorship the bourgeoisie! The proletarian armies have historically demonstrated that they are steeled, disciplined, that they are ready to sacrifice more than any imperialist armies. There were millions of peasants who have struggled heroically at the side of the proletariat. And finally, there were soldiers of the imperialist armies, who have changed sides and fought for the world revolution. The militant alliance of the proletariat, peasants and soldiers has brought about the victory of the October Revolution, has proven successful in the subsequent civil war, has proved to be invincible in the Great Patriotic War - will be absolutely essential for the overthrow of world imperialism - all this teaches the Stalinism. Stalinism in the present struggle for world revolution, that is, to establish the world-proletarian army consisting of the detachments of the proletarians of all countries, detachments of the friendly peasants of all countries and of rebellious, revolutionized soldiers, recruited from the detachments of the world imperialist army. Hammer, sickle and gun - united on a global scale - this is the invincible combination of weapons which guarantee the overthrow of world imperialism and the abolition of imperialist wars.

Stalinism practically proved that the victory is impossible without utilization of the enemies' weapons, and without taking advantage of the weaknesses and contradictions within the imperialist world camp.

Stalinism teaches that the world imperialism was unable, to defeat the socialist proletariat and its allies on the open battlefield. The proletarian weapons triumphed over the weapons of the bourgeoisie. However, it was the world-imperialist agents within the camp of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the modern revisionists, who finally defeated and disarmed the world proletariat.

We Stalinists argue:

with the Great Patriotic War, Stalin continued successfully the world revolution, and thus he kept the work up which began with Marx, Engels and Lenin.

The Great Patriotic War was a specific form of the advanced process of the world revolution. In the specific historical conditions, Stalin transformed the second imperialist world war into an anti-imperialist world war.

The Great Patriotic War was a special international form of the Bolshevist revolution - with the aim and result of the victory of the socialist world camp.

The Great Patriotic War was a special form of struggle for the transformation of the first period of socialism to the second period of socialism.

The Great Patriotic War was a world-revolutionary war, which paved the way towards world socialism.

Stalinism is thus the further development of the doctrine of the socialist world revolution, the transformation of its national forms into international forms, and thus it was the continuation of the October Revolution on a qualitatively higher, on an international scale. In our general-line we emphasize explicitly the internationalist character of the Great Patriotic War to draw the necessary demarcation, from people who abuse and reduce Stalinism as figurehead for their Russian great-power chauvinism. The great, everlasting merits of the Soviet peoples, their glorious heroism, their highest internationalist consciousness, their confidence of victory and their strongest willingness of making sacrifices for the defeat of Hitler-fascism – all these great socialist features were the precondition for the victory of the Great Patriotic War, which justifies completely the correctness of the term of the “Great Patriotic War”. In no way, Soviet patriotism may be put in contrast to its internationalist character.

The opportunists not only criticize the Soviet non-aggression pact with Nazi Germany, but also Stalin's anti-Hitler coalition with the Anglo-American imperialism during World War II. in contrast, here the following arguments:

firstly, this was not a coalition in the sense of "association of like-minded", but a deal with enemies of communism, which was based on the 5 correct Marxist-Leninist principles of peaceful coexistence;

secondly, it is well-known that this agreement was ratified not before but during the Second World War ;

thirdly, this was a fair agreement for uniting and strengthening the forces in war against Hitler's fascism;

fourthly, Stalin did never appeal for unification with the bourgeoisie, neither towards the workers nor towards the oppressed peoples;

fifthly, Stalin supported the peoples against the fascist occupiers and against traitors who sabotaged the national and social liberation struggle;

sixthly: neither Stalin nor any Communist Party cherished illusions about the true goals of the United States and Britain, who were urged by the Soviet Union to fight against fascism.

The doctrine of the revolutionary liberation of the peoples from Hitler fascism - this is an internationalist doctrine, has internationalist character, because it was created by comrade Stalin, the leader of the world proletariat. The Great Patriotic War was a war, which was waged by the homeland of the world proletariat, by the center of the world revolution. To defend Stalinism today, that is: The world proletariat draws its strength from the immortal victory of the Great Patriotic War, to use it as a guide for the world-revolutionary struggle against imperialist wars, and finally to crown the victory of the Great Patriotic War with the victory of the Great Socialist World Revolution.

The significance of the teachings of the Great Patriotic War for the general-line of the Comintern / ML is that these teachings are not only the basis for the victory of the anti-imperialist war, on a global scale, but also a guarantee of the victory in one's own country. The victory in the Great Patriotic War created favorable conditions for all the peoples all over the world for their own liberation. The anti-imperialist liberation war and the people's revolution in Albania were, and still are, a great model for the world proletariat.

As for the peace policy of the USSR, Stalin emphasized in his report on the results of the XIII. Congress of the RCP (B) in the field of foreign relations:

that the congress has bound the Party to continue its policy of peace, its policy of determined struggle against another war, of ruthlessly exposing each and every advocate and abettor of new armaments and new conflicts.” (Stalin, works, Volume 6, pp. 246-273 , chapter: “Foreign Affairs”, English edition).

And in his report to the XVII. Party Congress, Stalin pointed to the four cornerstones of the peace struggle of the USSR:

It can hardly be doubted that a second war against the U.S.S.R. will lead to the complete defeat of the aggressors, to revolution in a number of countries in Europe and in Asia, and to the destruction of the bourgeois-landlord governments in those countries. While the bourgeoisie chooses the path of war, the working class in the capitalist countries, brought to despair by four years of crisis and unemployment, is beginning to take the path of revolution. This means that a revolutionary crisis is maturing and will continue to mature. And the more the bourgeoisie becomes entangled in its war schemes, the more frequently it resorts to terrorist methods of fighting against the working class and the laboring peasantry, the more rapidly will the revolutionary crisis develop.

What did the U.S.S.R. rely on in this difficult and complicated struggle for peace?

a) On its growing economic and political might.

b) On the moral support of the vast masses of the working class of all countries, who are vitally interested in the preservation of peace.

c) On the prudence of those countries which for one motive or another are not interested in disturbing the peace, and which want to develop trade relations with such a punctual client as the U.S.S.R.

d) Finally — on our glorious army, which stands ready to defend our country against assaults from without.” (Stalin, works, Volume 13, “Report to the Seventeenth Party Congress on the Work of the Central Committee of the C.P.S.U.(B.)”, January 26, 1934, English edition)

Stalin defended the results of the peace policy of the USSR in his speech delivered at a meeting of the Joint Plenum of the Central Committee and the Central Control Commission of the C.P.S.U.(B.) :

We are not at war in spite of the repeated prophecies of Zinoviev and others—that is the fundamental fact in face of which all the hysterics of our opposition are of no avail. And this is important for us, because only under peace conditions can we promote the building of socialism in our country at the rate that we desire.

The aim of our foreign policy, if one has in mind diplomatic relations with bourgeois states, is to maintain peace. What we have achieved is that, in spite of the capitalist encirclement, in spite of the hostile activities of the capitalist governments, in spite of the provocative sorties … - in spite of all this, we have not allowed ourselves to be provoked and have succeeded in defending the cause of peace.” (Stalin, works, Volume 10, October 23, 1927, “The Trotskyist Opposition Before and Now”, chapter VII, English edition).

Simultaneously, Stalin fought against the dangerous illusions which have been spread under the guise of the peace policy of socialism “in one” country. He raised always the awareness and vigilance of the world proletariat over the fact that the inevitability of wars, both between capitalist countries and between capitalist countries and socialist countries, remains in force. With his policy of peace, the proletariat must not bury its armed struggle against the bourgeoisie, because peace is only a breathing space between the imperialist wars, as long as these remain inevitable. Only with the overthrow of world imperialism, the inevitability of imperialist wars will be eliminated. Before this, you cannot speak about the final peace of mankind - that was the general-line of Stalin. And this general line of Stalin, the peace policy of the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin, must necessarily be followed by the world proletariat on the road to world socialism. All other roads lead into the arms of world imperialism and thus to imperialist wars and to death.

Stalin:

The inevitability of wars between capitalist countries remains in force.

It is said that Lenin's thesis that imperialism inevitably generates war must now be regarded as obsolete, since powerful popular forces have come forward today in defense of peace and against another world war. That is not true.

The object of the present-day peace movement is to rouse the masses of the people to fight for the preservation of peace and for the prevention of another world war. Consequently, the aim of this movement is not to overthrow capitalism and establish socialism - it confines itself to the democratic aim of preserving peace. In this respect, the present-day peace movement differs from the movement of the time of the First World War for the conversion of the imperialist war into civil war, since the latter movement went farther and pursued socialist aims.

It is possible that in a definite conjuncture of circumstances the fight for peace will develop here or there into a fight for socialism. But then it will no longer be the present-day peace movement; it will be a movement for the overthrow of capitalism.

What is most likely is that the present-day peace movement, as a movement for the preservation of peace, will, if it succeeds, result in preventing a particular war, in its temporary postponement, in the temporary preservation of a particular peace, in the resignation of a bellicose government and its super-session by another that is prepared temporarily to keep the peace. That, of course, will be good. Even very good. But, all the same, it will not be enough to eliminate the inevitability of wars between capitalist countries generally. It will not be enough, because, for all the successes of the peace movement, imperialism will remain, continue in force - and, consequently, the inevitability of wars will also continue in force.

To eliminate the inevitability of war, it is necessary to abolish imperialism.“ (Stalin, works, Economic problems of socialism in the USSR, chapter: 6. Inevitability of Wars Between Capitalist Countries, English edition)

Stalin has never considered or practiced the struggle against war and fascism, as an end in itself. He always applied the struggle for peace and democracy as a lever of the world revolution, as an immanent part of the overthrow the world bourgeoisie and the establishment of the dictatorship of the world proletariat. For Stalin, the connection of anti-imperialist and anti-fascist war (particularly the anti-fascist unity-front!!) with socialism was always the main thing. Stalin has always subjected the struggle for peace and democracy to the struggle for socialism - and not vice versa, as the modern revisionists preach it. Stalin attached much importance to the people's struggle for peace and democracy. For him, this was a massive bulwark against the aggression of world imperialism. However, primarily, he considered this as an inexhaustible source for the recruitment and mobilization of new socialist forces for the overthrow of capitalism. It is no coincidence that Stalin's very last speech (to the XIX. Congress, October 14, 1952) ended with the slogans: "Long live the peace between the peoples! Down with the arsonists of war!” This slogan was primarily aimed at the Anglo-American imperialists. They started the Cold War against the USSR with the end of the Second World War.

The inevitability of imperialist wars exists as long as the world imperialism dominates the world. This is closely related to the basic law of uneven development of the imperialist countries.

Stalin:

It is said that the contradictions between capitalism and socialism are stronger than the contradictions among the capitalist countries. Theoretically, of course, that is true. It is not only true now, today; it was true before the Second World War. And it was more or less realized by the leaders of the capitalist countries. Yet the Second World War began not as a war with the U.S.S.R., but as a war between capitalist countries. Why? Firstly, because war with the U.S.S.R., as a socialist land, is more dangerous to capitalism than war between capitalist countries; for whereas war between capitalist countries puts in question only the supremacy of certain capitalist countries over others, war with the U.S.S.R. must certainly put in question the existence of capitalism itself. Secondly, because the capitalists, although they clamor, for "propaganda" purposes, about the aggressiveness of the Soviet Union, do not themselves believe that it is aggressive, because they are aware of the Soviet Union's peaceful policy and know that it will not itself attack capitalist countries.” (Stalin, Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR , 6. Inevitability of Wars Between Capitalist Countries, written 1951 ).

The invincible Soviet Union of the great Lenin and Stalin showed to the world proletariat that socialism has defeated world imperialism successfully. And socialism has impressively demonstrated how to withstand the world imperialism - even as a small country like the brave Albania of Enver Hoxha. Today there is no longer the two co-existing antagonistic formations of society. The contradiction between the old formation of the socialist and capitalist world camp does not exist any more . The general-line of the Comintern / ML states that we have to lead the struggle for peace without the existence of a single socialist country, under the conditions of globalized wars of world imperialism. The world situation is characterized by war and fascism. The Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin, the world socialist camp and the last bastion of peace in the world, the socialist Albania, were vandalized, and the world plunged down of the deepest darkness of world reaction. Under the leadership of the Comintern /ML, the world proletariat must take advantage of the objective process of the self-destructive, decaying rule of the world-bourgeoisie, on the one hand, and on its own world-revolutionary force, on the other hand:

First:

It is the world bourgeoisie herself, who perishes in her own predatory wars; who totally expends her energies in her countless wars, who weakens herself due to the growing demoralization of her armed forces, because of her never ending defeats, who totally expends her energies for the transformation of the world into a society of globalized militarism and fascism, because of her excessive indebtedness of military spending, because of the necessity of producing always new technical, expensive weapons systems, the efforts for war production, the dependence of involving armed forces from every country of the world, the inner contradictions of interests between the super powers and the other imperialist "Great" powers, the national bourgeoisie, the petty bourgeoisie, etc., etc. The more complex and complicate the world system of exploitation and oppression, the more contradictions will arise and the more vulnerable and fragile it will be. The world bourgeoisie has twice brought herself to the brink of self-destruction through two world wars - with serious consequences for her own world rule. One needs to be no great prophet, to realize that the world bourgeoisie is digging her own grave deeper and deeper with every military adventure, with every new imperialist war.

Second:

The more the proletariat and poor peasants of all countries are suppressed simultaneously through militarism outwardly and fascism inwardly , the greater their resistance struggle is not only domestically, but on a global scale. It is the world bourgeoisie, which brings together involuntarily the forces against the imperialist wars, against reaction and fascism. This helps us Communists to mobilize and to organize the peace forces under the leadership of the world proletariat on a world scale. What is a military “punitive expedition” against a disobedient government, a war with a few "terrorists" or with an unruly, rebellious dictator in this or that country, in comparison with a global class warfare against the entire world proletariat inclusively all its allies ? The power of the world bourgeoisie will collapse like a house of cards and crumble to dust when the world proletarian army enters the war theater.

We are dealing today with a globalized system of war mongers, with the warmongers No. 1 at the top - the American imperialism. What does it mean in regard to the principles of Leninism-Stalinism in the question of the inevitability of wars between capitalist countries? Who can and will now take advantage of this global contradiction in the capitalist camp in order to destroy it - without a strong Soviet Union of Stalin, without a socialist Albania of Enver Hoxha ?

The Comintern / ML advocates the thesis that only a Communist International is able to apply the Stalinist-Hoxhaist policy of world peace to the globalized conditions of today. The slogan to utilize the contradictions between the capitalist countries, to defeat the capitalist world in order to eliminate the inevitability of war, that is the slogan of the Comintern / ML: "world proletariat - unite all countries against the imperialist war !" Struggle for world peace is based on international class struggle. We conduct our war against the imperialist war, with the aim of the victory of world revolution. It's not just about the actual peace in this or that country without touching the further existence of capitalist system. Moreover, it is our goal to create a world of peace, by which the inevitability of recurring imperialist wars is eliminated for all time, thus the complete destruction of world imperialism. Only with the revolutionary perspective of the removal of world imperialism the struggle for peace will cease to be a pacifistic illusion or a "revolutionary" phrase.

Lenin and Stalin have taught us: the peace (peaceful coexistence) is an indispensable prerequisite for the building of socialism in “one” country. The Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin, and then the socialist world camp, was the strongest bulwark for defense of world peace. Peace is not only a reprieve between the wars, but a necessary period to prepare the coming world revolution. Peaceful coexistence in the sense of Stalinism was nothing but creating favorable conditions for the victory of socialism on a world scale, what is impossible to achieve - without the victory of the world proletariat. After the collapse of world domination of the bourgeoisie and through the establishment of world socialism, peaceful coexistence between two different formations of society is not needed any more. This is the logical conclusion of the teachings of Lenin and Stalin in regard of the peaceful coexistence. The unrestricted, nearly absolute world domination of capitalism has abolished all those conditions that still existed in the first period of socialism, thus the peaceful coexistence of states with opposite formations of society. In regard of the current globalization world-capitalism can nothing but directly be transformed into world socialism. Though it is the globalized world economy, the global mode of production, by which the peaceful existence of states with antagonistic formations of society became impossible - so it is finally the globalization of productive forces by which the door will be opened to the epoch of world socialism. If the mode of production is already globally organized, then it is impossible to restore the former mode of production as it was valid for states with different formations of society. Consequently, there can be no peaceful coexistence, neither in the globalized capitalism nor in the globalized socialism. The existence of a socialist state in a globalized capitalist economic system is as impossible as a capitalist state in a globalized socialist economic system. The restoration of capitalism created conditions for the complete globalization of capital. The full globalization of capital in turn creates the conditions for the globalization of socialism and thus the restoration of socialism on its higher, global level of development. This transformation can not be accomplished by peaceful means. The elimination of the inevitability of the redivision of the world capitalist rule is impossible without armed struggle of the world proletariat.

Victory or defeat of the anti-imperialist wars decide on the prolongation of the period of the old world or the creation of the new world. That is the meaning of the question of today's anti-imperialist war.

To survey the actual strength of the world proletariat, there is no other way than the armed socialist world revolution, the revolutionary global civil war, the class war between the world army of the proletariat and the world army of the bourgeoisie. So, just as the imperialist war directly and inevitably emanates from the globalized capitalist relations of production, it will end up directly and inevitably in the globalized socialization of the means of production. Just as the imperialist war will be transformed into an anti-imperialist war, the globalized, capitalist relations of production will be changed into globalized, socialist relations of production. This is fully consistent with the historical teachings of Marxism-Leninism: The imperialist Second World War was transformed into an anti-imperialist war and ended with the creation of socialist relations of production in the newly formed Stalinist World Camp.







6.

Let's stand up for the glorious Hoxhaist banner of the anti-imperialist war !


Based on the correct general-line of Stalin and the Comintern, the PLA developed its own victorious strategy and tactics of the anti-imperialist war, applied to the particular conditions of the country. In the period of fascist occupation the general-line of the Communist Party of Albania was: "National liberation of Albanian from fascism !”

The armed uprising against fascism was the only real and reliable political line. The establishment of the National Liberation Army was the main chain link of the armed struggle. Without a real people's army which would be able to attack the enemy relentlessly, and to destroy its military and political apparatus - the armed uprising would be unthinkable - the country could not be liberated - the independence could not be achieved - and a people's democratic government could not be built. The National Liberation Army emerged from the rapid development of guerrilla warfare, and was organized and guided by the CPA with Enver Hoxha at the head. On specific condition of Albania, the armed uprising was not a single, nonrecurring outbreak, but took place in form of an ongoing, relentless, armed people's resistance. The Albanian National Liberation struggle was part of the anti-fascist World War II, based on the military alliance of the anti-fascist coalition. In this anti-fascist coalition, the Soviet Union of Stalin played an international leading role, and the liberation movements of other Balkan peoples played also a significant role, especially their cooperation against the common enemy. The key external factor of the historic victory of the Albanian people was, of course, the Great Patriotic War of the Soviet Union and its great victory over fascism. The glorious Red Army created excellent conditions with its victory over Nazi-Germany that the Albanian people got up as one man, so that Albania achieved full national independence by its heroic struggle, and established the People's Power.

The National Liberation Councils who were formed in the process of the liberation struggle, represented the democratic dictatorship of the revolutionary forces, both in content of classes and according to their tasks - and under the direct and sole guidance of the Communist Party. The victory of the people's revolution led to the complete liberation from fascism in Albania on November 29, 1944. The working class played the leading role in the national liberation struggle. The working class implemented its leading role through the CPA which was the inspirer, organizer and leader of the victorious Anti-Fascist National Liberation struggle. Already before the end of the liberation war, the political power was in the hands of the CPA. The peasantry was the main source and main armed force of the national liberation struggle, the most solid ally of the working class and the CPA. With the struggle for the reconstruction of war-torn country, the Albanian working class under the leadership of the CPA moved forward to the victorious socialist revolution. Finally, this was the way, how Albania has successfully transformed the anti-imperialist war into the socialist revolution and construction of socialism.

Enver Hoxha:

"If the imperialist war of aggression can not be prevented, it will be the task of the revolutionists and the proletariat, to transform it into a war of liberation."

And, indeed, the Albanian people and the Albanian Communists opposed courageously the Nazi-occupiers and their lackeys in Albania, and then they transformed the imperialist war successfully into a revolutionary war of liberation.

The special meaning of the Albanian anti-fascist and anti-imperialist war consisted in this that it took place within the framework of a national liberation war, whereas it was internationalist in terms of content and character - because the Communist party has played the key role within this war. In regard of the globalized conditions of today, it is the Communist International who will assume increasingly the role of the leader of the antifascist-anti-imperialist war.

In the question of war and peace, the Party of Lab our of Albania supported the peoples, the proletarians of all countries, the revolutionaries, in their revolutionary struggle against the war – in the spirit of proletarian internationalism. Above all, the PLA fought against the wars of the two superpowers and the local monopoly bourgeoisie, who supported their war. The PLA ascertained that the same political, economic and social causes that have led to the outbreak of the former imperialist wars further exist in their entirety. However, the imperialist competition and rivalry at the world markets and the plundering of nations increased even more,

first, by the restoration of the economy of the imperialist and capitalist countries which were destroyed during the Second World War - (especially with the help of U.S. imperialism) - and

second, through arrival in power of revisionism and the restoration of capitalism in the Soviet Union. This has led to a second center of imperialism, to aggression and international counter-revolution - and a new, dangerous hotbed of global contradictions and tensions arose.

Enver Hoxha:

When the superpowers fail to achieve their predatory interests through economic, ideological and diplomatic means, when the contradictions become exacerbated to the most acute level, when the agreements and reforms. prove unable to resolve these contradictions, then the war between them begins.

The imperialist superpowers (...) will remain imperialist and warmongering, and if not today, tomorrow they will plunge the world into a great nuclear war.“ (Enver Hoxha: „Imperialism and Revolution“, English edition).

"The superpowers are the main enemy of socialism, freedom and independence of nations - individually or jointly to the same extent and at the same level -, they are the largest force in defense of the systems of oppressors and exploiters. The danger of a third world war mainly emanates from them." (Enver Hoxha: „Report to the VII. Party Congress“, English edition).

The PLA fought against both who prepared the war - the United States and the Soviet Union - , against both NATO and the Warsaw Treaty as the two rival aggressive instruments of war. The PLA united all the factors that opposed the imperialist powers and their preparations for war. The PLA tried to isolate the superpowers as far as possible, and made use of the inter-imperialist contradictions in favor of the revolution and the liberation of the peoples.

The PLA was against the views of the modern revisionists who rejected the necessity of the revolutionary and national liberation in the struggle for the prevention of a war. The modern revisionists favored the reconciliation of classes, made concessions to the enemies and surrendered to them. In particular, the PLA disagreed with the Chinese revisionists, who planted doubts in the strong forces of socialism, the world proletariat and the peoples. Allegedly, these forces would be unable to prevent a world war. The PLA applied to the Stalinist theory that the world proletariat and the peoples of the world can prevent the aggressive world war by all means. They are absolutely strong enough to prevent the imperialists and social imperialists from putting the world on fire.

In its revolutionary struggle against the war, the proletariat, whose leadership is unchallenged, relies on the anti-imperialist struggle of the oppressed and exploited peoples. That was always the Leninist revolutionary attitude of the PLA.

The Vll. Party Congress of the PLA argued unconditionally for the support of the peoples and their liberation wars. Comrade Enver Hoxha emphasized:

With all their great power and wealth, with all their modern means of warfare, the superpowers are not able to subjugate the peoples and countries, even small ones, if the latter are determined to fight to the end and make any sacrifice. It confirmed the thesis that freedom and independence are won and defended with the gun, through struggle, that the strategy of the national liberation people's war is a strategy that ensures victory.

The proletariat, all those who are for the revolution and socialism, must closely link their struggle with the struggle of the peoples for freedom and independence. This can be done only by resolutely struggling against the bourgeoisie of one's own country, by struggling against imperialism and predatory war. This is also the most effective and direct aid the proletariat can give the liberation movement of the peoples.”

The People's Republic of Albania does not accept and publicly exposes the so-called theory about the need to preserve the «balance between the superpowers» as a condition or a basis to avoid war and defend peace.”

Our Party upholds the thesis that both when the superpowers work together and when they quarrel, it is others who pay the bill. The collusion and rivalry between the superpowers are the two sides of the one contradictory reality, important expressions of the same imperialist strategy, to rob the peoples of their freedom and to dominate the world. They pose the same danger, therefore the two superpowers are the main and greatest enemies of the peoples. That is why one must never rely on one imperialism to fight or escape from the other.”

We must base ourselves on the mobilization and strength of the peoples, on the unity of all those who want to throw off the imperialist-revisionist yoke. We stand for the unity of the world proletariat and all the true anti-imperialist and progress-loving forces who, through their struggle, will smash the aggressive plans of the imperialist and social-imperialist war-mongers.

Consistent in their Marxist-Leninist line, the Party of Lab our of Albania and the Albanian people have been and are against the two superpowers, against predatory imperialist war, against the monopoly bourgeoisie and international reaction. Therefore, in the future, too, they will spare no effort and will fight, together with all the other anti-imperialist and anti-social-imperialist peoples, with all the Marxist-Leninist parties, all the revolutionaries and the world proletariat, all progressive people, to foil the plans and manoeuvrings of the enemies and ensure the triumph of the cause of the freedom and security of the peoples.

At every moment our country will be found standing beside all those peoples whose freedom and independence are threatened and whose rights are violated. We have repeatedly declared this stand, and not just in good times, but in dangerous times as well ; the peoples of the world can be sure that socialist Albania is with them and fears no sacrifice.” (Enver Hoxha, Report to the VII. Party Congress of the PLA, chapter V: “The international situation and the foreign policy of the PRA”; English edition, Tirana 1976)


The Comintern / ML defends unconditionally this correct Hoxhaist anti-imperialist line also in regard against the social-imperialist China - the new superpower of today.

The Chinese revisionists - the Maoists - began systematically to replace the Soviet social-imperialist superpower with support of the US-imperialism. The Maoists tried to justify their social-imperialist and social-fascist ambitions of world domination with Marxist-Leninist phraseology. Albania refused to do the Maoists' dirty work and proceeded in the principled Marxist-Leninist struggle against both the superpowers, USA and USSR. Later on, also the Chinese revisionists dropped their "peace" mask and reared their ugly, social-imperialist head. The Maoists created their so called "Three-World-Theory", to deceive the socialist Albania, to deceive the Marxist-Leninist world movement, the world proletariat and the peace-loving peoples. The Maoists needed their "Three-World-Theory" for the implementation of their aggressive, warmongering plans.


With the defeat of the socialist Albania - the last socialist bastion - , the conditions for the strategy and tactics of the struggle against imperialist war have changed fundamentally. There is no socialist country any more against which the imperialists could wage a war. The socialist countries as the strongest bulwark for world peace do not exist any more. This means:

firstly: Without the presence of socialist countries, the world imperialists uninhibitedly wage their wars a lot easier.

secondly: Without the presence of a socialist country, the world-imperialist, counterrevolutionary forces crack down on the communist world movement a lot easier.

thirdly: Without the presence of socialist countries, the world-imperialists crush down the liberation wars of the peoples a lot easier.

This new reality must be absolutely clear.

And we take it also for granted that the social-fascist states and their international revisionist front of lackeys is on the side of the world-imperialists, in the struggle against the world proletariat and the peoples. Thus, the Albanian revisionists restored not only capitalism, moreover they have forced the membership of NATO upon the Albanian people, and it was especially Nexhmije Hoxha, the wife of comrade Enver Hoxha, who has advocated for the membership in the NATO.

With the collapse of socialist Albania, the world bourgeoisie has robbed all the material weapons of the world proletariat for its defense of world peace. Now, the enemies of the global working class have all the global armed forces in their sole hands.

What we need, is a new center against the preparation of the threatening imperialist world war, a new anti-imperialist world-bulwark, a new Communist world-front against the imperialist war - guided by the Communist International.

There is no restoration of socialism without the restoration of material socialist weapons.

What we need is the global formation of the Red Army of the world proletariat for solving the question of war and peace on a global scale.

The imperialist weapons by which the imperialist world suppresses the world proletariat and the peoples of the world must be transformed into weapons of the world revolutionary liberation !







7.

The transformation of the imperialist war in the global civil war,

the global revolution of the peoples and the socialist world revolution of the proletariat


The transformation of the imperialist war into a civil war with the goal of victory of the socialist revolution is an essential part of Bolshevik tactics of the socialist world revolution.

“Turn the rifles to the warmongers!” - This is the concrete revolutionary slogan of the liberation struggle of all oppressed and exploited classes in the world, in general, and that of the proletariat in particular.

Historically, the Paris Commune has demonstrated the correctness of this principle. The Paris Commune was the first successful transformation of a war of peoples into a civil war which was crowned by the very first dictatorship of the proletariat. The history of the communist and workers movement is proof that an imperialist world war causes inevitable revolutionary situation and that even the largest imperialist wars always ended with a victory of communism and the liberation of many peoples from the yoke of colonialism:

First. The Russian proletariat won world peace in World War I with the support of the world proletariat and ushered in the socialist world revolution - the great Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin was established.

Second. The Second World War was transformed into the Great Patriotic War and ended in victory of the genial Marshall Stalin - it was the Stalinist world camp, which spread across the globe. Only the modern revisionists prevented the victory of world socialism .

Third. The Comintern / ML therefore expects that a Third World War (if it could not be prevented in advance) will usher in the era of world socialism. It is most likely that the world socialist revolution will break out no later than with a Third World War. The world revolution will either abolish the threat of new imperialist wars, or it will end the outbreak of imperialist wars victoriously. The new socialist world system will emerge in the struggle against global wars. The development of the socialist world revolution is in dialectical relation to the globalization of the imperialist world wars on the one hand and the globalization of the civil war on the other:

Lenin:

The development of international civil war is (...) the legitimate product of the class struggle under capitalism and a legitimate step towards the victory of the international proletarian revolution.“ (Lenin, collected works, Volume 29, pages 129 – 130, English edition).

Marx teaches that all wars of conquest are generally associated with suppression of the revolutionary movement, primarily related to the liberation movement of the proletariat. The bourgeoisie needs the war to prevent the revolution.

Karl Marx:

Major questions in the life of nations are settled only by force. The reactionary classes themselves are usually the first to resort to violence, to civil war; they are the first to ‘place the bayonet on the agenda’.” (Marx, MEW, Volume 5, page 40 – translation from the original German edition).

This is especially true on a global scale. Lenin taught that imperialism sees war as a means of detracting attention from the growing discontent within the country and to suppress the growing revolutionary movement.

Lenin:

Seizure of territory and subjugation of other nations, the ruining of competing nations and the plunder of their wealth, distracting the attention of the working masses from the internal political crises in Russia, Germany, Britain and other countries, disuniting and nationalist stultification of the workers, and the extermination of their vanguard so as to weaken the revolutionary movement of the proletariat—these comprise the sole actual content, importance and significance of the present war.” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 21, page 27, English edition).

A Marxist bases himself on the class struggle, and not social peace. In certain periods of acute economic and political crises the class struggle ripens into a direct civil war, i.e., into an armed struggle between two sections of the people. In such periods a Marxist is obliged to take the stand of civil war. Any moral condemnation of civil war would be absolutely impermissible from the standpoint of Marxism.” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 11, page 219, English edition)

Civil war is just as much a war as any other. He who accepts the class struggle cannot fail to accept civil wars, which in every class society are the natural, and under certain conditions inevitable, continuation, development and intensification of the class struggle. That has been confirmed by every great revolution. To repudiate civil war, or to forget about it, is to fall into extreme opportunism and renounce the socialist revolution.“ (Lenin, collected works, Volume 23, pages 78 – 79, English edition)

It is the duty of every socialist to conduct propaganda of the class struggle, in the army as well; work directed towards turning a war of the nations into civil war is the only socialist activity in the era of an imperialist armed conflict of the bourgeoisie of all nations.” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 21, page 40, English edition).

We said that emergence from this war may involve us in a revolutionary war. . (...) Of course, revolutionary war is also war, just as arduous, sanguinary and painful. And when the revolution develops on a world scale it inevitably arouses resistance on the same world scale. (Lenin, collected works, Volume 29, page 343 , English edition).

Civil war is an armed struggle of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie. (…) The appalling misery of the masses, which has been created by the war, cannot fail to evoke revolutionary sentiments and movements. The civil war slogan must serve to co-ordinate and direct such sentiments and movements.” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 21, page 160, English edition).

Civil war is more stern and cruel than any other war. (...) A revolution is a desperate struggle of classes that has reached the peak of ferocity. The class struggle is inevitable. One must either reject revolution altogether or accept the fact that the struggle against the propertied classes will be sterner than all other revolutions.“ (Lenin, collected works, Volume 29, page 371, English edition).

What is international is not at all anti-national; we stand for the right of nations to self-assertion; we are against the browbeating of weak nations. (...) One cannot he “national” in an imperialist war otherwise than by being a socialist politician, i.e., by recognizing the right of oppressed nations to liberation, to secession from the Great Powers that oppress them. In the era of imperialism, there can be no other salvation for most of the world’s nations than through revolutionary action undertaken by the proletariat of the Great Powers, spreading beyond the boundaries of nationality, smashing those boundaries, and overthrowing the international bourgeoisie. Until the bourgeoisie is overthrown, there will remain nations known as “Great Powers”, i.e., the oppression will remain of nine-tenths of the nations of the whole world. The overthrow of the bourgeoisie will enormously accelerate the downfall of national partitions of every kind, this without decreasing but, on the contrary, increasing a million-fold the “differentiation” of humanity, in the meaning of the wealth and the variety in spiritual life, ideological trends, tendencies, and shades.” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 21, page 274, English edition).

In civil war, any victorious power can only be a dictatorship. The point is, however, that there is the dictatorship of a minority over the majority, the dictatorship of a handful of police officials over the people; and there is the dictatorship of the overwhelming majority of the people over a handful of tyrants, robbers and usurpers of the people’s power. (Lenin, collected works; Volume 31, page 347, English edition).

Lenin:

It is becoming quite clear that the socialist revolution which is impending for the whole world will not be merely the victory of the proletariat of each country over its own bourgeoisie. That would be possible if revolutions came easily and swiftly. We know that the imperialists will not allow this, that all countries are armed against their domestic Bolshevism and that their one thought is how to defeat Bolshevism at home. That is why in every country a civil war is brewing in which the old socialist compromisers are enlisted on the side of the bourgeoisie. Hence, the socialist revolution will not be solely, or chiefly, a struggle of the revolutionary proletarians in each country against their bourgeoisie - no, it will be a struggle of all the imperialist-oppressed colonies and countries, of all dependent countries, against international imperialism. Characterizing the approach of the world social revolution in the Party Program we adopted last March, we said that the civil war of the working people against the imperialists and exploiters in all the advanced countries is beginning to be combined with national wars against international imperialism. That is confirmed by the course of the revolution, and will be more and more confirmed as time goes on. It will be the same in the East. (Lenin - 22.11.1919, Collected Works, Volume 30, page 159, English edition).

World revolution emanating from an imperialist world war is a civil war on a global scale. Today, we speak of the international army of the civil war, which is not only directed against the "enemy within" in one's own country, but also against the "enemy within" in all other countries. It is a global army of civil war which is not only directed against the armies of the national bourgeoisie, but against the entire world army of the world bourgeoisie. It is not the civil war in itself which „disorganizes“ and „demoralizes“ the activists of the global revolutionary movement, however the weakness of the Communist International if it would be incapable of taking the spontaneity of the global civil war under its organized control.

Today, the basic lessons of Lenin on the national movement are of global significance:

Lenin:

A national movement is one which expresses the objective needs of the whole country, and aims its heaviest blows at the central forces of the enemy opposing the country’s development. A national movement is one which has the sympathy of the vast majority of the population.” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 18, page 472, English edition)

If a people's movement proceeds to turn the old society upside down, if it puts the power issue on the agenda, if it vehemently, openly, immediately and directly opposes the dictatorship of the exploiting classes, if it opposes the government, if it fights for its downfall, for its elimination, for its own people's government, then the people's movement has assumed shape of a popular revolution. A popular revolution is the revolutionary armed seizure of power of the vast majority of the people over the organized and dominant minority in the nation. A global revolution of the peoples is the revolutionary armed seizure over the organized and dominant minorities of all nations.

Lenin:

Socialism cannot be implemented by a minority, by the Party. It can be implemented only by tens of millions when they have learned to do it themselves.

The revolution is not the product of a Party decision but the inevitable product of any revolution that Marx called “popular”, i.e., a revolution that the masses themselves create by their slogans, their efforts and not by a repetition of the program of the old bourgeois republic.” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 27, page 135, English edition)

The basis of our socialist tactics is that the most advanced class, the proletariat, marches at the head of the People's Revolution.

We Communists support every popular movement in every country in the world, which struggles against its internal and external enemies. We Communists, support especially the revolutionary forces of the proletariat within the People's Revolution. The most advanced class in each country must go independently the way of tenacious struggle, and may thereby only support those who are truly fighting, and only to the extent of how much they are fighting. A separate, purely proletarian party is indispensable to lead the toiling masses on the path to socialism - no matter whereto the people's revolution will develop. If the global peoples-revolution will not succeed to destroy the armed world power of capital, by means of the armed forces of the peoples, if the reactionary governments would not be utterly defeated and not replaced by revolutionary governments, if the Communist International does not lead this fight or if it would prove to be too weak - then any new "representation of the peoples" is in reality only a representation of such classes that share power among themselves - over and against the peoples. The ending of a peoples-revolution depends on whether the world proletariat plays the leading role therein - or not. The world proletariat will only be at the top of the peoples-revolutions, if it leads the armed struggle, if it organizes the global uprising, if it builds up a revolutionary world army, if it establishes a revolutionary world government, if it creates the proletarian world-democracy. The denouement of the popular revolutions decides on the successful transition to a socialist world revolution. The revolution against the fascist occupation of Albania, for example, was in character also a people's revolution - on a national scale. In it, also those forces have participated which did not expressively strive for socialist goals, not for the socialist revolution in Albania. Without the inclusion of these non-socialist forces it would have been neither possible to liberate Albania from fascism and the victory of the People's Revolution would be impossible, nor would it have been possible to successfully transform the people's revolution into the socialist revolution. The principle of the indispensability of the inclusion of non-socialist elements is also globally valid related to the revolutions of the peoples and the socialist world revolution. However, despite all that, we may never forget our class struggle against the world bourgeoisie and the petty bourgeoisie who try to influence our progressive, non-socialist forces of supporters.

If the people revolt against the revolutionary counter-revolution in their own country , then the local bourgeoisie defames this as "subversive elements of foreign hostile powers who raise a crowd against the own government". And the world imperialists in turn foment political, social, ethnic, religious or military unrest and alleged "revolutions" (= counter-revolutions) with the aim of overthrowing their old puppets and their exchange by new puppets. We point also to the crimes of the social-imperialist and social-fascist rulers who drowned in blood all the revolutionary resistance of the masses and peoples , in order to supposedly "protect" their "socialist interests" .

In history, the ruling classes have always fueled conflicts and instigated so-called "liberation wars" and “civil wars” - this way it was more easy for them to quell the liberation wars and revolutions of the oppressed classes. The world bourgeoisie tries to cheat the world proletariat through sneaky sham-maneuvers. Meanwhile, the international counter-revolution makes great efforts to stifle the revolutionary movement and the anti-imperialist struggle in the bud. The international counter-revolution has made much experiences to undermine the communist world movement. The bourgeoisie is skilled how to control the whole revolutionary process - from the initial stage of planning and preparation to execution and follow-up. However, the world proletariat will not allow itself to be deceived by the counter-revolution. By means of the teachings of Marxism-Leninism, we exactly distinguish every genuine revolutionary war of liberation from alleged "liberation wars" that are instigated by the counter-revolution to keep the world proletariat away from the socialist world revolution and to smash uprisings and revolutions of the peoples. We take advantage of the wars among our enemies for mobilizing, strengthening and leading our own revolution, and we do not allow ourselves to be misused, neither by the one nor the other side.

Enver Hoxha:

In order to create confidence in the victory of the revolution, it is essential to organize the broad masses of the people, to make the proletariat conscious of the unwavering leadership of its genuine Marxist-Leninist party, because otherwise it may become involved in adventurist actions and compromise the victory of the revolution. The communists and the oppressed masses of the people have to realize that imperialism and world capitalism have great experience in oppressing the masses, in organizing the counterrevolution. Therefore, the tactics and strategy of the enemies, too, must be understood and coped with, because our ideology, our policy, our strategy and tactics are more powerful than any enemy, for they serve a just cause, the cause of communism.” (Enver Hoxha, “Imperialism and Revolution”, last chapter: The defense of Marxism-Leninism – a major duty for all genuine revolutionaries, English edition)








8.

For a globally united front in expressively each country against all enemies of the world proletariat and the peoples of the world !



The prospects for the elimination of the risk of imperialist world wars increases in proportion as it succeeds the world proletariat and its Communist International to unite the proletarians of all countries of the world revolution. The development of the revolutionary forces of globalization is not initially the result of their own unification, but the unification of the international counter-revolution. And also globalization of the peace forces is first and foremost a consequence of the globalized strategy and tactic of the warmongers, before the united front, by itself, will develop as a globally organized and independent powerful force. Only through the use of her globalized weapons, the world bourgeoisie creates the preconditions for the oppressed and exploited classes, to globalize their unification on their own part and to seize the hostile weapons, for the purpose of preventing or respectively finishing imperialists wars.

The enemies of the revolution and the peoples were victorious over communism, and now they have intensified their wars on a grand scale - and on globalized way. The international finance capital has established a high-tech network for international warfare, and has bought those political forces who are willing to enforce the interests of international finance capital by military means. The foreign enemies are fomenting the war of the internal enemies of the proletariat and the peoples and vice versa. The world proletariat and the peoples therefore lead their global liberation struggle against both the external and internal enemies in every country in the world.

Today, the imperialists and social imperialists make use of corruptible political parties and governments of various countries to expand their influence there and to consolidate and mainly to take advantages over competing imperialists and social imperialists. The international financial capital offers enslaving "loans" and "assistance" in order to penetrate into these countries. It stirs up conflicts and wars - by means of secret diplomacy and propaganda of warmongering. During the crisis, at war, in a state of disorganization of the capitalist world society, the harmony of classes is replaced by hatred of classes and racial hatred - these are the two sides of the coin of the ideology of the world bourgeoisie !

Those countries who cannot be subjugated by loans and investments are occupied by force of arms. The imperialists set one nation to fight against another, and they intervene in locally limited wars. These local and proxy wars serve the maintenance of the hegemony of the world capital to even more subjugate the whole world.

The world bourgeoisie, the monopoly bourgeoisie of the superpowers, particularly the most reactionary elements of global finance capital, they all have the military power over the world, both in terms of the economic basis and superstructure of the world. The world bourgeoisie is able to ensure - across all national boundaries - their access to key-markets, energy sources and strategic resources. In almost every country, the imperialists have their own military bases and they have wide influence on the domestic armed forces. With the UN, their global instrument of war, they have access to the use of all the armies in the world and this at every local place of the world. Everything that is necessary for the guidance of predatory wars and for the use of counter-revolution is centrally coordinated and networked world-wide. The world bourgeoisie has globalized all her instruments of class struggle and is thus able to stabilize every counter-revolution, and to destabilize every revolution in every country of the world .

The entire world system of states is in the hands of international finance capital, in the hands of the multinational monopoly bourgeoisie. In particular, after 11 September 2001 the arms lobbyists and private mercenary companies increased their influence on the Pentagon in the profitable field of "fighting terrorists" and “evil states”. This is an expression of globalized privatization of counter-revolution inwardly and imperialist wars abroad, the looting of the public finances of all countries through the international monopolies, and especially the globalization of war production. The forces of production of entire nations are specifically destroyed to benefit from its restoration. And through this, the enslavement of nations is accelerated by the international monopoly capital.

Meanwhile, the NATO carried out a global change as the military alliance of the Western imperialist countries - after the states of the Warsaw Pact fell apart. NATO is now fully equipped to wage predatory wars around the world and expanded as the largest and most dangerous international army of Western imperialism. All nations - suppressed by the Western imperialists - have to contribute their own armed contingents as military attachments of the NATO and they are forced to take part in their predatory wars. On the other hand, the Russian imperialists are still dangerous and also the new Chinese superpower tightens its striving for world domination. The danger of a Third World War is bigger than ever. This danger is characterized by the increasing escalation and broadening of local wars in shorter and shorter periods, and last not least by their smooth transition to globalized wars.

Globalized and geo-politically limited wars are interdependent and may not be considered in isolation from the various existing class positions. We communists advocate and support both globalized and “nationally limited” wars, but expressively only to the extent that they are geared for the liberation from the exploitation and oppression of man by man. And above all, we advocate and support the globally unified, organized and the at most possible merging of all the revolutionary and Liberation Wars.

If the exploitation and oppression is characterized by the globalization of world capitalism then the new revolutionary wars will be characterized by their globalization, too. The Comintern /ML assumes that the future revolutionary wars will be carried out and decided on global battle-fields. Thus it is essentially and indispensable to develop a new special strategy and tactics for the future revolutionary wars - namely which is perfectly adapted for their global dimension. This will be the subject of the future military program of the Comintern / ML.

We stick to the valid Leninist principle of the unequal economical and political development among the capitalist states which can produce war among the capitalist states. There are the increasing contradictions among the most developed countries( war between super powers and their allies), on the one hand, and simultaneously the increasing contradictions between the developed and undeveloped countries, between the oppressing and oppressed nations. In the course of the growing tendency of globalization, the contradictions on a global scale and the contradictions on a national scale become polarized more rapidly and there is a trend that they collide increasingly - with the consequence of the bankrupting of the weakest nations etc, and last not least with the consequences of different kinds of war. The dominance of global capital thus produces not only the resistance on a national scale but increasingly on a global scale. There is also resistance of the counter-revolutionary forces of the local, regional and national bourgeoisie against the superior multinational monopolies and particularly against the almighty interests of international finance capital. That, what war is about the power of exploitation on a global scale, the war is about the power of exploitation in any single country. Those who try to decide on war and peace on a global scale, try to decide on war and peace in every country, too.

We communists take side neither with the global capital nor with national capital. We support only liberation wars against the wars of both enemies of the world proletariat, global and national capital. It is wrong to mix up revolutionary and counterrevolutionary resistance of a single country against global capital. Only capitalism as a whole would benefit from this, and that would be acceptable neither for the world socialist revolution nor for the socialist revolution in the individual country. In principle, only those wars are truly revolutionary wars which are directed against all and every enemies of the world proletariat - namely without any exception. We do not wage war against globalization. We wage our internationalist, world-proletarian war against globalized capital. We do not make war against nationalization, but against nationalized capital. We go to war for the national and international liberation of labor, both against the globalized and the national capital, both against the domination of the world bourgeoisie on a world scale and the domination of the national bourgeoisie on a national scale. Ultimately, it is one and the same war of the united international proletariat, namely a class war against all internal and external counter-revolutionary reign of capital, and against all its lackeys all over the world.

If the multinational monopoly bourgeoisie expands its power at the expense of the national bourgeoisie, when the globalized capital grows at the expense of the national capital, then the contradictions between the national and international bourgeoisie will intensify. Then it comes to wars for the question of power: Who exploits and oppresses which classes, to which extent, and in which country ? The national bourgeoisie has sacrificed the national interests of the people in the interest of the capital. The world bourgeoisie has sacrificed the interests of the whole world population also in the interest of the capital.

In the question of war, the world bourgeoisie tries to misuse the forces of proletarian internationalism for imperialist, cosmopolitical aims in the interest of maximization of profits. Equally, the national bourgeoisie tries to enlist the proletariat for the cause of a war in the interest of bourgeois nationalism. And the revisionists are no exception. Spilled was the blood of the peoples and the world proletariat in the interests of the social-imperialists and social-fascists. Nationalism and cosmopolitism is to be caught between a rock and a hard place. Nationalism and cosmopolitism are two sides of the coin of reactionary wars. Consequently, the proletarian internationalism will never win the war against the imperialist cosmopolitanism if it is subordinated of the bourgeois ideology of nationalism. And vice versa, the proletarian internationalism will never win over the bourgeois ideology of nationalism if it is subordinated of imperialist cosmopolitism.

The general-line of the Comintern / ML - concerning the struggle against cosmopolitism and nationalism is this: They are equal in their bourgeois-reactionary character and therefore both ideological instruments of war against the ideology of the world proletariat. It is impossible to transform the imperialist war into the civil war ,and the victory of the socialist world revolution is impossible if the bourgeois cosmopolitism as well as the nationalism will not be completely defeated. Socialism in the oppressed and exploited countries is ultimately possible if the proletariat has ended both the anti-imperialist war and the war against the national bourgeoisie victoriously. Socialism in the oppressive and exploitative countries is only possible if the proletariat defeated the imperialist bourgeoisie, which instigates, leads and supports the national and imperialist wars. The socialist world revolution is only possible through the victorious unification of the proletariat of the exploitative and oppressive nations and the proletariat of the exploited and oppressed nations - namely in the spirit of proletarian internationalism, and guided by the teachings of the five classics of Marxism-Leninism.

This ideological demarcation line is clear and distinct, however fact is that the anti-imperialist world-front, the front against imperialist and reactionary wars is still divided and split. This makes the victory of every revolutionary war impossible, whether on a national or global scale. Only on the basis of Marxism-Leninism and its struggle against opportunism we will overcome this precarious situation. The revisionists are against imperialist and reactionary wars, in words, however against revolutionary wars, in deeds.

The revisionist forces lead astray the proletariat in the clear determination of the outer and inner main enemy. Some of them even deny the existence of a main enemy, in principle. The revisionists create confusion in the issue, against whom the main blow must be waged on a global and national scale. The revisionists point a finger at the one enemy, to come to the defense of the other – for the purpose of the disarmament of the world proletariat and the peoples.

The outer class enemy of the world proletariat, the main enemy of the peoples - this is the world imperialism, are the imperialist world powers and all their lackeys in their entirety. At present it is still the old dominant superpower of the USA at the head, inclusively its Western imperialist allies. In the struggle against the US-imperialism and its allies we do not automatically side with this or that rivaling imperialist power or this or that fractious national bourgeoisie. After the U.S. imperialism put the Russian social-imperialist superpower out of contention , the global domination of American imperialism seemed to be unchallenged. Meanwhile, the emerging superpower, China, is so strong that we come across a situation which is comparable with the days of Enver Hoxha: The main enemy of the world revolution are two warring superpowers. In the contemporary world situation, the crises and wars of world capitalism aggravated with all its consequences. In other words, the current constellation of the rivalry of the superpowers is much more favorable for the world revolution than in times of Enver Hoxha. In the struggle against the Chinese revisionists comrade Enver Hoxha emphasized:

The very posing of the question that one imperialism is stronger and the other weaker, and is aggressive and the other tamed, is not Marxist-Leninist. (Enver Hoxha, “Imperialism and Revolution”, Chapter II, English edition).

And the posing of the question that the imperialists of the "civilized world" are "worse" than the reactionaries in the "uncivilized" countries, is just as little Marxist-Leninist. For communists, there is no "solidarity" with the "small" criminals against the "big" criminals, no unity with the “leftist” enemies against the rightist enemies. One can not be a truly internationalist anti-imperialist, if one does not combat both the foreign bourgeoisie and the bourgeoisie in one's own country. In a predatory conflict between world imperialism and the national bourgeoisie one can side neither with the blood-thirsty world imperialists, nor with the reactionary national bourgeoisie who exploits and oppresses its own people brutally, who spills their blood on the streets. The Comintern / ML fights against EVERY exploitation and oppression -, against both the domestic and foreign exploitation and oppression. Principally, in every country of the world, the anti-imperialist front is directed against both the external and internal enemies.

Lenin:

“To speculate on the victory of one or the other imperialist bourgeoisie is tantamount to becoming its lackey.(Lenin, collected works, Volume 23, page 57, English edition).

The national bourgeoisie does not change this Leninist truth if it is a lackey of this or that imperialist bourgeoisie.

Expressively, we draw a principled demarcation line against the complete front of world imperialism: - the forces of world imperialism ( ruled by the global financial oligarchy and the imperialist states with their armed interior and exterior terrorist apparatus) on the one side - AND the reactionary and fascist states of the nationalist bourgeoisie on the other side. All the forces of imperialism, reaction and war, they channel their struggle against the world revolution, in general, and against the revolution in every single country of the world, in particular. The world revolution has to combat all imperialists, reactionaries and nationalists all over the world -- WITHOUT EXCEPTION - no matter if some of their members or blocs cooperate with each other or if they wage wars against each other. As a whole, they are the main enemies of 99 % of the world inhabitants.

We have to analyze the class-enemy on a global scale and on a national scale.

There is a growing global front between the exploitative and oppressive classes and the exploited and oppressed classes. Global polarization between antagonistic classes is unavoidably under the terms of world-imperialist crises and wars. Imperialist wars and civil wars correlate both on the national and global scale. Both types of wars are expression of the global antagonistic main contradiction between capital and labor in the epoch of world-imperialism and world-revolution. Unavoidably, this will strengthen and further develop the unification of the revolutionary forces of the whole world front against imperialism, reaction and war.

To wage a revolutionary war on two fronts means to rely on one's own strength and to ignite the world revolutionary fire between the outer and inner enemies - thus the fire of 99% of the world's inhabitants ! Whether the foreign occupiers (and / or their lackeys) or the army of the "own" bourgeoisie go for their weapon in order to drown the people in the blood - all of these weapons must be defeated by the revolution. The people can be free only in a revolutionary liberation struggle which is directed against all enemies and which is guided by the proletariat and its vanguard. This applies to all countries and thus on a global scale.

A united front with those forces who collaborate with the one or the other enemy, - even if they swear on the revolutionary war - is absolutely unacceptable. A revolutionary anti-imperialist united front is unavoidably defeated if there are enemies active in its own ranks.

The world imperialists instrumentalize the national bourgeoisie to exploit and oppress the people and to smash their uprisings and revolutions. If necessary, they replace the bourgeois government by means of economic dependance and last not least by military pressure.

The dialectics of war between the superpowers is always tied to the aim of the old superpower, to defend its domination against an emerging, new superpower by all means, inclusively by means of the national bourgeoisie. In turn, it is the aim of the emerging super power to go to war against the old superpower to occupy its hegemonic position, last not least by means of the national bourgeoisie. The inevitable war for the redivision of the world-capitalist domination produces the overall weakening of the whole imperialist world system - inclusively the system of the national bourgeoisie, which again, produces favorable conditions for the world revolution in general, and for the socialist revolution in every country, in particular.

Lenin:

The proletariat must demand freedom of political separation for the colonies and nations oppressed by 'their own' nation. Otherwise, the internationalism of the proletariat would be nothing but empty words. On the other hand, the socialists of the oppressed nations must, in particular, defend and implement the full and unconditional unity, including organizational unity, of the workers of the oppressed nation and those of the oppressor nation. Without this it is impossible to defend the independent policy of the proletariat and their class solidarity with the proletariat of other countries in face of all manner of intrigues, treachery and trickery on the part of of the bourgeoisie. The bourgeoisie of the oppressed nations persistently utilize the slogans of national liberation to deceive the workers; in their internal policy they use these slogans for reactionary agreements with the bourgeoisie of the dominant nation; in their foreign policy they strive to come to terms with one of the rival imperialist powers for the sake of implementing their predatory plans.” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 22, page 148, English edition)

Enver Hoxha:

The imperialists and the social-imperialists have as their close allies the reactionary bourgeoisie of each country where they exercise their influence. They use these allies to do their dirty work and wield the whip on their behalf, so they feed and arm them to have them ready as a striking force in a world conflagration and against peoples who rise in revolution against their internal and external oppressors. Therefore, these two forces cannot be separated from one another. Without combating the one, you cannot combat the other, without combating the internal reactionary force until you have overthrown it, you cannot combat the external enemy, you cannot prevent war. You must destroy every kind of base the superpowers have established and created in a given country, for in this way you weaken and destroy the world influence and strength they have based on the enslavement of peoples and countries.” (Enver Hoxha, Selected Works, Volume 5, Report to the VII. Congress of the PLA, English edition)

Lenin:

If we do not want to betray socialism we must support every revolt against our chief enemy, the bourgeoisie of the big states, provided it is not the revolt of a reactionary class” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 22, page 333, English version)

There has been a certain rapprochement between the bourgeoisie of the exploiting countries and that of the colonies, so that very often—perhaps even in most cases—the bourgeoisie of the oppressed countries, while it does support the national movement, is in full accord with the imperialist bourgeoisie, i.e., joins forces with it against all revolutionary movements and revolutionary classes. We, as Communists, should and will support bourgeois-liberation movements in the colonies only when they are genuinely revolutionary, and when their exponents do not hinder our work of educating and organizing in a revolutionary spirit the peasantry and the masses of the exploited. If these conditions do not exist, the Communists in these countries must combat the reformist bourgeoisie, to whom the heroes of the Second International also belong.” (Lenin, collected works, Volume 31, page 242, English edition)

We will not support reactionary classes in their struggle against imperialism. We will not support uprisings of reactionary classes against imperialism and capitalism. This is what Lenin teaches us.

We must unconditionally support every revolutionary war and simultaneously unconditionally fighting against the reactionary wars (including those reactionary wars which are allegedly "revolutionary" wars - initiated by the counter-revolution to deceive the people!). The restriction of the struggle against capitalism in one's own country or its exclusion from the universal anti-imperialist struggle, is as much revisionist as, vice versa, the restriction of the anti-imperialist struggle on a global scale and exclusion of the struggle against capitalism in one's own country. Anti-imperialist struggle on a global scale and struggle against capitalism in one's own country is indivisible. Anti-imperialism is the combination of the inner civil war with the outer national liberation war. The national liberation war of an oppressed people is the continuation of its policy of the national liberation from imperialism by utter means. The global liberation struggle of the oppressed peoples is the continuation of the politics of the global liberation from world imperialism by utter means. The one is impossible without the other.

We are responsible for transforming reactionary and imperialist wars into a civil war of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie, for socialism in all countries - without exception.

There is only one real armed internationalism: our devoted work in the development of the revolutionary movement and its armed struggle in one's own country, the armed support of such an armed struggle (and solely this one !) in all the other countries - without exception.

We will never turn our world-revolutionary weapons against the exploited and oppressed classes, but only against the exploiting and oppressing classes, against the reactionary and bourgeois governments, political parties and counter-revolutionary armies in all countries of the world.

The revolutionary weapons will only outgun the counter-revolutionary weapons if we purify them from any opportunistic contamination.

This is a genuine Marxist-Leninist stand point and nothing else is the general-line of the Comintern / ML.