ENGLISH

 

MOLOTOV

once a great Bolchevik leader who had fought alongside Lenin and Stalin

became a

"corpse of Bolshevism"

"Revisionism is

the idea and action which leads the turning of a country from socialism back to capitalism, the turning of a communist party into a fascist party, it is the inspirer of ideological chaos, confusion, corruption, repression, arbitrarily, instability and putting the homeland up for auction."

"Thus, after this forlorn attempt, these former co-fighters of Stalin's, who had associated themselves with the slanders made against his glorious work, were described as an «anti-party group» and received the final blow from the Khrushchevites. No one wept over them, no one pitied them. They had lost the revolutionary spirit, were no longer Marxist-Leninists, but corpses of Bolshevism. They had united with Khrushchev and allowed mud to be thrown at Stalin and his work"

(Enver Hoxha - "The Krushchevites")

ENVER HOXHA

ON MOLOTOV

(collection of quotations - arranged by Wolfgang Eggers)

 

 

Messages of Solidarity

 

Greeting Message of the Comintern (SH)

on occasion of the

125th Birthday of

Vyatcheslav Molotov

25. 2. 2015

 

Molotov, once a faithful comrade of Stalin, finally resigned from the world-historical scene of the leadership of the communist world movement, latest after whose death. Molotov had not understood the new task which arose for the world communist movement after the death of Stalin. He was not the qualified revolutionary leader for the necessary relentless struggle of the destruction and abolition of the power that the modern revisionists had seized. Molotov was neither able nor willing to restore socialism in the Soviet Union according to the tradition of Lenin and Stalin. Molotov could not make his way and capitulated - pressurised by all the revisionist leaders. He let happen the restoration of capitalism and the sell-out of the Soviet Union which Stalin had prophesied.
Even during his lifetime, Stalin had harshly criticized him and revoked Molotov's power of attorney.
So, finally, it was not Molotov but Enver Hoxha who deserved the place of honor as Stalin's successor. Enver Hoxha called Molotov rightly a "corpse of Bolshevism".

Crucial for our opinion is that Molotov had not contributed to prevent the betrayal of the modern revisionists. On the contrary, he committed the crime of collaboration with the Soviet revisionists in the most critical moment of the Soviet Union, of the socialist world camp and of the whole communist world movement. This is a historical fact that nobody can deny. There's no way around this.

We stipulate clearly and precisely our demarcation line to Molotov's turning away from Bolshevism.

And nevertheless:  

Molotov deserves a prominent place among the old Bolshevik leaders. Molotov's struggle at the side of Lenin and Stalin will always remain of great world-historical significance. Therefore, there is no reason for the Comintern (SH), to refuse the acknowledgment of all the great merits that Molotov deserves in spite of his betrayal at Lenin and Stalin.

We will do our part and not bury Molotov into oblivion. We will forget neither his nearly 50 years long struggle for communism nor that he had crossed the Rubicon.

We defend Molotov only for the period of time in history when he had fought shoulder at shoulder with Lenin and Stalin as a leading Bolshevik. And in equal measure, we condemn his turning to revisionism.

The good part of Molotov is a good role model for us. And the bad part of Molotov is a warning for us, namely, never betray the world proletariat, the socialist world revolution and world communism.

Conscious about these particular circumstances of Molotov's split personality, we celebrate the February 25 (9 March) 1890, the 125th birthday of Vyacheslav Molotov.
As an old great Bolshevik who he doubtlessly was, and obviously the closest brother-in-arms of Lenin and Stalin, Molotov became Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR, the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs and as representative of the CPSU (B) one among the faithful leaders of the Communist International.

For decades, Molotov was a vivid example of selfless service to the revolutionary cause of the working class, for boundless devotion to the cause of communism. He was an outstanding fighter for the high ideals and principles of Bolshevism. He was an international leader of the world communist movement of the type of Leninism-Stalinism.

The revolutionary activity Molotov began during the Russian Revolution, 1905 - 1907. As a young man Molotov headed to the noble path of struggle against the autocracy, the struggle to overthrow capitalism.

1909 Molotov was arrested for political agitation and banned to the province of Vologda .
Molotov comes in touch with the works of Marx, Engels and Lenin and joins the Bolsheviks.

In 1911 he is released from exile. He began to study at the Technological Institute in St. Petersburg.

In 1912 he became a co-founder and a director of the editorial board of the party organ of the RSDLP "Pravda" (Truth).

1913 1914 and 1915 is repeated arrests, (1915 banishment to Irkutsk / Siberia).

1916 Molotov flees from exile to Petrograd.

For decades, he followed the Bolshevik road under the direct guidance of the greatest leaders of the Revolution - Lenin and Stalin. He was operating illegally in the Kazakh Social Democratic Bolshevik, in Vologda. In the days of reaction, he participated in the drafting of the "Pravda". In the first imperialist world war and during the bourgeois-democratic revolution of February he was everywhere in the front row of the revolutionary fighters. Even at this stage of his life he manifests himself as an outstanding leader of the party. He was among those revolutionary Leninists who implemented the Bolshevik principles wisely and skillfully both in depth and in width. Molotov had a high theoretical Marxist-Leninist training and practical skills of organizational and political work among the masses. One of the most important and urgent tasks of the work among the masses was at that time the task of arming the workers, the task of preparing the workers for the violent overthrow of capitalism.

Molotov was one of the outstanding leading cadres of the Bolshevik Party, trained under the leadership of Lenin and Stalin. Day after day, he prepared the working masses for the decisive battle, for the battles in the glory days of the October storm.

As a member of the Petrograd Military Revolutionary Committee Molotov participated in the victorious insurrection in the armed struggle of the workers. About his work in the Petrograd Military Revolutionary Committee Molotov reported:

"The Military Revolutionary Committee, which led the uprising in Petrograd, was a pure fighting organization. It had to restore order, and repel the enemy attack on the city to conduct a comprehensive and tirelessly military defense and to strengthen our revolutionary positions near Petrograd, against the White Guards."

"Based on the relatively small combat groups of Red Guards and some military units, he directed the immediate defense of Petrograd" ("Pravda", November 7, 1925).

In the Military Revolutionary Committee Molotov was responsible for the propaganda department. Day and night he shuttled between departments to and fro in the Smolny. A steady stream of delegates came from factories and military units of the Red Guard. The word of the Bolshevik agitation was no less sharp than the sword or the gun in those days. And Comrade Molotov had equipped with these agitational weapons the revolutionaries in the struggle against the bourgeoisie, in the struggle for the victory of the proletariat.

As the closest collaborator of Lenin and Stalin, Molotov stood at the cradle of the armed forces of the victorious October Revolution.

* * *

As an organizer and leader of the Northern industrial zone, Molotov applied lots of energy and work for the procurement of arms for the new divisions of the Red Army.

Molotov campaigned for the supply of the Red Army and the mobilization of industry by new organizations. In his speech he said at a plenary session on December 8, 1918:

"Before our eyes Russia became a forge, a forge of the proletarian revolution in the fight against the most powerful imperialist countries such as England, France and America. We need an army to fight against these predators. And for this, first of all, we must organize the war industry . It is the central task that increase a million-strong army to three million. This task must be carried out under rather difficult conditions. We, the Council of the National Economy of the North District, shall spare no effort in the fight against the imperialists and the mobs of the White Guards . We put all our energy only in organizing the production of armaments and in supplying the army with food. We must do everything possible to mobilize the working masses for this purpose.

At first we were against the war, but now things have changed. Most important was the realization of military programs were the military tasks of the revolution. We must fully implement the plan for the military industry. We must disarm the saboteurs in the military authorities who still try to destroy the entire supply of the army (Main Force Office, Commissioner, and so on.) We need proletarian heroism for the supply of the army. The question of the supply of the army should be resolved only by those in charge of the Economic Council, which is placed under the control of the whole economic life of the country."

The Bolshevik Party and its best representatives such as Molotov succeeded even in these difficult years to equip the Red Army with weapons and ammunition. This was an important and necessary condition to ensure the victory over the numerous and powerful enemies.

 

* * *

For the Red Army, Molotov was one of its most famous political figures during the Civil War.

On June 27, 1919, Lenin appointed him personally to the Commissioner of the Central Executive Committee of the trainers on the steamer "Red Star" in the Volga region. Here (near the front, just freed from Kolchak) Comrade Molotov made a huge organizational work to strengthen the local organs of Soviet power and the party organizations. At the same time, he made propaganda work in the units of the Red Army. He led the newspaper "Red Star". With NK Krupskaya he speaks at rallies and meetings of the Red Army. During a trip to the Volga region visited Molotov Nizhny Novgorod, Cheboksary, Kazan, Chistopol, Izhevsk, Perm, Simbirsk, Samara, Saratov and other cities of the front lines where he guided zivil and military organizations.

Comrade Molotov described the role of the Bolshevik propaganda and agitation in the Red Army, the organizational role of the party and the establishment of commissioner's offices for the victory of the Civil War as follows:

"The military-political organization of the party has played an extremely important revolutionary role in party work within the Red Army -especially the so-called 'Office of Military Commissioners', 'the Political Administration of the Republic (PUR)'. The political detachment of the Red Army united the Communists in the army, completely subordinated to the military command. In this way, all the Communists were connected in the Red Army with the Party organizations and thus with the party life. The most difficult military tasks could only be solved with the help of these political departments. This was a revolutionary innovation which did not exist previously. They proved to be indispensable for the proletarian revolution - namely for all future. The victory of the revolutionary Red Army in the Civil War would be impossible without political departments. They will always remain of great importance for the victorious defense of the Soviet Union.

A political commissar will always take pride of place as a hero of the revolution in the history of the liberation of the proletariat."

These meaningful words Molotov will not lose their significance for the upcoming worldwide Red Army, when the socialist world revolution must be solved as a military question. The commissioners and political organizations within the Red World Army will be essential for the effectiveness of the proletarian army of world socialism, for the establishment of the armed dictatorship of the world proletariat.

* * *

In March 1921, at the Tenth Party Congress, Molotov was elected as a member and chief secretary of the Central Committee of the RCP (B) and also to the candidate of the Politburo. Thus began for him a new period of his work in the leadership of the party and the state - along the side of the two great leaders of the proletarian revolution - Lenin and Stalin.

In his high office as secretary of the Communist Party (a position he held until December 19, 1930) and as a member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee (since 1926), Molotov had the major political role of building up the Red Army and national defense.

These were difficult years for the Red Army. The traitor and spy Trotsky (Revolutionary Military Council of the Republic) led a sneaky counter-revolutionary struggle against the Party and its Central Committee, to bring about the defeat of the Soviet country during the war.

Under the leadership of Comrade Stalin, Molotov stood at the head of the party to purify the Red Army from the Trotskyist influence. In 1923 he directed the work of the Central Committee of the Party together with Dzerzhinsky. A commission was formed to review the senior management staff of the army, and a military academy of the Red Army was created (named after MV Frunze). That was the start of a crucial turning. The Military Academy forged the Bolshevik cadres - namely as Soviet military specialists.

* * *

Molotov did an excellent job of creating and implementing the Five-Year Plan.

It is also worth to mention Molotov's merit in the implementation of the Stalinist collectivization of agriculture. Molotov led a consistent and relentless struggle against all opponents of collectivization.

 

* * *

 

Molotov also played a significant role in the Comintern in particular from 1928 to 1934. In particular, he enjoyed the confidence of Comrade Stalin in the fight against the Bloc of Rights and Trotskyites within the Comintern.

It is largely thanks to Molotov that Stalin was able to free the ECCI from the influence of Trotsky, Zinoviev and Bukharin.

An enlarged meeting of the Presidium of the ECCI took place in February 1930. Molotov delivered a detailed report. In his report of the delegation of the CPSU (B) within the Comintern (on 25 February 1930), he said:

"Comrades,
since the XV. Congress of the world communist movement has changed remarkably. This is due, above all, on the one hand to the profound changes in the economic and political development of the capitalist states and on the other hand, by the rapid development of the Soviet Union.
The onset of the economic crisis of capitalism has undermined the capitalist stabilization. In the working masses consciousness matures about the necessity of the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism and the need to fight for socialism. The successes of the socialist revolution in the Soviet Union increasingly motivated the proletariat of all countries. And at the same time the world proletariat sees in the world revolution, the only way to resolve the contradictions of capitalism. It is the duty of the Communists to do everything possible to make use of the incipient revolutionary upsurge of the proletarian revolution. "

We don't want to leave unmentioned that Molotov worked for the dissolution of the Comintern (on behalf of Stalin).

* * *

Molotov was chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR, the supreme executive authority in the Soviet Union. With its titanic government work, he made a great contribution to the strengthening of the defense, for the growth and strengthening of the Red Army and the Navy.

Under the leadership of Comrade Stalin, Molotov was a true Leninist-Stalinist statesman who gained great merit not only for defense, but also for the problems of the Soviet economy and foreign policy.

In March 1931, in his report to the VI. Congress of Soviets of the USSR, Molotov pointed out :

"Our advance of the socialist economy and defense of the country serves the unwavering struggle for world peace and for peaceful relations for the further construction of the Soviet Union. We need to strengthen our position, in order to fight back any attack of our opponents."

Further victories of the socialist economy and all-round development of the armed forces to increase the defense of the country - this was the synthesis of the general-line of the Bolshevik policy which was undeviatingly implemented by Molotov.

"We must not forget," said Comrade Molotov in his report to the 21st anniversary of the October Revolution, "that as long as there is still a capitalist encirclement in our struggle against capitalism, the first Soviet state in the world must not weaken its preparedness of defense. We must take the severest measures. Therefore, we must work even harder to defend our country. We need to develop and master our own martial art against the hostile capitalist encirclement. We must overcome all the shortcomings in our state apparatus that hinder us in fulfilling this task.
It is important to understand the instructions of Comrade Stalin in regard of the capitalist encirclement. We must implement them properly. This means to fight to strengthen our position against our class enemies in all its forms. This means: working for the complete victory of socialism."

Comrade Molotov devoted to the defense fleet wide attention. In May 1934, he visited the cruiser of the Black Sea Fleet "Red Caucasus". He familiarized himself with the powerful weapons of the ship.

He made the following entry in the ship book:

"I welcome the sailors and commanders on this wonderful ship. From you, comrades, the Soviet Union demands a conscious control of the complex machinery of the ship. We expect highest standard of discipline and organization, which is worthy for our country, for serving the construction of socialism and for our Bolshevik Party.
Be well prepared for the coming glorious battles - long live our Red Fleet - yours, Molotov ".

During a visit to the submarine fleet Comrade Molotov appointed Burmistrov to a "Hero of the Soviet Union". He also visited one of the shore batteries of Sevastopol. At the same time Molotov studied the state of the military equipment and gave some valuable guidelines for cooperation with industry.

Over the decades, Molotov led the Soviet ship of state through the international waters of imperialism - especially prepared for the coming military attacks against socialism.

Already in 1931, during the First Five-Year Plan, Comrade Molotov warned all the enemies of the Soviet state that "... an armed attack on the Soviet Union is now the main danger especially for those who disturb the peace." How prophetic these words were, shows the total victory over Nazism.

 

* * *

Molotov bore the brunt of diplomatic battles during the war.

The name of V. M. Molotov is always associated with a number of historical international conferences of Heads of State and Government, such as in Tehran in 1943, Yalta, San Francisco and Potsdam in 1945.

With the signing of the German-Soviet Non-Aggression Treaty of 1939, Molotov remained faithful to the principles of Lenin and Stalin.

He deviated not a single step from the Leninist conception of the partition of the world - in the socialist and capitalist world.

The Leninist-Stalinist foreign policy Molotov was determined by the balance of power in international relations, arising from the coexistence of two world camps.

The peoples of the USSR were over 20 years in the position to build their socialist state peacefully, to strengthen the economic and military power of the Soviet Union, and assert themselves all over the world.

It is thanks to the Stalinist leadership that the Soviet country, at the moment of the treacherous attack of Hitler's Germany, was not only able to resist the most advanced military technology of the world German fascist hordes, but to strike them with crushing blows, to chase them away from the Soviet homeland, to kill the fascist beast on its own territory, and to hoist the Stalinist flag of victory over the imperial capital of Berlin.

It is thanks to Molotov, personally, that the Soviet Union did not stay alone in the moment of bitter struggle against the fascist enemy.

Under the guidance of Stalin, Molotov succed in convincing the Western Allies to side with the Soviet Union and with the oppressed peoples.

On 22 June 1941, the day of the fascist attack on the Soviet Union, Molotov said in his famous speech: "Our cause is just, the enemy will be defeated. Victory will be ours..."

From September 29 to October 1, 1941, the Moscow conference was held with the participation of the USSR, the USA and the UK. Military supplies to the Soviet Union and the opening of the Second Front were agreed.

Late May - early June 1942 Molotov traveled to the United Kingdom and to the United States, where he met with Roosevelt.

On May 26, he signed the agreement in London on "the alliance in the war against Nazi Germany and its allies in Europe and on cooperation and mutual assistance after the war."

Stalinism has impressively demonstrated in theory and practice that the world imperialism was not able to defeat the socialist proletariat and its allies on the open battlefield. The proletarian weapons triumphed over the weapons of the bourgeoisie. However, it was the modern revisionists, the agents of the world bourgeosie within the world-socialist camp who destroyed or rather hindered the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, and thus deprived the world proletariat from the basis and lever of the world socialist revolution.

The enemies of the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin did not only criticize the Molotov-Soviet non-aggression pact with Nazi Germany, but also the anti-Hitler coalition with the Anglo-American imperialism in the Second World War:

firstly, this was not a coalition in the sense of "association of like-minded", but a deal with enemies of communism, which was based on the 5 correct Marxist-Leninist principles of peaceful coexistence;

secondly, it is well-known that this agreement was ratified by Molotov not before but during the Second World War ;

thirdly, this was a fair agreement for uniting and strengthening the forces in war against Hitler's fascism;

fourthly, Stalin and Molotov did never appeal for unification with the bourgeoisie, neither towards the workers nor towards the oppressed peoples;

fifthly, Stalin and Molotov supported the peoples against the fascist occupiers and against traitors who sabotaged the national and social liberation struggle;

sixthly: neither Stalin nor Molotov cherished illusions about the true goals of the United States and Britain, who were urged by the Soviet Union to fight against fascism.

On 8 May 1945 Molotov said at a conference of the United Nations in San Francisco at the signing of the unconditional surrender of Germany:

"The victory over German fascism is of the utmost historical importance. Under the leadership of the great Stalin, we have earned this glorious victory."

In his speech on the occasion of the 28th anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution Molotov emphasized:

"It is our good fortune that, in the difficult years of the war, the Red Army and the Soviet people were guided by the wise and experienced leader of the Soviet Union, the great Stalin. With the name of Generalissimo Stalin, the glorious victories of our army will go down in history of our country and of the world."

Molotov headed the Soviet delegation at most meetings of the Council of Foreign Ministers - the USSR, USA, UK, France and China, at the Paris Peace Conference in 1946, where he actively defended the territorial demands Albania, Bulgaria and Yugoslavia. He also fought for Stalin's demand for a united Germany based on democratic principles.

* * *

On March 4, 1949 Molotov was removed from the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR and replaced by Vyshinsky.

Molotov was, inter alia, criticized by Stalin because of his mistakes in his speech at the 19th Congress of the CPSU (B) and because of the collaboration of his wife with the Zionists.

Molotov withdrew from his revolutionary work up to his day of death, on November 7, 1986. Since the 50s, he put himself into service of the Soviet revisionists, albeit with his critical distance to Khrushchev in some cases. After all, he supported generally this social-fascist party, otherwise he would not have applied for the resumption of his party membership. Instead of the indispensable and necessary liquidation of the power of the modern revisionists on the basis of the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin, thus by means of the socialist revolution, he limited his "criticism" within the completely rotten party. Later in his life, Molotov was in solidarity neither with the illegal Bolshevik Group in the Soviet Union, nor outside with the Marxist-Leninist World Movement of comrade Enver Hoxha who defended Stalin against the slanders and defamations of the Soviet revisionists. When comrade Enver Hoxha visited Moscow in times of Stalin, Molotov adored extraordinarily the correct Stalinist line of the Albanian communists. And after the death of Stalin ? Molotov remained silent on comrade Enver Hoxha and the PLA ! This is nothing but ugly opportunism ! (1)

(1) This opportunism of Molotov was impressively described by comrade Enver Hoxha in his book "The Krushchevites, Chapter 1; " IN-FIGHTING AMONG THE TOP SOVIET LEADERS"

Molotov sided with the one revisionist clique, to "fight" the other. However, one can fight the revisionist leaders and their groups only alltogether, namely exclusively on the basis of the teachings of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism. Molotov did not chose this only correct way. First, he was in opposition of the Berianists but spared the Khrushchevites. Later the putsch against Krushchev, in 1957, failed despicable. The so-called "anti-Party group" to whom Molotov belonged, was indeed easily eliminated by Khrushchev. As comrade Enver Hoxha has said, this "anti-Party group" was nothing but a group of the "corpses of Bolshevism", "toothless lions". But that did not prevent Molotov from getting back to become a member of this anti-Leninist-Stalinist "CPSU".

Molotov became a typical representative of the revisionist line of "peaceful coexistence." For this crime he was praised by the West, while his Stalinist past was demonized up today. Is it not clear that we Stalinist-Hoxhaist, in contrast, defend Molotov in times of Lenin and Stalin and simultaneously criticize Molotov in times when the Soviet revisionists had been in power ?

We have selected a collection of quotations of Enver Hoxha on Molotov. It goes without saying that we defend the criticism of Comrade Enver Hoxha. Comrade Enver summed up his criticism of Molotov in the following striking and unambiguous words as follows:

"Thus, after this forlorn attempt, these former co-fighters of Stalin's, who had associated themselves with the slanders made against his glorious work, were described as an «anti-party group» and received the final blow from the Khrushchevites. No one wept over them, no one pitied them. They had lost the revolutionary spirit, were no longer Marxist-Leninists, but corpses of Bolshevism. They had united with Khrushchev and allowed mud to be thrown at Stalin and his work"


(Enver Hoxha - "The Krushchevites")


We also add to our greeting address some critical remarks about Molotov two excerpts from the book of Comrade Wolfgang Eggers - "On the Foundations and the questions of Stalinism":

Excerpt 1:

"After the death of Stalin, Beria commissioned the closing of the case of the doctors' conspiracy. These investigations were burked in Stalin's lifetime. Beria's intention was to incriminate comrade Stalin directly after his death. This concerned especially the criminal case of Michoels, but also the criminal case of the wife of Molotov, who "visited" often her rich Jewish family in America. The wife of Molotov negotiated with the Zionist mafia in Europe and America and so she was rightly arrested in January 1953. As a belated gift on occasion of Molotov's birthday, his wife was set at liberty by Beria - Stalin was not even one week dead ! Beria closed this criminal case arbitrarily, infringing not only Stalin's orders, but also making himself a cosmopolitan and Zionist agent of Molotov's wife. Incidentally, the wife of Molotov was active in the business of perfume and she was also a fishmonger. The vernacular said about her:.. 'Her perfume reeks of fish and her fish reeks of perfume'. "


Excerpt 2:

Whoever still believes that Molotov would have "bravely defended the line of Stalin against Khrushchev", will be disabused. We studied the speeches of Molotov after the death of comrade Stalin critically. Khrushchev and Molotov were already connected to each other for decades - in essence they were both traitors to Stalin. Krushchev was the open traitor and Molotov a hidden traitor. Their collaboration was most noticeable in their joint 1953 coup. Let's take Molotov's speech: "The international situation and the foreign policy of the government of the USSR", held at the session of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on 8. 2. 1955. We have already mentioned that Molotov had wasted no single word on comrade Stalin during his whole speech. Molotov implemented a revisionist foreign policy in contrast to the Stalinist foreign policy which he had implemented in times of comrade Stalin. We want to demonstrate this fact with an example. In his speech Molotov defined the following thesis: "The international isolation of the Soviet Union is a thing of the past." Is this theory based on Marxism-Leninism or on revisionism ? Of course it is revisionist, because Marxism-Leninism teaches: The isolation of the USSR can belong only to the past, when the world imperialism is eliminated, when socialism has triumphed on a world scale. This cannot seriously be argued because - while in the time of his speech - the world was still divided into the capitalist and socialist world. And the capitalist encirclement still existed even more after the Second World War. This is a major fact which can not be hidden as "a thing of the past". The revisionist thesis of the so-called "final victory against imperialist encirclement" corresponds exactly with the revisionist thesis of the VII. World Congress of the Comintern on the so-called "final victory of socialism in the USSR" which we have already exposed in 2001 (general-line of the Comintern [SH]). This thesis was directed against the foreign policy of Stalin, because the modern revisionists have claimed that a proletarian world revolution would be no longer necessary. The thesis of Molotov is therefore nothing more than the continuation and further development of the revisionist thesis of the VII. World Congress of the Comintern, namely the so-called "finality of the victory of the socialist world camp". This thesis is revisionist because the world-historical mission of the world proletariat was denied. Molotov's thesis is therefore a counter-revolutionary thesis which was in the service of collaboration with world imperialism. And this was undoubtedly a terrible betrayal at the socialist world revolution.

Nobody should think that this revisionist thesis would be an "exceptional fault" of Molotov. This was not an isolated incident, but corresponded to the entire revisionist line in the foreign policy of the Soviet Union after Stalin's death. This demonstrates another example, namely Molotov's thesis of the "reduction of the policy of tensions". We quote Molotov: "What is the policy of reduction of tension in international relations?" With this policy, "we tried to find such solutions that would contribute to a significant relaxation of international relations" (Molotov, ibid, page 11). History taught us the true meaning of the so-called "détente" of the modern revisionists. Molotov was active at the Berlin Conference in 1954, he was active at the Geneva Conference etc. But what was the result of all his activities ? Nothing. Molotov confessed that the SEATO pact of the United States at the Manila Conference was totally in contrast to all his previous Conferences with the West, namely directed against the Soviet Union and the socialist camp. These treaties of the United States were also directed against the liberation movement in the former colonies. The praised "relaxation thesis" resulted in the betrayal of the revolutionary struggle against imperialism. Molotov's thesis favored the restoration of colonialism also in the interest of the Soviet social-imperialism. In regard of a social-imperialist country like the Soviet Union, the restoration of capitalism in the socialist camp was in dialectical context with the restoration of colonialism. Both these facts can not be separated from each other. They depend on each other and they are complementary tools for the re-establishment of the sole world capitalist rule.

Stalinism teaches, however, that you can not leave the path of Leninism, because "Leninism is Marxism of the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution. More precisely, Leninism is the theory and tactics of the proletarian revolution in general, the theory and practice of the dictatorship of the proletariat in particular "(Stalin, Foundations of Leninism).

Molotov deviated from this principle and his foreign policy was directed against Leninism-Stalinism, against the theory and tactics of the proletarian revolution. He was that what Stalin had called him - a "capitulationist". Molotov's foreign policy was the policy of capitulation to world imperialism, a genuflection to the Khrushchevites, betrayal of Stalin and his revolutionary foreign policy.
Peace is not merely a breathing space between the wars, but also a breathing space to prepare for the coming revolution, for the world revolution. The foreign policy of Lenin and Stalin served no other purpose than to proletarian internationalism. The world revolution must not be sacrificed in favor of the "détente" of the modern revisionists. Peaceful Co-existence must serve for the victory of socialism on a world scale which is impossible without the whole world proletariat and the world revolution. That is the kernel of the teachings of Lenin and Stalin in regard of peaceful coexistence between opposite social formations.

(From: Wolfgang Eggers "On the Foundations and the questions of Stalinism")

For the 125th birthday we are temporally not yet able to study the extensive biographical material fully and seriously evaluate from the standpoint of Stalinism-Hoxhaism. We believe it is important to learn from both the positive and negative aspects of life and work of Molotov . Therefore, we will further work on the completion of the picture of Molotov.

Comintern (SH)

25th of February, 2015

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Vyacheslav Molotov

GALLERY

 

 

 

 

"The CPSU (B)"

Molotov

1929

 

 

 

The Success of the Five Year Plan

8 March 1931

 

 

 

 

The October Revolution and the Triumph of Socialism

 

New York - 1932

 

 

 

 

 

 

Soviet Prosperity

Two Reports

 

January and February 1935

 

 

 

 

Two Speeches

(1)

Report on the work of the government

delivered on the seventh Congress of the Soviets of the USSR

January 28, 1935

 

 

(2)

Soviet Democracy

 

delivered on the seventh Congress of the Soviets of the USSR

February 6, 1935

 

 

The international Situation and the Soviet Union

1935

 

 

 On the New Soviet Constitution

speech delivered at the extraordinary eighth Congress of Soviets of the USSR. 

November 29, 1937 

PDF

 

 

 

 

 

Speech at the Session of the Supreme Council of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics


 International Press Correspondence, Volume 18, no 3, 22 January 1938.

 

 

 

 

The Soviet Union in 1942.

The third five-year plan for the national-economic development of the U.S.S.R.

March 14 and 17, 1939

 

 

 

 

 

 

Soviet Peace Policy

1939-08-31

 

 

Radio Speech of comrade V.M.Molotov,

Chairman of Council of People's Commissars of USSR

at November 29, 1939

 

 

 

 

The Meaning of the War in Finland

1940

 

 

 

 

On the Nazi Invasion of the Soviet Union

1941-06-22

 

 

Citizens of the Soviet Union:
The Soviet Government and its head, Comrade Stalin, have authorized me to make the following statement:

Today at 4 o'clock a.m., without any claims having been presented to the Soviet Union, without a declaration of war, German troops attacked our country, attacked our borders at many points and bombed from their airplanes our cities; Zhitomir, Kiev, Sevastopol, Kaunas and some others, killing and wounding over two hundred persons.

There were also enemy air raids and artillery shelling from Rumanian and Finnish territory.

This unheard of attack upon our country is perfidy unparalleled in the history of civilized nations. The attack on our country was perpetrated despite the fact that a treaty of non-aggression had been signed between the U. S. S. R. and Germany and that the Soviet Government most faithfully abided by all provisions of this treaty.

The attack upon our country was perpetrated despite the fact that during the entire period of operation of this treaty, the German Government could not find grounds for a single complaint against the U.S.S.R. as regards observance of this treaty.

Entire responsibility for this predatory attack upon the Soviet Union falls fully and completely upon the German Fascist rulers.

At 5:30 a.m. -- that is, after the attack had already been perpetrated, Von der Schulenburg, the German Ambassador in Moscow, on behalf of his government made the statement to me as People's Commissar of Foreign Affairs to the effect that the German Government had decided to launch war against the U.S.S.R. in connection with the concentration of Red Army units near the eastern German frontier.

In reply to this I stated on behalf of the Soviet Government that, until the very last moment, the German Government had not presented any claims to the Soviet Government, that Germany attacked the U.S.S.R. despite the peaceable position of the Soviet Union, and that for this reason Fascist Germany is the aggressor.

On instruction of the government of the Soviet Union I also stated that at no point had our troops or our air force committed a violation of the frontier and therefore the statement made this morning by the Rumanian radio to the effect that Soviet aircraft allegedly had fired on Rumanian airdromes is a sheer lie and provocation.

Likewise a lie and provocation is the whole declaration made today by Hitler, who is trying belatedly to concoct accusations charging the Soviet Union with failure to observe the Soviet-German pact.

Now that the attack on the Soviet Union has already been committed, the Soviet Government has ordered our troops to repulse the predatory assault and to drive German troops from the territory of our country.

This war has been forced upon us, not by the German people, not by German workers, peasants and intellectuals, whose sufferings we well understand, but by the clique of bloodthirsty Fascist rulers of Germany who have enslaved Frenchmen, Czechs, Poles, Serbians, Norway, Belgium, Denmark, Holland, Greece and other nations.

The government of the Soviet Union expresses its unshakable confidence that our valiant army and navy and brave falcons of the Soviet Air Force will acquit themselves with honor in performing their duty to the fatherland and to the Soviet people, and will inflict a crushing blow upon the aggressor.

This is not the first time that our people have had to deal with an attack of an arrogant foe. At the time of Napoleon's invasion of Russia our people's reply was war for the fatherland, and Napoleon suffered defeat and met his doom.

It will be the same with Hitler, who in his arrogance has proclaimed a new crusade against our country. The Red Army and our whole people will again wage victorious war for the fatherland, for our country, for honor, for liberty.

The government of the Soviet Union expresses the firm conviction that the whole population of our country, all workers, peasants and intellectuals, men and women, will conscientiously perform their duties and do their work. Our entire people must now stand solid and united as never before.

Each one of us must demand of himself and of others discipline, organization and self-denial worthy of real Soviet patriots, in order to provide for all the needs of the Red Army, Navy and Air Force, to insure victory over the enemy.

The government calls upon you, citizens of the Soviet Union, to rally still more closely around our glorious Bolshevist party, around our Soviet Government, around our great leader and comrade, Stalin. Ours is a righteous cause. The enemy shall be defeated. Victory will be ours.

 

 

 

NOTE

April 27, 1942

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Electoral Speech in Moscow

February 1946

 

 

 

 

Molotov Remembers

Inside Kremlin Politics

Interview

 

 

 

Audio-Speech

 

 

German-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact 

August 23, 1939 

 

in German language

 

in English language

 

in Portuguese language

 

in French language

 

in Spanish language

 

 

 

 

‘STALIN’S LETTERS

TO MOLOTOV

1925 – 1936′

 

Vyacheslav Molotov

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

ENGLISH

CHINESE

FRENCH

GERMAN

PORTUGUESE

RUSSIAN

SPANISH

 

* * *

JIDDISH:

Molotov-Biography (1940)

Molotov - Report 1935