100 YEARS

23rd of February, 1918

FOUNDING DAY OF THE RED ARMY

 

 

Lenin taught us to build up the World Red Army.

That is the central mission of the 100th anniversary of the Red Army of Lenin and Stalin

which the Comintern (SH) will fulfill.

Either the Comintern (SH) is setting up a true Red World Army, a strictly disciplined regular army to defend the Socialist World Republic in every corner of the world, or it will not - but then there will be no world socialism.

Long live the World Army of the

Communist International (Stalinist-Hoxhaists)!

 

Messages of Solidarity

 

Message of the Comintern (SH)

on occasion of the

100th anniversary

of the founding of the Red Army of Lenin and Stalin

February 23, 1918 – February 23, 2018

 

Today we celebrate the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Red Army.

Why was the Red Army founded?

After 100 years, the answer has not changed:

The Red Army was founded to liberate humanity from capitalism. The Red Army served the world socialist revolution.

The Red Army was a revolutionary army, one of the most powerful weapons of the establishment and defense of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The Red Army was led by the Bolshevik Party of Lenin and Stalin, which was guided by the teachings of Marxism-Leninism and placed itself at the service of the proletarian internationalism, of the liberation of the world proletariat, of world socialist revolution.

Comrade Enver Hoxha teaches:

"An army is invincible if it is an army of liberated workers and peasants, if it is an army of the dictatorship of the proletariat, and if it is led by a genuine Marxist-Leninist party." (Translation of the Comintern [SH] from: Enver Hoxha, Volume 32, page 116, Albanian edition)

This applied to the Red Army of Lenin and Stalin. These features of the army, however, were no longer valid since the death of Comrade Stalin at the latest.

Today, the Russian army is a counterrevolutionary army, led by the Russian bourgeoisie, in the military service of Russian imperialism in particular, and in military service of world imperialism in general, in service against the socialist revolution in Russia in particular and in service against the world socialist revolution communism in general.

The Comintern (SH) is the only party in the world defending the Red Army of Lenin and Stalin through fighting for the revolutionary destruction of the Russian imperialist state and its counterrevolutionary army. Today, the Comintern (SH) is the only party in the world that is fighting to rebuild the Red Army as a unit of the World Red Army to defeat world imperialism and to establish and defend the dictatortship of the world proletariat.

Without the arming of the Russian proletariat and the disarming of the Russian bourgeoisie, there can be no question of rebuilding the dictatorship of the Russian proletariat. The restoration of the Red Army of Lenin and Stalin is possible only by smashing the Russian imperialist army. Everything else is opportunism.

 

What is the Stalinist-Hoxhaist doctrine which the Comintern (SH) does draw on the 23rd of February 2018, the 100th anniversary of the Red Army of Lenin and Stalin?

Stalinism-Hoxhaism is the application of the teachings of the Red Army to today's conditions of globalized rulership of imperialism. The teachings of the Red Army should therefore not be dogmatically copied but modified according to the changing historical conditions. Stalinism-Hoxhaism is not a formalist doctrine but a dialectical doctrine, generalizing the experience of the Red Army to serve fulfilling the tasks of the Red World Army in the coming global civil War. And these tasks are undoubtedly even greater than the already so vast tasks of the Red Army in the Great Patriotic War. So it makes a difference whether the Red Army experience is implemented to a national or world scale. Stalinism-Hoxhaism deals with the application of the experience of the Red Army on a world scale. That is why Stalinism-Hoxhaism is the further development of Marxism-Leninism in the question of the Red World Army.

The Stalinism-Hoxhaism teaches that the restoration of the proletarian army is the necessary precondition for the restoration of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The restoration of the proletarian army is only possible by means of a struggle against the restoration of revisionism.

In the history of class society, the armies of the old classes have been defeated by the armies of the new classes without any change in the character of the class society. The proletarian world army is the only army that liberates world society from its class character. This is what Stalinism-Hoxhaism teaches.

All previous revolutionary armies served to smash the counter-revolutionary armies of both internal and external enemies. This image of the external and internal enemy has hitherto always referred to a nation or alliances of nations. In a globalized world, however, this image is fundamentally changed through the victory of a revolutionary world army. Why ? Once world imperialism is shattered and the dictatorship of the world proletariat established, there will be no more counter-revolutionary armies, no country in the world can be threatened by any "external enemy", no country need defend itself against any outside armies.

Stalinism-Hoxhaism distinguishes the type of proletarian world army from all the previous types of national armies. The proletarian world army is the only army in the world that will liberate any country from any military threat (both external and internal threat) by any army. In World Socialism the inevitability of counterrevolutionary armies will be eliminated.

Stalinism-Hoxhaism teaches that no country can be threatened by internal or external armies once the proletarian world army destroys all imperialist, counterrevolutionary armies in the world and disarms the worl bourgeoisie globally. That is why our Stalinist-Hoxhaist slogan reads:

Arming the world proletariat for the purpose of disarming the world bourgeoisie.

The ideological proof of the indispensability of the Red World Army is a basic element of Stalinism-Hoxhaism.

There was no Soviet Union without the Red Army and there will be no Soviet World Union without the Red World Army.

In perspective, a world proletarian army serves the communist long-term goal of eliminating forever the army as an instrument of any class rule. This is another feature of Stalinism-Hoxhaism.

Stalinism-Hoxhaism is the doctrine of creating a world without armies, a classless, that is, unarmed world, in which people will never again rule over humans, no matter whether with or without weapons.

The realization of a "world without arms" as long as there are still classes is pure pacifism in the service of maintaining the power of the ruling exploiting classes. Without the Red Army, the dictatorship of the proletariat in Russia would not have survived a single day, had the power of the workers and peasants been crushed by the counterrevolutionary armies of home and abroad, Hitlerite fascism would not have been defeated, etc. The Red Army is thus the most striking proof for that pacifism as only a fig leaf of the predatory imperialist ideology.

What are the anti-militaristic tasks of the Russian section?
First of all to unmask and reject the bourgeois ideology of the "defence of the fatherland". This is for the Russian imperialists only a justification of their predatory wars. And the Russian neo-revisionists and social-fascists palliate this bourgeois slogan only with "socialist" phaseology.

Lenin taught in his struggle against the "defenders of the fatherland":

"In each country, the struggle against a government that is waging an imperialist war should not falter at the possibility of that country’s defeat as a result of revolutionary propaganda. The defeat of the government’s army weakens the government, promotes the liberation of the nationalities it oppresses, and facilitates civil war against the ruling classes." (Lenin, Complete Works, Volume 21, pages 158-164. )

It is the task of the Russian section to apply this teaching of Lenin to one's own country. The Russian section of the Comintern (SH) must by all means contribute to the weakening of the Russian imperialist army with the aim o disarming and destroying it.

On the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Red Army, we call on all Russian soldiers to turn their rifles and direct them against the Russian imperialists, against the Russian imperialist state, against the dictatorship of the Russian bourgeoisie.

It is the task of our Russian section to brand the then traitors in the Red Army and to undo the rehabilitations ordered by the revisionists. Crimes committed against soldiers in the Russian army today must be condemned and the perpetrators punished, just as Stalin has done this. The criminal counterfeiting of the revisionist historiography about the Red Army and comrade Stalin must be comprehensively exposed and systematically opposed.

This also applies to the Stalinist-Hoxhaist fight against Trotskyist historiography about the Red Army and the role of Trotsky. The myth of Trotsky, maintained by the Trotskyists to this day, as the alleged "leader of the October Revolution and the Red Army in the Civil War" must be dismounted, namely on the basis of irrefutable historical facts. What role Trotsky actually played in the civil war, for example, we learn from Stalin, who disproves the Trotskyite falsifications by a few examples. Trotsky was not the "sole organizer" or the "main organizer" of the victories on the fronts of the civil war (see: Stalin, Volume 6 , Page 300 ff, German edition):

Among these legends must be included also the very widespread story that Trotsky was the "sole" or "chief organiser" of the victories on the fronts of the civil war. I must declare, comrades, in the interest of truth, that this version is quite out of accord with the facts. I am far from denying that Trotsky played an important role in the civil war. But I must emphatically declare that the high honour of being the organiser of our victories belongs not to individuals, but to the great collective body of advanced workers in our country, the Russian Communist Party. Perhaps it will not be out of place to quote a few examples. You know that Kolchak and Denikin were regarded as the principal enemies of the Soviet Republic. You know that our country breathed freely only after those enemies were defeated. Well, history shows that both those enemies, i.e., Kolchak and Denikin, were routed by our troops in spite of Trotsky's plans.

Judge for yourselves.

1) Kolchak. This is in the summer of 1919. Our troops are advancing against Kolchak and are operating near Ufa. A meeting of the Central Committee is held. Trotsky proposes that the advance be halted along the line of the River Belaya (near Ufa), leaving the Urals in the hands of Kolchak, and that part of the troops be withdrawn from the Eastern Front and transferred to the Southern Front. A heated debate takes place. The Central Committee disagrees with Trotsky, being of the opinion that the Urals, with its factories and railway network, must not be left in the hands of Kolchak, for the latter could easily recuperate there organise a strong force and reach the Volga again; Kolchak must first be driven beyond the Ural range into the Siberian steppes, and only after that has been done should forces be transferred to the South The Central Committee rejects Trotsky's plan. Trotsky hands in his resignation. The Central Committee refuses to accept it. Commander-in-Chief Vatsetis, who supported Trotsky's plan, resigns. His place is taken by a new Commander-in-Chief, Kamenev. From that moment Trotsky ceases to take a direct part in the affairs of the Eastern Front.

2) Denikin. This is in the autumn of 1919. The offensive against Denikin is not proceeding successfully. The "steel ring" around Mamontov (Mamontov's raid) is obviously collapsing. Denikin captures Kursk. Denikin is approaching Orel. Trotsky is summoned from the Southern Front to attend a meeting of the Central Committee. The Central Committee regards the situation as alarming and decides to send new military leaders to the Southern Front and to withdraw Trotsky. The new military leaders demand "no intervention" by Trotsky in the affairs of the Southern Front. Trotsky ceases to take a direct part in the affairs of the Southern Front.. Operations on the Southern Front, right up to the capture of Rostov-on-Don and Odessa by our troops, proceed without Trotsky.

Let anybody try to refute these facts.

It was above all due to Comrade Stalin, who repeatedly corrected Trotsky's devastating defeats and damage during the civil war and turned them into victories. Not Trotsky, but the Bolshevik Party headed by Lenin and Stalin, was the great leader of the October Revolution, the great leader of the glorious Red Army. Later, Trotsky was openly on the side of the fascists in the fight against the Red Army. The Red Army defended the Soviet Union heroically and victoriously, while Trotsky's plans, to misuse the Red Army for the overthrow of the Soviet government, were doomed.

In this context, all the open and hidden accusations against Stalin must be rejected, that he would allegedly have "weakened" the leading staff of the Red Army. He, istead, had purified the Red Army of traitors and unreliable elements and thus strengthened the Red Army and not "weakened".

Stalin is also accused to date that he allegedly made "serious mistakes", especially at the beginning of the Great Patriotic War. These are all lies against Stalin, lies against the Red Army, which are still exploited by the Western media today with relish. Stalin is accused that he would have "provocted" Hitler's invasion. However, the argument of "provocation" was only an expression of the fears of all exploiters and oppressors in the world in the face of the growing world power of the Soviet Union and its Red Army.

As for the alleged "mistakes" of Stalin as Commander-in-Chief of the Red Army, these were in fact mistakes of such generals as Zhukov, Tukhachevsky, and other generals and officers such as Khrushchev. It was they who tried to blame Stalin for their own crimes.
Stalin, who at last was surrounded only by enemies (not only from the highest command officers of the Red Army), is above all these accusations. He remains forever undisputedly the great leader of the Red Army. For Stalin the soldier as a human being came first - for the revisionists the weapon came first and not the soldier.

It was then only comrade Enver Hoxha, who later defended Stalin against all scheming and denigrating. Comrade Enver Hoxha has also revealed that the leaders of the Red Army were directly involved in the conspiracy, preparation and execution of the coup against Stalin.

Enver Hoxha:

For years on end the «great merits» of Zhukov were publicized, his activity during the Great Patriotic War was used to throw mud at Stalin, and as minister of defence his hand was used for the triumph of Khrushchev's putsch. ("The Krushchevites", Chapter 6)

Comrade Enver Hoxha later noticed, however, the contradictions in the relationship between Khrushchev and Zhukov and asked the question:

Can it be that the contradictions with Zhukov had begun to a .rise as early as that, and they had begun to insult him and to show him that others were giving the orders and not he? Perhaps Khrushchev and company had begun to fear the power which they themselves had given Zhukov in order to seize state power, and that is why they accused him of «Bonapartism» later. Could it possibly be that information about Zhukov's views on Yugoslavia reached Khrushchev before Zhukov returned to the Soviet Union? In any case, Zhukov was eliminated from the political scene despite his four «Hero of the Soviet Union» stars, a series of orders of Lenin, and countless other decorations. (ibidem)

And Enver Hoxha characterized the development of the leadership of the Red Army as follows:

After the Great Patriotic War some negative phenomena appeared in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The difficult economic situation, the devastation and destruction, the great human losses which occurred in the Soviet Union, required a total mobilization of the cadres and the masses for its consolidation and progress. However, instead of this, a falling-off in the character and morale of many cadres was noticed. On the other hand, through their conceit and boasting about the glory of the battles won, through their decorations and privileges, with their many vices and distorted views, the power-seeking elements were overwhelming the vigilance of the party and causing it to decay from within. A caste was created in the army which extended its despotic and arrogant domination to the party. too, altering its proletarian character. The party should have been the sword of the revolution, but this caste corroded it. (ibidem; Chapter 2)

Enver Hoxha also spoke of the transformation of the "former Soviet glorious army into a Praetorian army in the service of the Khrushchev clique against the peoples, against the revolution, against socialism." (Translation by the Comintern [SH] from: Enver Hoxha, Works, Volume 32, page 123, Albanian edition)

We must not forget the name of Voroshilov, whose former merits we do not put into doubt, but who, in the presence of Comrade Enver Hoxha, made serious allegations against Stalin, such as: "He (Stalin) even allowed crimes to be committed, and he must bear responsibility for this." ("The Krushchevites", Chapter 2) Enver Hoxha writes about this kind of "chatter" and "slander" of Voroshilov:

"Voroshilov went on and on pouring out such things against Stalin." (ibidem; Chapter 2)

Enver Hoxha counted Voroshilov, this former close confidant of Stalin and "People's Commissar for Defense" to the "corpses of Bolshevism," which had long since been no Marxist-Leninists. For the 50th anniversary of the Red Army, in 1968, Voroshilov, who had completely sided with the Khrushchev-Revisionists, then for the second time as "Hero of the Soviet Union" (in truth betrayers of the Soviet Union !!) awarded.

For example, on March 4, 1966, because of forestalling the negative experiences of the transformation of the Red Army into a bourgeois army, the Albanian Party of Labour decided to abolish the badges of rank in the army, and anchoring senior party organizers (political commissioners) in the People's Army, namely from bottom to top. Enver Hoxha taught that all roots of revisionism in the People's Army must be torn away so that revisionism does not spread and the socialist army is transformed into a capitalist army. Therefore, the Albanian People's Army was equipped with the ideological weapon of Hoxhaist anti-revisionism.

The struggle of the Albanian dictatorship of the proletariat against modern revisionism was also a struggle against the military pressure exerted by the revisionist armies on the only socialist country in the world - socialist Albania led by comrade Enver Hoxha. The People's Army of Albania was thus the first army in the world to defend socialism victoriously against both the bourgeois and the revisionist armies. The Albanian People's Army was not only the army that preserved the legendary tradition of the glorious Red Army and , but also the first army in the world to fight against revisionism in power.

* * *

The Comintern (SH) is proud of the fact that, for the first time in the world, the workers and peasants have created their own army, which did not serve the masters, but the former slaves, the liberated workers and peasants, who defended and asserted the freedom of the workers and farmers in great battles.

The Comintern (SH) admires the victories of the Red Army against the inner and outer enemies of the working class and the peasantry of the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin. We will always learn from the Red Army which had managed to become the greatest revolutionary fighting force - to the horror of the enemies of the working class, to the joy of all the oppressed and enslaved.

Spreading the idea of the construction of the Red World Army on the model of the Red Army of the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin, that is the correct application of the teachings of Lenin and Stalin on the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Red Army.

Our main task today is the fight against world imperialism. And in this fight we must win - with the Red World Army, led by the Comintern (SH), led by the invincible teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Enver Hoxha.

The Comintern (SH) celebrates the hundredth anniversary of the founding of the Red Army as the army that, to this day, enjoys the respect of the peoples and will enjoy it forever.

Long live the 100th anniversary of the Red Army of Lenin and Stalin!

Long live the Red Army of the world proletariat!

 

Comintern (SH)

Wolfgang Eggers

February 23, 2018

 

 

 

 

"The today's Soviet army - an army to aggression and expansion"

RADIO TIRANA

broadcasted on the 23rd of February, 1977

[Translated from the German language by the Comintern (SH)]

 

The today's Soviet army - an army to aggression and expansion

59 years ago, on February 23, 1918, the Red Guard of the workers and peasants defeated the German army in the battles of Narva and Pskov. With this first victory the newly formed Soviet power was defended. This day became the "day of creation of the Red Army".
The Red Army of Workers and Peasants was a new army Type, namely as a defender of the socialist state and the dictatorship of the proletariat.
The Red Army was the protective shield of the victories of the October Revolution and the first Socialist State in the world. Under the leadership of Lenin and later his successor Stalin the Red Army was strengthened and it fought heroically in defence of the Soviet power and made the victories of the October Revolution inviolable. The Red Army, especially contributed to the complete destruction of the fascist Beast and to the Liberation of Peoples in the Great Patriotic War.
The Red Army was the army of new type, an army of the people, of the
revolution and of socialism. As long as the Red Army was guided by Lenin and Stalin the history of the Red Army was a glorious history - commemorated with respect and love by all the progressive peoples of the world .

The complete degeneration of the Soviet party and the Soviet state, the transformation of the Soviet Union into a social-fascist and social-imperialist
State also caused the fundamental transformation within the Soviet Army, its transformation from an army of workers and peasants, from a defender of the dictatorship of the proletariat and its victories into an army of bourgeois type, into a fascist and aggressive barrack army, into a docile tool in the hands of the rulers in the Kremlin. The counter-revolutionary conversion of the Soviet army was a result of the revisionist line, not different from all other fields, a line which was manifested by the leadership of the Soviet new bourgeoisie on the 20th Party Congress. Since then, the Soviet army was all-around exposed to ideological indoctrination, a poison which was instilled by the bourgeoisie and the revisionists.

The open enemies and traitors of the Soviet people were rehabilitated, with Tukhachevsky at the top, who suppressed the dictatorship of the proletariat and who had thrown it on history's midden heap. Together with these traitors their "works" were rehabilitated.

At the same time many revolutionaries in the ranks of the army
were pursued by means of the greatest cruelty. The Soviet army today is a
Caste of the Bonarpartist marshals, generals and officers who implement the fascist, expansionist and imperialist policies of the Soviet new bourgeoisie. The Soviet soldier has become a robot, ready to march with fire and sword under the command of his overlords. He became a plunderer of riches and sweat of his own people and other peoples, a gendarme for the political and military interests of the Soviet social-imperialists.
The Soviet revisionists have dropped the teachings of Lenin on the organization of the army. As early as 1917-18, Lenin emphasized the necessity to eliminated the military caste by means of the armed people .
Army and people, he said, must merge into one; that is the guarantee for the victory of freedom. It is necessary to arm the whole people for maintaining the freedom. The basis of the People's Army is based on the people, the workers
and peasants, while today's Soviet army sits on the backs of the people
and suppresses it. It is completely degenerate, both ideologically and politically
as well as in their goals. One of the features of the former Red Army
was, as Stalin wrote, that it was intermarried between the army
the nations of the country, the army of the liberation of the oppressed nations
of the country and the defense of the freedom and independence of nations
of the country. Today, however, the Soviet army is the opposite of Stalin's army. It oppresses, enslaves and keeps the non-Russian peoples of the Soviet Union at bay as well as the army of the Russian tsars.

The suppression of the uprisings of the working people within the Soviet Union
as in Ukraine, in Georgia, in the Tartar- and the Baltic republics etc. by means of the tanks of the chauvinist and oppressive policies of the Brezhnev Clique is in no way different from the terror the Black Hundreds of the ancient Tsars against the peoples at the time of Russian Tsarist empire.
Today's Soviet army is one of the pillars the aggressive and expansionist policies that the Soviet social imperialists
in international relations. The events of
Last years and the reality of our days provide many facts that are the real ones the aggressive and fascist nature of the Soviet army.
"The policy of the Soviet revisionists", comrade Enver Hoxha said at the 7th PLA congress, "is a typically aggressive colonialist and neocolonialist
politics which is based on the strength of capital and weapons."
The barbaric aggression against Czechoslovakia was the first step of the aggressive and expansionist policies of the Soviet social-imperialists, applied in practice. It was the first attack on freedom and independence of peoples. The Soviet army is growing more and more every day, equipped with the most advanced deadly weapons. For the armament, the Moscow chiefs spend about 117.2 billion Dollars annually, or 21% of the country's national income. Each year the military expenditures of the Soviet social-imperialists become average increased by 10%.

The Moscow gentlemen have enforced military occupation of the countries of the so-called "Socialist Community" through their army.

These countries have long become governorates of the Moscow Empire. For implementing the political interests of the Moscow social imperialists
the Soviet army can also be found in other regions and
areas of the world . The Soviet fleet, for example, is present in all seas and
oceans, in the Mediterranean, in the Indian Ocean, in the Atlantic Ocean, in the Pacific Ocean etc. present. The Soviet marshals and generals themselves boast of the skills of their troops that could strike at any point on the globe. This shows very clearly the true target of the aggressive Soviet army. So today's Soviet army is a counterrevolutionary army, restored in the Soviet Union by
the bourgeois dictatorship, an aggressive army of occupation and expansionism. The only way to bring back the glory and honor of the Red Army of the era of Lenin and Stalin, that is to turn the rifles against the clique that seized power and enslaved the peoples.

 

 

 

 

 

LENIN

LEADER AND FOUNDER OF THE RED ARMY

 

We all know what a burden this war is, how it is exhausting us. But we also know that this war is being fought with redoubled vigour and dauntless courage only because for the first time in world history, an army, an armed force, has been created, which knows what it is fighting for; and because, for the first time in world history, workers and peasants are making incredible sacrifices in the knowledge that they are defending the Soviet Socialist Republic, the rule of the working people over the capitalists; they know that they are defending the cause of the world proletarian socialist revolution. (Lenin)

There is still another enemy; it is international capital; the fight against this enemy will be a long one and we shall win by getting organised and obtaining support for our revolution from the international proletariat. (Lenin, January 28 [February 10], 1918)

 

In September 1917, Vladimir Lenin wrote:

"There is only one way to prevent the restoration of the police, and that is to create a people's militia and to fuse it with the army (the standing army to be replaced by the arming of the entire people)."

While the Imperial Russian Army was being taken apart,

"it became apparent that the rag-tag Red Guard units and elements of the imperial army who had gone over the side of the Bolsheviks were quite inadequate to the task of defending the new government against external foes."

Therefore, the Council of People's Commissars decided to form the Red Army on 28 January 1918

 

The Red Army Decree

Appendix 1

The Scheme For A Socialist Army

(Decree issued by the Council of People’s Commissars on January 15, 1918)

 

The old army was a class instrument in the hands of the bourgeoisie for the oppression of the workers. The seizure of power by the workers and propertyless persons renders necessary the formation of a new army. The tasks of this new army will be the defence of the Soviet authority, the creation of a basis for the transformation of the standing army into a force deriving its strength from a nation in arms, and, furthermore, the creation of a basis for the support of the coming Socialist Revolution in Europe.

I

The Council of People’s Commissars has decided to organize the new army as a ’Red Army of Workers and Peasants’ on the following basis:

1. The Red Army of Workers and Peasants will be formed from the class-conscious and best elements of the working classes.

2. All citizens of the Russian Republic who have completed their eighteenth year are eligible for service. Service in the Red Army is open to anyone ready to give his life and strength for the defence of the achievements of the October Revolution, the Soviet Power and Socialism. Enlistment in the Red Army is conditional upon guarantees being given by a military or civil committee functioning within the territory of the Soviet Power or by Party or Trade Union committees or, in extreme cases, by two persons belonging to one of the above organizations. Should an entire unit desire to join the Red Army, its acceptance is conditional upon a collective guarantee and the affirmative vote of all its members.

II

1. The families of members of the Red Army of Workers and Peasants will be maintained by the State and receive, in addition, a monthly supplement of 50 roubles.

2. Members of soldiers’ families who are incapable of work and have hitherto been supported by the aforesaid soldiers will receive further support in accordance with the local cost of living, as determined by the local Soviets.

III

The Council of People’s Commissars is the supreme head of the Red Army of Workers and Peasants. The immediate command and administration of the Army is vested in the Commissariat for Military Affairs and in the Special All-Russian College therein contained.

The President of the Council of People’s Commissars:

V. ULYANOV-LENIN.

The Commander-in-Chief:

N. KRYLENKO.

The People’s Commissars for War and the Fleet:

DYBENKO, PODVOISKY.

The People’s Commissars:

PROSHYAN, SAMOISKY, STEINBERG.

For the Bureau of People’s Commissars:

VLADIMIR BONTSCH-BRUYEVITCH.

Scheme For Compulsory Military Training

(Published in No. 83 of the Isvestia of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the Soviets, April 26, 1918)

The liberation of mankind from the burden of militarism and the barbarity of war between nations, is one of the basic tasks of socialism. The aims of socialism are universal disarmament, perpetual peace and the fraternal co-operation of all races inhabiting the world.

These aims will be accomplished when power is transferred to the hands of the workers in all powerful capitalist countries, when all means of production have been taken out of the hands of the exploiters and made over to the workers for the common good, and when a communist order of society has created a firm basis of human solidarity.

At present Russia is the only country in which the State authority is vested in the workers. The imperialist bourgeoisie is still in power in all other countries. Its policy is directed towards the suppression of Communist Revolution and the enslavement of all weak races. The Russian Soviet Republic is surrounded by enemies on all sides and must therefore create a powerful army, under the protection of which the communistic transformation of the country’s social order may be accomplished.

The Republic’s Government of Workers and Peasants has set itself the immediate task of enrolling all citizens for compulsory labour and military service. In this work it has encountered obstinate resistance from the bourgeoisie, who refuse to renounce their economic privileges and are trying to recapture the reins of government by means of conspiracies, insurrections, and treasonable agreements with foreign imperialists.

To arm the bourgeoisie would be tantamount to provoking a continuous internal war within the ranks of the army and so crippling the army’s strength for war against external foes. The usurious, exploiting portion of society which is unwilling to assume the same rights and duties as the rest must not be allowed to obtain arms. The Government of Workers and Peasants will find means to impose on the bourgeoisie in some form or other a part of the burden of the defence of the Republic, which has been forced by the crimes of the possessing classes to endure these heavy trials and necessities. But in the immediate transition period military training and the bearing of arms must be restricted to workers and peasants who employ no outside labour.

Citizens between eighteen and forty years of age who have undergone the prescribed military training will be registered as liable to military service. They are required to answer the first summons of the Government of Workers and Peasants to fill up the cadres of the Red Army, which have been formed of devoted soldiers, ready to sacrifice themselves for the freedom and independence of the Russian Soviet Republic and the International Socialist Revolution.

Male citizens of the Russian Federated Soviet Republic are liable to undergo military training

(1) During school age, the lower limit of which will be determined by the People’s Commissariat for Education.

(2) During the preparatory age, from sixteen to eighteen years.

(3) During the age of obligatory military service, from eighteen to forty years.

Female citizens will be trained only with their own consent, in accordance with the general practice.

N.B.-Persons whose religious convictions forbid the use of arms will be liable only to forms of training that exclude the use of arms.

(1) The People’s Commissar for War is responsible for the training of men in the obligatory military and preparatory ages. The People’s Commissar for Education, working in close co-operation with the People’s Commissar for War, is responsible for the training of boys of school age.

(2) All workmen employed in factories and workshops, on farms and on the land, and all peasants who exploit no outside labour are liable to undergo training.

(3) The military commissariats (of the districts, governments, circuits and Volosts) will supervise the compulsory military training in their respective localities.

(4) Conscripts receive no compensation during their periods of training. The periods of training must be arranged in such a way as to cause the minimum interference with the conscripts’ regular occupations.

(5) The period of training is for six consecutive weeks, with a minimum of twelve hours per week. The period of training for special corps and the sequence of repetitive training will be determined by special enactments.

(6) Persons who have already undergone training in the regular army may be exempted from further training on passing a suitable test. They will then be required to fill in the discharge papers generally issued to all persons who have undergone their compulsory training.

(7) Training will be given by competent instructors in accordance with the programme drawn up by the People’s Commissar for War.

(8) Whosoever evades compulsory military training or is negligent in the performance of it will be liable to prosecution.

Regulations for War Commissars

A War Commissar is a direct political representative of the Soviet Government with the army. His post has a special significance. Commissars’ posts will be assigned only to irreproachable revolutionaries who have the ability to remain incarnations of revolutionary duty at critical moments and under the most difficult circumstances.

The War Commissar’s person is inviolate. An insult offered to a War Commissar engaged in the performance of his duty or any act of violence committed against a War Commissar will be deemed equivalent to the greatest of crimes against the Soviet Power of the Republic. It is the duty of a War Commissar to prevent the army from showing disrespect to the Soviet authority and to prevent army institutions from becoming nests of conspiracy or employing weapons against workmen and peasants. A War Commissar takes part in all the activities of the commanding officer to whom he is attached; these two persons must receive reports and sign orders jointly. Validity is ascribed only to those orders of a War Soviet which bear the signature of at least one Commissar in addition to that of the commanding officer.

(4) A Commissar gives validity to all the commanding officer’s orders by appending his signature to them and must see that no orders are issued without his signature.

(5) A Regimental Commissar organizes, directs and supervises the political work in his regiment. He has the assistance of a political leader, who organizes all the political work in the regiment.

(6) With the aid of his assistant the Regimental Commissar directs and supervises all departments of the regimental staff. He obtains, procures and manages all the supplies needed by the regiment.

(7) When on duty at the front, he is represented by his assistant.

(8) The Regimental Commissar’s assistant must always be with the regiment’s staff. All transport and all supplies are under his charge.

Scheme for the Transition to the Militia System

(1) The approaching end of the Civil War and the favourable change in the international situation of Soviet Russia make it necessary for us to remodel our military forces in accordance with the country’s urgent economic and cultural needs.

(2) On the other hand it is necessary to affirm that the Socialist Republic can by no means be regarded as out of danger so long as the imperialist bourgeoisie holds the reins of government in the most important countries in the world.

The imperialists are losing ground, and at any moment the course of events may impel them to undertake further warlike adventures against Soviet Russia. Hence the necessity for maintaining the defences of the Revolution at the required standard.

(3) The transition period, which may be long and wearisome, must effect a reorganization of the armed forces which will give the workers the necessary military training while withdrawing them from productive labour as little as possible. Only a Militia of Red Workers and Peasants, based on the territorial system, can conform to these requirements.

(4) The essence of the Soviet militia system must be the closest possible association of the army with the processes of production, so that the man-power of certain defined industrial areas will also form the man-power of certain defined military units.

(5) The militia formations (regiments, brigades, divisions) must be territorially adapted to the territorial distribution of industry in such a way as will permit the industrial centres and their surrounding agricultural belts to constitute the bases of the militia formations.

(6) The organization of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Militia must be based on cadres well equipped in all military, technical and political respects to serve the needs of the workers and peasants continually trained by them. These cadres must be able at any given moment to call up the workers and peasants from their militia district, incorporate them in the military machine, arm them and take them into action.

(7) The transition to the militia system must take place gradually, in conformity with the military and international-diplomatic situation of the Soviet Republic, and under conditions which will not allow the defence strength of the Soviet Republic to fall below the necessary standard for even a single moment.

(8) When the gradual demobilization of the Red Army takes place, the best cadres must be stationed in the localities where they will be of greatest use, i.e., where they can best be adapted to local production conditions and modes of life, in order to ensure complete functioning of the administrative machinery of the militia formations.

(9) Renewals of the personnel of the militia cadres must take place gradually and in such a way as to ensure the closest contact with the economic life of the district in question, so that the commanding officers of a division stationed in a territory which comprises, for example, a mining area surrounded by a belt of villages, may be drawn from the best elements of the local proletariat.

(10) For the purpose of the aforesaid cadre renewals the courses to be taken by such officers must take place in localities most convenient to the requirements of the economic militia districts. Such courses must be taken by the best representatives of the local workers and peasants.

(11) The military training based on the militia system which ensures the greatest fighting efficiency of a militia army consists of the following:

(a) Preliminary training before the age of liability to service. This involves the close co-operation of the military authorities with the People’s Commissariat for Education, Trade Unions, Party Organizations, Youth Associations, Sports Clubs, etc.

(b) Training of citizens who have reached the age of liability. The duration of the training periods should be continually shortened with everincreasing approximation of the barracks to a political-military school.

(c) Short periods of repetitive training, for the purpose of testing the fighting efficiency of the militia formations.

(12) The militia cadre organizations charged with the duty of national defence must be adapted in such measure as may be necessary to labour service, i.e., they must be capable of forming labour squads and providing them with the necessary instructors.

(13) Since the militia must develop in the direction of a nation of armed communists, its organizations must retain during the present period all the characteristics of the dictatorship of the working classes.

(Approved by the 9th Congress of the Communist Party of Russia, March 29-April 4, 1920.)

 

"The military force of the revolutionary people (and not the people in general), consisting of 1) the armed proletariat and peasantry, 2) organised advance detachments of representatives of these classes, and 3) sections of the army that are prepared to come over to the side of the people. It is all this taken together that constitutes a revolutionary army. To talk of an uprising, of its force, of a natural transition to it, and to say nothing of a revolutionary army is folly and muddle headedness—and the greater the degree of the counter revolutionary army’s mobilisation, the more that is so." (Lenin, Volume 9, "The Latest in Iskra Tactics, or Mock Elections as a New Incentive to an Uprising", pp 356-373)

„A revolutionary army are (..) important words. The creation of a revolutionary army is an arduous, complex, and lengthy process. But when we see that it has already begun and is proceeding on all sides—though desultorily and by fits and starts—when we know that a genuine victory of the revolution is impossible without such an army, we must issue a definite and direct slogan, advocate it, make it the touchstone of the current political tasks." (Lenin, Volume 9, "The Latest in Iskra Tactics, or Mock Elections as a New Incentive to an Uprising", pp 356-373)

 

 

Lenin's Speech At The Send-Off
Of The Socialist Army’s First Troop Trains

January 1(14), 1918

Newspaper Report

 

Comrades, I greet you as the living embodiment of the Russian proletariat’s determination to fight for the triumph of the Russian revolution, for the triumph of its great slogans not only in this country, but also among the peoples of the whole world. I greet you as the first heroic volunteers of the socialist army, who are to build up a mighty revolutionary army. This army is called upon to safeguard the gains of the revolution and our people’s power, the Soviets of Soldiers’, Workers’ and Peasants’ Deputies, the whole of this new and truly democratic system, against the attacks of all the enemies of the people, who are bending all efforts to destroy the revolution. These enemies are the world capitalists who are now organising a crusade against the Russian revolution, which holds out the prospect of liberation to all working people. We must show that we are a force capable of overcoming every obstacle on the way to world revolution. Let the example of the comrades going into the trenches buoy up the weak, steady the hesitant and rouse the weary. The peoples hear our revolution’s clarion call and are awakening; our army’s ranks will soon be swelled by the proletarian forces of other countries and we shall no longer be alone. (Comrade Lenin’s words were drowned in shouts of greetings and prolonged applause. The volunteers of the socialist army accompanied Comrade Lenin to his car to the strains of the Internationale.)

The send-off took place in Mikhailovsky Manège on January 1 (14), 1918. As Lenin was returning to the Smolny an attempt was made on his life: a bullet went through the windscreen and passed over his head. The Swiss Communist, Fritz Platten, who was with Lenin, was wounded.

 

Appeal to the Red Army

29 March 1919

 

 

Greetings of the Second World Congress of the Communist International

To the Red Army and the Red Fleet of the Russian Socialist Federative Republic.

Brothers!

The Second World Congress of the Communist International sends its warmest fraternal greeting to the whole Red Army, the whole Fleet, every Red troop unit from the smallest to the largest, to you, Red Army men and Red sailors, all together and to each individually – especially the comrades at the front. The labouring people of the whole world are watching with bated breath and full of love your fight against the capitalists and the landlords, the Tsarist Generals and the imperialists.

The workers of the whole world have lived through your defeats with you and celebrate your victories together with you. The labouring population of the whole world is following full of enthusiasm how, at the cost of great exertions, you have beaten Kolchak, Denikin, Yudenich and Miller, and how you have put to shame the swindles of the English and French capitalists.

The Second World Congress of the Communist International greets most warmly the Red Army that is at the present moment fighting on the Western and South-Western front against the White Polish ‘Pans’ who were sent by the bourgeoisie of the Entente to strangle the Russian Soviet Republic of workers and peasants.

Brothers in the Red Army, know this: that your war against the Polish ‘Pans’ is the most just war that history has ever known. You are not only fighting for the interests of Soviet Russia but also for the interests of the whole of labouring humanity, for the Communist International.

The labouring masses cannot destroy the yoke of the rich and of wage slavery other than weapons in hand. You were the first to turn your weapons against the oppressors. You were the first to create a mighty and disciplined Red Army of workers and peasants. You were the first to point the way to all the oppressed and exploited people of the world. For this the proletarians of all lands bless you.

The Communist International knows that your victories over the enemies of the workers and peasants were bought with countless sacrifices and privations.

We know that you do not spare yourselves. We know that many of the best sons of the Red Army have sacrificed their lives for our cause. Your heroic courage will never be forgotten in history. Comrades, know this: that the Red Army is at present one of the main forces in world history. Know this: that you are no longer alone. The labouring people of the whole world are on your side. The time is near when the international Red Army will be created.

Long live the great, invincible Red Army!

Long live the Army of the Communist International!

 

 

 

MESSAGE

FROM THE ENLARGED ECCI

ON THE FOURTH ANNIVERSARY OF THE FOUNDATION OF THE RED ARMY

22 February 1922

 

 

 

STALIN:

"Either we create a real workers' and peasants' army, a strictly disciplined regular army, and defend the Republic, or we do not, and in that event our cause will be lost."

  The third basis of the dictatorship of the proletariat is our Red Army and our Red Navy. More than once did Lenin impress upon us that the respite we had won from the capitalist states might prove a short one. More than once did Lenin point out to us that the strengthening of the Red Army and the improvement of its condition is one of the most important tasks of our Party. The events connected with Curzon's ultimatum and the crisis in Germany once more confirmed that, as always, Lenin was right. Let us vow then, comrades, that we shall spare no effort to strengthen our Red Army and our Red Navy.

J. V. STALIN

 

 

Excerpt from a

Speech

on the
Military Question

Delivered at the
Eight Congress of the R.C.P.(B.

March 21, 1919

Stalin Works, Vol. 4, November, 1917 - 1920

All the questions touched upon here boil down to one: is Russia to have, or not to have, a strictly disciplined regular army?

Six months ago, after the collapse of the old, tsarist army, we had a new, a volunteer army, an army which was badly organized, which had a collective control, and which did not always obey orders. This was at a time when an Entente offensive was looming. The army was made up principally, if not exclusively, of workers. Because of the lack of discipline in this volunteer army, because it did not always obey orders, because of the disorganization in the control of the army, we sustained defeats and surrendered Kazan to the enemy, while Krasnov was successfully advancing from the South. . . . The facts show that a volunteer army cannot stand the test of criticism, that we shall not be able to defend our Republic unless we create another army, a regular army, one infused with the spirit of discipline, possessing a competent political department and able and ready to rise at the first command and march against the enemy.

I must say that those non-working-class elements— the peasants—who constitute the majority in our army will not voluntarily fight for socialism. A whole number of facts bear this out. The series of mutinies in the rear and at the fronts, the series of excesses at the fronts show that the non-proletarian elements comprising the majority of our army are not disposed to fight for communism voluntarily. Hence our task is to re-educate these elements, infusing them with a spirit of iron discipline, to get them to follow the lead of the proletariat at the front as well as in the rear, to compel them to fight for our common socialist cause, and, in the course of the war, to complete the building of a real regular army, which is alone capable of defending the country.

That is how the question stands.

. . . Either we create a real workers' and peasants' army, a strictly disciplined regular army, and defend the Republic, or we do not, and in that event our cause will be lost.

. . . Smirnov's project is unacceptable, because it can only undermine discipline in the army and make it impossible to build a regular army.

First published in: J. Stalin, On the Opposition. Articles and Speeches (1921-27), Moscow and Leningrad, 1928

 

 

 

Greetings to the Red Army on its Tenth Anniversary

February 23, 1928

Greetings to the Red Army, which upheld the achievements of the October Revolution in great battles!

Glory to the soldiers who fell in the proletarian cause!

Glory to the soldiers who stand guard over the great cause of socialist construction!

J. Stalin

Krasnaya Zvezda, No. 46, February 23, 1928

 

Three Distinctive Features of the Red Army

Speech Delivered at a Plenum of the Moscow Soviet Held in Honour of the
Tenth Anniversary of the Red Army
February 25, 1928

Comrades, permit me to convey the greetings of the Central Committee of our Party to the men of our Red Army, the men of our Red Navy, the men of our Red Air Force, and, lastly, to our potential servicemen, the armed workers of the U.S.S.R.

The Party is proud that, with the assistance of the workers and peasants, it has succeeded in creating the first Red Army in the world, which in great battles fought for and upheld the liberty of the workers and peasants.

The Party is proud that the Red Army has acquitted itself with honour in travelling the hard route of fierce battles against internal and external enemies of the working class and peasantry of our country, that it has succeeded in taking shape as a mighty militant revolutionary force, to the terror of the enemies of the working class and the joy of all the oppressed and enslaved.

The Party is proud that the Red Army, having travelled the long route of the liberation of the workers and peasants from the yoke of the landlords and capitalists, has at last won the right to celebrate its jubilee, marking the completion of the tenth year since its birth.

Comrades, wherein lies the strength, what is the source of the strength of our Red Army?

What are the features which radically distinguish our Red Army from all armies that have ever existed in the world?

What are the distinctive features which constitute the source of the strength and might of our Red Army?

The first fundamental distinctive feature of our Red Army is that it is the army of the liberated workers and peasants, it is the army of the October Revolution, the army of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

All armies that have ever existed under capitalism, no matter what their composition, have been armies for the furtherance of the power of capital. They were, and are, armies of capitalist rule. The bourgeois of all countries lie when they say that the army is politically neutral. That is not true. In bourgeois countries, the army is deprived of political rights, it is not allowed into the political arena. That is true. But that by no means implies that it is politically neutral. On the contrary, always and everywhere, in all capitalist countries, the army was, and is, drawn into the political struggle as an instrument for the suppression of the working people. Is it not true that the army in those countries suppresses the workers and serves as a buttress of the masters?

In contrast to such armies, our Red Army is distinguished by the fact that it is an instrument for the furtherance of the power of the workers and peasants, an instrument for the furtherance of the dictatorship of the proletariat, an instrument for the liberation of the workers and peasants from the yoke of the landlords and capitalists.

Our army is an army of liberation of the working people.

Have you considered the fact, comrades, that in the old days the people feared the army, as indeed they fear it now in the capitalist countries; that between the people and the army is a barrier separating the one from the other? And how is it with us? With us, on the contrary, people and army constitute a single whole, a single family. Nowhere in the world is there such an attitude of love and solicitude on the part of the people for the army as in our country. In our country the army is loved and respected, it is the object of general solicitude. Why? Because for the first time in the history of the world the workers and peasants have created their own army, which serves not the masters, but the former slaves, the now emancipated workers and peasants.

There you have a source of the strength of our Red Army.

And what does the people’s love for their army mean? It means that such an army will have the firmest of rears, that such an army is invincible.

What is an army without a firm rear? Nothing at all. The biggest armies, the best-equipped armies collapsed and fell to pieces when they did not have a firm rear, when they did not have the support and sympathy of the rear, of the labouring population. Ours is the only army in the world that has the sympathy and support of the workers and peasants. Therein lies its strength, therein lies its might.

That, above all, is what distinguishes our Red Army from all other armies that ever existed or exist today.

The desire of the Party, its task, is to see to it that this distinctive feature of the Red Army, its closeness to and fraternal connection with the workers and peasants, is preserved and made permanent.

A second distinctive feature of our Red Army is that it is an army of brotherhood among the nations of our country, an army of liberation of the oppressed nations of our country, an army of defence of the liberty and independence of the nations of our country.

In the old days, armies were usually trained in the spirit of dominant-nation chauvinism, in the spirit of conquest, in the belief of the need to subjugate weaker nations. That, indeed, explains why armies of the old type, capitalist armies, were at the same time armies of national, colonial oppression. Therein lay one of the fundamental weaknesses of the old armies. Our army radically differs from the armies of colonial oppression. Its whole nature, its whole structure, is based on strengthening the ties of friendship among the nations of our country, on the idea of liberating the oppressed peoples, on the idea of defending the liberty and independence of the socialist republics that go to make up the Soviet Union.

That is a second and fundamental source of the strength and might of our Red Army. Therein lies the pledge that at a critical moment our army will have the fullest support of the vast masses of all the nations and nationalities inhabiting our boundless land.

The desire of the Party, its task, is to see to it that this distinctive feature of our Red Army is likewise preserved and made permanent.

And, lastly, a third distinctive feature of the Red Army. It is that the spirit of internationalism is trained and fostered in our army, that the spirit of internationalism imbues our Red Army through and through.

In the capitalist countries, armies are usually trained to hate the peoples of other countries, to hate other states, to hate the workers and peasants of other countries. Why is this done? In order to turn the army into an obedient herd in the event of armed clashes between states, between powers, between countries. That is a source of weakness of all capitalist armies.

Our army is built on entirely different principles. The strength of our Red Army lies in the fact that from the day of its birth it has been trained in a spirit of internationalism, that it has been trained to respect the peoples of other countries, to love and respect the workers of all countries, to preserve and promote peace among countries. And precisely because our army is trained in the spirit of internationalism, trained to understand that the interests of the workers of all countries are one, precisely for this reason our army is an army of the workers of all countries.

And that this is a source of our army’s strength and might, the bourgeois of all countries will learn if they should venture to attack our country, for they will then see that our Red Army, trained as it is in the spirit of internationalism, has countless friends and allies in all parts of the world, from Shanghai to New York and from London to Calcutta.

That, comrades, is a third and fundamental distinctive feature which imbues the spirit of our army and constitutes a source of its strength and might.

The desire of the Party, its task, is to see to it that this distinctive feature of our army is likewise preserved and made permanent.

It is to these three distinctive features that our army owes its strength and might.

This, too, explains the fact that our army knows where it is heading for, because it consists not of tin soldiers, but of enlightened people who understand where to head for and what to fight for.

But an army that knows what it is fighting for is invincible, comrades.

That is why our Red Army has every ground for being the best army in the world.

Long live our Red Army!

Long live its soldiers!

Long live its leaders!

Long live the dictatorship of the proletariat which created the Red Army, gave it victory and crowned it with glory! (Stormy and prolonged applause.)

 

Pravda, No. 50, February 28, 1928

 

 

Eleventh anniversary of the Red Army.

Fraternal greetings to the Red Army men, commanders and political officers of the First Red Cossack Regiment of the Red Cavalry Division. I wish you success in your work and victory over the enemies of the workers and peasants.

J. Stalin

February 22, 1929

 

J. V. Stalin's telegram to the Red Army men, commanders and political officers of the First Red Cossack Regiment of the Red Cavalry Division, stationed at Proskurov, was sent on the occasion of the eleventh anniversary of the Red Army.

 

Greetings to the Red Army on its Fifteenth Anniversary

February, 1933

To the Revolutionary Military Council of the U.S.S.R.

Greetings to the men, commanders and political personnel of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Army!

Created under the leadership of Lenin, the Red Army covered itself with undying glory in the great battles of the Civil War, in which it drove out the interventionists from the U.S.S.R. and upheld the cause of socialism in our country.

The Red Army is today a bulwark of peace and the peaceful labour of the workers and peasants, the vigilant guardian of the frontiers of the Soviet Union.

The workers of our country, who have victoriously completed the five-year plan in four years, are equipping the Red Army with new instruments of defence. Your job, comrades, is to learn to handle those instruments to perfection and to do your duty to your country, should our enemies try to attack it.

Hold high the banner of Lenin, the banner of struggle for communism!

Long live the heroic Red Army, its leaders, its Revolutionary Military Council!

J. Stalin

 

 

To Comrade S. M. Budyonny

April, 1933

Ardent Bolshevik greetings on his fiftieth birthday to Comrade Budyonny—comrade-in-arms in the Civil War, organiser and commander of the glorious Red Cavalry, Red Army leader of the, highest talent from the ranks of the revolutionary peasantry!

I firmly clasp your hand, dear Semyon Mikhailovich.

J. Stalin

Pravda, No. 115, April 26, 1933

 

 

Address to the Graduates from the Red Army Academies

(Delivered in the Kremlin, May 4, 1935)

 

Comrades, it cannot be denied that in the last few years we have achieved great successes both in the sphere of construction and in the sphere of administration.

In this connection there is too much talk about the services rendered by chiefs, by leaders.

They are credited with all, or nearly all, of our achievements. That, of course, is wrong, it is incorrect.

It is not merely a matter of leaders. But it is not of this I wanted to speak today. I should like to say a few words about cadres, about our cadres in general and about the cadres of our Red Army in particular.

You know that we inherited from the past a technically backward, impoverished and ruined country.

Ruined by four years of imperialist war, and ruined again by three years of civil war, a country with a semi-literate population, with a low technical level, with isolated industrial oases lost in a sea of dwarf peasant farms - such was the country we inherited from the past. The task was to transfer this country from mediaeval darkness to modern industry and mechanized agriculture. A serious and difficult task, as you see. The question that confronted us was :

Either we solve this problem in the shortest possible time and consolidate Socialism in our country, or we do not solve it, in which case our country - weak technically and unenlightened in the cultural sense - will lose its independence and become a stake in the game of the imperialist powers.

At that time our country was passing through a period of an appalling dearth of technique. There were not enough machines for industry. There were no machines for agriculture. There were no machines for transport. There was not that elementary technical base without which the reorganization of a country on industrial lines is inconceivable. There were only isolated prerequisites for the creation of such a base. A first-class industry had to be built up. This industry had to be so directed as to be capable of technically reorganizing not only industry, but also agriculture and our railway transport. And to achieve this it was necessary to make sacrifices and to exercise the most rigorous economy in everything; it was necessary to economize on food, on schools, on textiles, in order to accumulate the funds required for building industry. There was no other way of overcoming the dearth of technique. That is what Lenin taught us, and in this matter we followed in the footsteps of Lenin.

Naturally, uniform and rapid success could not be expected in so great and difficult a task. In a task like this, successes only become apparent after several years. We therefore had to arm ourselves with strong nerves, Bolshevik grit, and stubborn patience to overcome our first failures and to march unswervingly towards the great goal, permitting no wavering or uncertainty in our ranks.

You know that that is precisely how we set about this task. But not all our comrades had the necessary spirit, patience and grit. There turned out to be people among our comrades who at the first difficulties began to call for a retreat. "Let bygones be bygones," it is said. That, of course, is true. But man is endowed with memory, and in summing up the results of our work, one involuntarily recalls the past. (Animation.) Well, then, there were comrades among us who were frightened by the difficulties and began to call on the Party to retreat. They said: "What is the good of your industrialisation and collectivisation, your machines, your iron and steel industry, tractors, harvester combines, automobiles? You should rather have given us more textiles, bought more raw materials for the production of consumers' goods, and given the population more of the small things that make life pleasant. The creation of an industry, and a first-class industry at that, when we are so backward, is a dangerous dream."

Of course, we could have used the 3,000,000,000 rubles in foreign currency obtained as a result of a most rigorous economy, and spent on building up our industry, for importing raw materials, and for increasing the output of articles of general consumption. That is also a "plan," in a way. But with such a "plan" we would not now have a metallurgical industry, or a machine-building industry, or tractors and automobiles, or aeroplanes and tanks. We would have found ourselves unarmed in the face of foreign foes. We would have undermined the foundations of Socialism in our country. We would have fallen captive to the bourgeoisie, home and foreign.

It is obvious that a choice had to be made between two plans : between the plan of retreat, which would have led, and was bound to lead, to the defeat of Socialism, and the plan of advance, which led, as you know, and has already brought us to the victory of Socialism in our country.

We chose the plan of advance, and moved forward along the Leninist road, brushing aside those comrades as people who could see more or less what was under their noses, but who closed their eyes to the immediate future of our country, to the future of Socialism in our country.

But these comrades did not always confine themselves to criticism and passive resistance. They threatened to raise a revolt in the Party against the Central Committee. More, they threatened some of us with bullets. Evidently, they reckoned on frightening us and compelling us to turn from the Leninist road. These people, apparently, forgot that we Bolsheviks are people of a special cut. They forgot that neither difficulties nor threats can frighten Bolsheviks. They forgot that we had been trained and steeled by the great Lenin, our leader, our teacher, our father, who knew and recognised no fear in the fight. They forgot that the more the enemies rage and the more hysterical the foes within the Party become, the more ardent the Bolsheviks become for fresh struggles and the more vigorously they push forward.

Of course, it never even occurred to us to turn from the Leninist road. Moreover, once we stood firmly on this road, we pushed forward still more vigorously, brushing every obstacle from our path.

True, in pursuing this course we were obliged to handle some of these comrades roughly. But that cannot be helped. I must confess that I too had a hand in this. (Loud cheers and applause.)

Yes, comrades, we proceeded confidently and vigorously along the road of industrialising and collectivising our country. And now we may consider that the road has been traversed.

Everybody now admits that we have achieved tremendous successes along this road. Everybody now admits that we already have a powerful, first-class industry, a powerful mechanised agriculture, a growing and improving transport system, an organised and excellently equipped Red Army.

This means that we have in the main emerged from the period of dearth in technique.

But, having emerged from the period of dearth of technique, we have entered a new period, a period, I would say, of a dearth of people, of cadres, of workers capable of harnessing technique, and advancing it. The point is that we have factories, mills, collective farms, state farms, a transport system, an army; we have technique for all this; but we lack people with sufficient experience to squeeze out of this technique all that can be squeezed out of it. Formerly, we used to say that "technique decides everything." This slogan helped us to put an end to the dearth of technique and to create a vast technical base in every branch of activity, for the equipment of our people with first-class technique. That is very good. But it is not enough by far. In order to set technique going and to utilise it to the full, we need people who have mastered technique, we need cadres capable of mastering and utilising this technique according to all the rules of the art. Without people who have mastered technique, technique is dead. In the charge of people who have mastered technique, technique can and should perform miracles. If in our first-class mills and factories, in our state farms and collective farms, in our transport system and in our Red Army we had sufficient cadres capable of harnessing this technique, our country would secure results three times and four times as great as at present. That is why emphasis must now be laid on people, on cadres, on workers who have mastered technique. That is why the old slogan, "Technique decides everything," which is a reflection of a period already passed, a period in which we suffered from a dearth of technique, must now be replaced by a new slogan, the slogan "Cadres decide everything." That is the main thing now.

Can it be said that our people have fully grasped and realised the great significance of this new slogan?

I would not say that. Otherwise, there would not have been the outrageous attitude towards people, towards cadres, towards workers, which we not infrequently observe in practice. The slogan "Cadres decide everything" demands that our leaders should display the most solicitous attitude towards our workers, "little" and "big," no matter in what sphere they are engaged, cultivating them assiduously, assisting them when they need support, encouraging them when they show their first successes, promoting them, and so forth. Yet we meet in practice in a number of cases with a soulless, bureaucratic, and positively outrageous attitude towards workers. This, indeed, explains why instead of being studied, and placed at their posts only after being studied, people are frequently flung about like pawns. People have learned to value machinery and to make reports on how many machines we have in our mills and factories. But I do not know of a single instance when a report was made with equal zest on the number of people we trained in a given period, on how we have assisted people to grow and become tempered in their work. How is this to be explained? It is to be explained by the fact that we have not yet learned to value people, to value workers, to value cadres.

I recall an incident in Siberia, where I lived at one time in exile. It was in the spring, at the time of the spring floods. About thirty men went to the river to pull out timber which had been carried away by the vast, swollen river. Towards evening they returned to the village, but with one comrade missing. When asked where the thirtieth man was, they replied indifferently that the thirtieth man had "remained there." To my question, "How do you mean, remained there?" they replied with the same indifference, "Why ask - drowned, of course." And thereupon one of them began to hurry away, saying, "I've got to go and water the mare." When I reproached them with having more concern for animals than for men, one of them said, amid the general approval of the rest : "Why should we be concerned about men? We can always make men. But a mare...just try and make a mare." (Animation.) Here you have a case, not very significant perhaps, but very characteristic. It seems to me that the indifference of certain of our leaders to people, to cadres, their inability to value people, is a survival of that strange attitude of man to man displayed in the episode in far off Siberia that I have just related.

And so, comrades, if we want successfully to get over the dearth of people and to provide our country with sufficient cadres capable of advancing technique and setting it going, we must first of all, learn to value people, to value cadres, to value every worker capable of benefitting our common cause. It is time to realise that of all the valuable capital the world possesses, the most valuable and most decisive is people, cadres. It must be realised that under our present conditions "cadres decide everything."

If we have good and numerous cadres in industry, agriculture, transport, and the army - our country will be invincible. If we do not have such cadres - we shall be lame on both legs.

In concluding my speech, permit me to offer a toast to the health and success of our graduates from the Red Army Academies. I wish them success in the work of organising and directing the defence of our country.

Comrades, you have graduated from institutions of higher learning, in which you received your first tempering. But school is only a preparatory stage. Cadres receive their real tempering in practical work, outside school, in fighting difficulties, in overcoming difficulties. Remember, comrades, that only those cadres are any good who do not fear difficulties, who do not hide from difficulties, but who, on the contrary, go out to meet difficulties, in order to overcome them and eliminate them. It is only in the fight against difficulties that real cadres are forged. And if our army possesses genuinely steeled cadres in sufficient numbers, it will be invincible.

Your health, comrades! (Stormy applause. All rise. Loud cheers for Comrade Stalin.)

Pravda
6 May 1935

 

 

Oath of Allegiance of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Army

23 February 1939

 

I, a citizen of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, joining the ranks of the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army, do hereby take the oath of allegiance and do solemnly vow to be an honest, brave, disciplined and vigilant fighter, to guard strictly all military and State secrets, to obey implicitly all Army regulations and orders of my commanders, commissars and superiors.

I vow to study the duties of a soldier conscientiously, to safeguard Army and National property in every way possible and to be true to my People, my Soviet Motherland, and the Workers' and Peasants' Government to my last breath.

I am always prepared at the order of the Workers' and Peasants' Government to come to the defence of my Motherland - the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics - and, as a fighter of the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army, I vow to defend her courageously, skilfully, creditably and honourably, without sparing my blood and my very life to achieve complete victory over the enemy.

And if through evil intent I break this solemn oath, then let the stern punishment of the Soviet law, and the universal hatred and contempt of the working people, fall upon me.

J. STALIN

Pravda
25 February 1939

 

 

 

Speech at the Red Army Parade on the Red Square, Moscow

November 7, 1941

J. V. Stalin

 


COMRADES, men of the Red Army and Red Navy, commanders and political instructors, working men and working women, collective farmers-men and women, workers in the intellectual professions, brothers and sisters in the rear of our enemy who have temporarily fallen under the yoke of the German brigands, and our valiant men and women guerillas who are destroying the rear of the German invaders!

On behalf of the Soviet Government and our Bolshevik Party I am greeting you and congratulating you on the twenty-fourth anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution.

Comrades, it is in strenuous circumstances that we are to-day celebrating the twenty-fourth anniversary of the October Revolution. The perfidious attack of the German brigands and the war which has been forced upon us have created a threat to our country. We have temporarily lost a number of regions, the enemy has appeared at the gates of Leningrad and Moscow. The enemy reckoned that after the very first blow our army would be dispersed, and our country would be forced to her knees. But the enemy gravely miscalculated. In spite of temporary reverses, our Army and Navy are heroically repulsing the enemy’s attacks along the entire front and inflicting heavy losses upon him, while our country—our entire country—has organized itself into one fighting camp in order, together with our Army and our Navy, to encompass the rout of the German invaders.

There were times when our country was in a still more difficult position. Remember the year 1918, when we celebrated the first anniversary of the October Revolution. Three-quarters of our country was at that time in the hands of foreign interventionists. The Ukraine, the Caucasus, Central Asia, the Urals, Siberia and the Far East were temporarily lost to us. We had no allies, we had no Red Army—we had only just begun to create it; there was a shortage of food, of armaments, of clothing for the Army. Fourteen states were pressing against our country. But we did not become despondent, we did not lose heart. In the fire of war we forged the Red Army and converted our country into a military camp. The spirit of the great Lenin animated us at that time for the war against the interventionists. And what happened? We routed the interventionists, recovered all our lost territory, and achieved victory.

To-day the position of our country is far better than twenty-three years ago. Our country is now many times richer than it was twenty-three years ago as regards industry, food and raw materials. We now have allies, who together with us are maintaining a united front against the German invaders. We now enjoy the sympathy and support of all the nations of Europe who have fallen under the yoke of Hitler’s tyranny. We now have a splendid Army and a splendid Navy, who are defending with their lives the liberty and independence of our country. We experience no serious shortage of either food, or armaments or army clothing. Our entire country, all the peoples of our country, support our Army and our Navy, helping them to smash the invading hordes of German fascists. Our reserves of man-power are inexhaustible. The spirit of the great Lenin and his victorious banner animate us now in this patriotic war just as they did twenty-three years ago.

Can there be any doubt that we can, and are bound to, defeat the German invaders?

The enemy is not so strong as some frightened little intellectuals picture him. The devil is not so terrible as he is painted. Who can deny that our Red Army has more than once put the vaunted German troops to panic flight? If one judges, not by the boastful assertions of the German propagandists, but by the actual position of Germany, it will not be difficult to understand that the German-fascist invaders are facing disaster. Hunger and impoverishment reign in Germany to-day; in four months of war Germany has lost four and a half million men; Germany is bleeding, her reserves of man-power are giving out, the spirit of indignation is spreading not only among the peoples of Europe who have fallen under the yoke of the German invaders but also among the German people themselves, who see no end to war. The German invaders are straining their last efforts. There is no doubt that Germany cannot sustain such a strain for long. Another few months, another half-year, perhaps another year, and Hitlerite Germany must burst under the pressure of her crimes.

Comrades, men of the Red Army and Red Navy, commanders and political instructors, men and women guerillas, the whole world is looking to you as the force capable of destroying the plundering hordes of German invaders. The enslaved peoples of Europe who have fallen under the yoke of the German invaders look to you as their liberators. A great liberating mission has fallen to your lot. Be worthy of this mission! The war you are waging is a war of liberation, a just war. Let the manly images of our great ancestors—Alexander Nevsky, Dimitry Donskoy, Kuzma Minin, Dimitry Pozharsky, Alexander Suvorov and Mikhail Kutuzov—inspire you in this war! May the victorious banner of the great Lenin be your lodestar!

For the complete destruction of the German invaders!

Death to the German invaders!

Long live our glorious Motherland, her liberty and her independence!

Under the banner of Lenin, forward to victory!

 

 

 

 

 

 

1941 - 1945

The GREAT PATRIOTIC WAR

(collection of speeches and orders)

 

 

 

 

24th Anniversary of the RED ARMY

ORDER OF THE DAY

OF THE PEOPLE'S COMMISSAR OF DEFENCE
OF THE U.S.S.R.

No. 55

MOSCOW, FEBRUARY 23, 1942


    Comrades, Red Armymen and Red Navymen, commanders and political instructors, partisans, men and women! 
The peoples of our country are celebrating the 24th Anniversary of the Red Army amidst the stern conditions of our Patriotic War against fascist Germany, which is brazenly and despicably encroaching upon the life and freedom of our country. Along a vast front, stretching from the Arctic Ocean to the Black Sea, the men of the Red Army and Navy are waging a bitter fight to drive the German fascist invaders from our country and to uphold the honour and independence of our motherland. 
This is not the first time that the Red Army has had to defend our native land against enemy attack. The Red Army was formed twenty-four years ago to combat the troops of the foreign interventionists and invaders who were endeavouring to dismember our country and destroy its independence. Though going into battle for the, first time, the newly formed units of the Red Army
utterly crushed the German invaders at Pskov and Narva in February 23, 1918. It was for this reason that February 23, 1918 was proclaimed the birthday of the Red Army. From then on the Red Army grew and gained strength in the struggle with the foreign interventionists and invaders. It successfully defended our country in the battles with the German invaders in 1918 and drove them beyond the borders of the Ukraine and Byelorussia. It successfully defended our country in the battles with the foreign troops of the Entente in 1919-1921 and drove them too beyond the borders of our country. 
The rout of the foreign interventionists and aggressors during the Civil War secured for the peoples of the Soviet Union a long period of peace and the opportunity of engaging in peaceful construction. During these two decades of peaceful construction socialist industry and collective farming arose in our country, science and culture flourished, and the ties of friendship between the peoples of our country were strengthened. But the Soviet people always bore in mind the possibility of another enemy attack on our country. Therefore, simultaneously with the growth of industry and agriculture, of science and culture the military might of the Soviet Union grew too. Some of those who covet the lands of others, have already felt the weight of this might. The vaunted German fascist army is feeling it now. 
Eight months ago fascist Germany wantonly attacked our country, grossly and basely violating the non-aggression pact. The enemy calculated that the Red Army would be shattered at the very first blow and would lose its power of resistance. But the enemy sadly miscalculated. He failed to take into account the strength of the Red
Army, failed to take into account the stability of the Soviet rear, failed to take into account the determination of the peoples of our country to achieve victory, failed to take into account the unreliability of the Europe rear of fascist Germany, and, lastly, he failed to take into account the inherent weakness of fascist Germany and her army. 
Owing to the surprise and suddenness of the German fascist attack, the Red Army, during the first months of the war, found itself compelled to retreat, to withdraw from a part of our Soviet territory. But while retreating the Red Army wore down the forces of the enemy and inflicted severe blows upon him. Neither the men of the Red Army nor the peoples of our country doubted that the withdrawal was but temporary, that the enemy would be checked and then routed. 
In the course of the war the Red Army was infused with new vital forces; it received replenishments of men and equipment; new reserve divisions came to its aid and the time came when the Red Army was able to assume the offensive on the main sectors of the vast front. In a brief space of time the Red Army dealt successive blows at the German fascist troops -- at Rostov-on-Don and Tikhvin, in the Crimea and near Moscow. In the fierce battles near Moscow the Red Army routed the German fascist troops which threatened to surround the Soviet capital. The Red Army threw back the enemy from Moscow and is still continuing to push him westward. The Moscow and Tula regions, as well as dozens of towns and hundreds of villages of other regions temporarily captured by the enemy have been completely freed of German invaders.

    The Germans now no longer have the military advantage they possessed during the first months of the war as a result of their treacherous and sudden attack. The element of surprise and suddenness, as a reserve of the German fascist troops, is completely spent. This removes the inequality in fighting conditions created by the suddenness of the German fascist attack. Now the outcome of the war will be decided not by such a fortuitous element as surprise, but by permanently operating factors: stability of the rear, morale of the army, quantity and quality of divisions, equipment of the army and organizing ability of the commanding personnel of the army. At this point one circumstance ought to be noted: the element of surprise had only to disappear from the Germans' stock-in-trade for the German fascist army to find itself faced with disaster. 
The German fascists consider their army invincible; they assert that in single combat it would unquestionably smash the Red Army. At the present time the Red Army and the German fascist army are engaged in single combat. Moreover, the German fascist army has the direct support at the front of Italian, Rumanian, and Finnish troops. So far the Red Army has had no support of this kind. And what do we find? The vaunted German army is suffering defeat while the Red Army has major successes to its credit. Under the sledge-hammer blows of the Red Army the German troops are reeling back to the West, sustaining huge losses in men and equipment. They cling to every line of defence, trying to defer the day of their rout. But the enemy's efforts are in vain. The initiative is now in our hands, and no matter how much Hitler's rusty, ramshackle machine may exeert itself, it
cannot withstand the pressure of the Red Army. The day is not far distant when the Red Army, with a mighty blow, will hurl back the brutal enemy from Leningrad, clear him out of our towns and villages in Byelorussia and the Ukraine, Lithuania and Latvia, Estonia and Karelia and free Soviet Crimea, and when the Red Flag will wave triumphantly again all over our Soviet land. 
It would be unpardonable shortsightedness, however; to rest content with the successes we have achieved and to think that the German troops are already done for. That would be empty boasting and conceit unworthy of Soviet people. It should not be forgotten that many difficulties still lie ahead. The enemy is suffering defeat, but he is not yet defeated, let alone crushed. The enemy is still strong. He will strain his last efforts to attain success. And the more he suffers defeat, the more ferocious will he become. Therefore, it is essential that in our country the training of reserves in aid of the front should not be relaxed for a moment. It is essential that more and more units should march to the front to forge victory over the infuriated enemy. It is essential that our industry, particularly our war industry, should work with redoubled energy. It is essential that with every passing day the front should receive ever more tanks, aircraft, guns, mortars, machine guns, rifles, automatics and ammunition. 
This is one of the main sources of the strength and power of the Red Army. 
But the strength of the Red Army lies not only in this. 
The strength of the Red Army lies, primarily, in the fact that it is waging, not a predatory, not an imperialist war, but a Patriotic War, a war of liberation, a just
war. The Red Army's task is to free our Soviet territory of the German invaders; to liberate from the yoke of the German invaders the people of our villages and towns who were free and lived like human beings before the war, but are now oppressed and suffering from rapine, pillage and famine; and, finally, to liberate our women from the outrage and violence to which they are being subjected by the German fascist monsters. What could be more noble, more lofty, than such a task? No German soldier can say that he is waging a just war, because he cannot fail to see that he is forced to fight for the plunder and oppression of other peoples. The German soldier has no lofty and noble aim in the war to inspire him and rouse his pride. Every Red Armyman, however, can proudly say that he is waging a just war for liberation, a war for the freedom and independence of his country. The Red Army has a noble and lofty aim in the war, which inspires it to perform great deeds. This is why the Patriotic War we are waging gives rise to thousands of heroes and heroines who are ready to lay down their lives for the freedom of their country. 
Herein lies the strength of the Red Army. 
And herein lies the weakness of the German fascist army. 
Sometimes the foreign press publishes twaddle to the effect that the Red Army's aim is to exterminate the German people and to destroy the German state. This, of course, is a silly fable and stupid calumny against the Red Army. The Red Army has not and cannot have such idiotic aims. The Red Army's aim is to drive the German invaders from our country, and to clear our Soviet soil of the German fascist aggressors. It is highly probable
that the war for the liberation of our Soviet soil will lead to the expulsion or destruction of Hitler's clique. We would welcome such an outcome. But it would be ludicrous to identify Hitler's clique with the German people, with the German state. The experience of history shows that Hitlers come and go, but the German people and the German state live on. 
The strength of the Red Army lies, finally, in that it does not and cannot feel racial hatred for other peoples, including the German people; that it has been trained to recognize the equality of all peoples and races, and to respect the rights of other peoples. The Germans' racial theory and their practice of racial hatred have led all freedom-loving peoples to become enemies of fascist Germany. The U.S.S.R.'s theory of racial equality and its practice of respecting the rights of other peoples have led all freedom-loving peoples to become the friends of the Soviet Union. 
Herein lies the strength of the Red Army. 
And herein lies the weakness of the German fascist army. 
Sometimes the foreign press publishes twaddle to the effect that the Soviet people hate the Germans as Germans, that the Red Army exterminates German soldiers as Germans, out of hatred for everything German, and that, therefore, the Red Army does not take German soldiers prisoner. This, of course, is another silly fable and stupid calumny against the Red Army. The Red Army is free of such sentiments as racial hatred. It is free of such degrading sentiments because it has been trained in the spirit of racial equality and respect for the rights of other people. Nor should it be forgotten that in our
country any manifeslation of racial hatred is punishable by law. 
Of course, the Red Army has to destroy the German fascist invaders inasmuch as they are out to enslave our country; or when, on being surrounded by our troops, they refuse to lay down their arms and surrender. The Red Army annihilates them, not because of their German origin, but because they want to enslave our country. The Red Army, like the army of any other people, has the right and is in duty bound to annihilate those who want to enslave its country, irrespective of their nationality. Not long ago the German garrisons in the towns of Kalinin, Klin, Sukhinichi, Andreapol and Toropets were surrounded by our troops. They were called upon to surrender, and promised that their lives would be spared if they did. The German garrisons refused to lay down their arms and be made prisoners of war. Obviously, they had to be forcibly dislodged, in the course of which quite a few Germans were killed. War is war. The Red Army takes German soldiers and officers prisoner if they surrender, and spares their lives. The Red Army annihilates German soldiers and officers if they refuse to lay down their arms and try to enslave our country by force of arms. Remember the words of Maxim Gorki, the great Russian writer: "If the enemy does not surrender he must be annihilated." 
Comrades, Red Armymen and Red Navymen, commanders and political instructors, partisans, men and women! I congratulate you on the 24th Anniversary of the Red Army! I wish you complete victory over the German fascist invaders. 
Long live the Red Army and Navy!

    Long live the men and women partisans! 
Long live our glorious motherland, her freedom and her independence! 
Long live the great Bolshevik Party which is leading us to victory! 
Long live the invincible banner of the great Lenin! 
Under the banner of Lenin -- forward to the defeat the German fascist invaders!

J. Stalin 
People's Commissar of Defence
of the U.S.S.R.

 


 

25th Anniversary of the RED ARMY

ORDER OF THE DAY

OF THE SUPREME COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF

No. 95

MOSCOW, FEBRUARY 23,1943


    Comrades, Red Armymen and Red Navymen, commanders and political instructors, partisans, men and women. Today we are celebrating the 25th Anniversary of the Red Army. 
A quarter of a century has passed since the Red Army was formed. It was formed to fight the foreign invaders who wanted to subjugate our country. February 23,1918, the day on which the Red Army routed the forces of the German invaders at Pskov and Narva, was proclaimed the birthday of the Red Army. 
In the period of 1918-21, the Red Army, in stubborn fighting against foreign invaders, upheld the honour, freedom and independence of our Soviet Motherland and the right of the peoples of our country to build up their lives in the way they were taught to do by our great Lenin. 
For a period of two decades the Red Army protected the peaceful, constructive labours of the Soviet people. The peoples of our country never forgot the encroachments of the foreign aggressors upon our soil and took constant care to strengthen the Red Army, to equip it
with first-class weapons and, with a loving hand, reared our cadres of Soviet warriors. 
The Red Army is an army for the protection of peace and friendship among the peoples of all countries. It was created not for the purpose of conquering other countries, but of protecting the frontiers of the Land of Soviets. The Red Army has always respected the rights and the independence of all nations. 
In June 1941, however, Hitler Germany wantonly attacked our country, in gross and despicable violation of the pact of non-aggression. The Red Army was therefore obliged to take the field to defend its motherland from the German invaders and to drive them beyond the borders of our country. From that moment the Red Army became an army for the purpose of waging a mortal struggle against the Hitler troops, an army of avengers of the outrage and violence to which the German fascist scoundrels have subjected our brothers and sisters in the occupied regions of our country. 
The Red Army is celebrating its 25th Anniversary at a decisive moment in our Patriotic War against Hitler Germany and its servitors -- the Italians, Hungarians, Rumanians and Finns. 
Twenty months have passed since the Red Army started its heroic struggle, unprecedented in history, against the invading German fascist hordes. Owing to the absence of a second front in Europe the Red Army is bearing the entire burden of this struggle alone. Nevertheless, it has not only withstood the onslaught of the German fascist hordes, but in the course of the war has become a terror to the fascist armies. During the heavy fighting in the summer and autumn
of 1942 the Red Army barred the road to the fascist monster. Our people will forever remember the heroic defence of Sevastopol and Odessa, the stubborn battles near Moscow and in the foothills of the Caucasus, in the region of Rzhev and near Leningrad, and the greatest battle ever fought in history at the walls of Stalingrad. In these great battles our gallant men, commanders and political instructors covered the banners of the Red Army with unfading glory and laid a firm foundation for victory over the German fascist armies. 
Three months ago the troops of the Red Army launched an offensive at the approaches to Stalingrad. Since then we have retained the initiative in military operations, while the tempo and striking power of the Red Army's offensive operations continue unabated. Today, amidst severe winter conditions, the Red Army is waging an offensive on a front 1,500 kilometres long, and almost everywhere is achieving success. In the North, near Leningrad, on the Central front, at the approaches to Kharkov, in the Donetz Basin, at Rostov and on the shores of the Azov and Black Seas, the Red Army is striking blow after blow at the Hitler forces. In the course of three months the Red Army has liberated from the enemy the territory of the Voronezh and Stalingrad Regions, the Chechen-Ingush, North Ossetian, Kabardino-Balkarian and Kalmyk Autonomous Republics, the Stavropol and Krasnodar Territories, the Cherkess, Karachai and Adygei Autonomous Regions, and almost the entire Rostov, Kharkov and Kursk Regions. 
The wholesale expulsion of the enemy from the Land of Soviets has commenced. 
What has changed during these last three months?

Why are the Germans suffering these grave reverses? What are they due to? 
The relation of forces has changed on the Soviet German front. The fact is that fascist Germany is becoming more and more exhausted and enfeebled, whereas the Soviet Union is more and more developing her reserves and is becoming stronger. Time is working against fascist German. 
Until recently, Hitler Germany, which has harnessed the war industry of Europe to her needs, enjoyed superiority over the Soviet Union in war material, primarily in tanks and aircraft. This was her advantage. But during the twenty months of the war the situation has changed. Thanks to the self-sacrificing efforts of the working men and working women, the engineers and technicians in the war industries of the U.S.S.R., the production of tanks, aircraft and guns has increased during the course of the war. During this period the enemy sustained on the Soviet-German front enormous losses in war material, particularly in tanks, aircraft and artillery. In the three months of the Red Army's offensive in the winter of 1942-43 alone the Germans lost over 7,000 tanks, 4,000 aeroplanes, 17,000 guns and large quantities of other material. 
Of course, the Germans will try to make good these losses, but that will not be an easy matter; the enemy will need considerable time to make good these enormous losses in war material. But time does not wait. 
Hitler Germany commenced hostilities against the U.S.S.R. with a numerical superiority over the Red Army in troops mobilized and ready for action. This was her advantage. During the twenty months of the war, how
ever, the situation has changed in this respect too. In the course of the war the Red Army, in defensive and offensive battles, has put out of action as many as 9,000,000 German fascist men and officers, of whom no less than 4,000,000 were killed on the battlefield. The Rumanian, Italian and Hungarian armies which Hitler drove to the Soviet-German front have been completely routed. During the past three months alone the Red Army has routed 112 enemy divisions, of which over 700,000 men have been killed and over 300,000 taken prisoner. 
Of course, the German command will do their utmost to make good these colossal losses. But in the first place the weak spot of the German armies is their shortage of reserves of manpower, and, consequently, no one can say from what sources they will be able to make good these losses. Secondly, even if we assumed that the Germans do manage, by hook or by crook, to scrape together the required number of men, they will need no little time to muster and train them. But time does not wait. 
The Hitler army commenced hostilities against the Soviet Union with nearly two years' experience in conducting large-scale military operations in Europe with the aid of the most up-to-date implements of warfare. In the first period of the war the Red Army, naturally, did not yet have, nor could it have had such military experience. This was the advantage enjoyed by the German fascist army. During the twenty months of the war, however, the situation has changed in this respect too. In the course of the war the Red Army had become a seasoned army. It has learned to strike the enemy unerring blows, taking into account his weak and strong sides,
as modern military science demands. Hundreds of thousands and millions of men in the Red Army have learned to wield their weapons -- rifles, swords, machine guns, artillery, mortars, tanks, sappers' tools and aircraft -- to perfection. Tens of thousands of commanders of the Red Army have become expert military leaders. They have learned to combine personal valour and courage with the ability to lead troops on the battlefield; they have abandoned stupid and pernicious linear tactics and have definitely adopted the tactics of mobile warfare. 
It is by no means fortuitous that the Command of the Red Army is not only liberating Soviet soil from the enemy, but is also preventing him from leaving our soil alive, executing such formidable operations in surrounding and annihilating enemy armies as may serve as models of the art of war. This is undoubtedly a symptom of the maturity of our commanders. 
There can be no doubt that the correct strategy of the Red Army Command and the flexible tactics of our commanders in the field alone enabled them to carry out such an outstanding operation as the surrounding and annihilation of a vast army of picked German troops numbering 330,000 men near Stalingrad. 
In this respect all is not well with the Germans by any means. Their strategy is defective, because, as a rule, they underrate the strength and potentialities of the enemy and overrate their own strength. Their tactics are stereotyped, because they try to make operations at the front fit in with this or that paragraph of their army regulations. The Germans are methodical and precise in their operations when circumstances enable them to fulfil the requirements of their army regulations. This is
their strong side. But the Germans are helpless when the situation becomes complicated and "fails to fit in" with this or that paragraph of their army regulations and calls for the adoption of independent decisions not provided for by these regulations. This is the Germans' main weakness. 
Such are the causes which have determined the defeats of the German forces and the successes of the Red Army during the past three months. 
This does not mean, however, that the Hitler army is done for, and that all the Red Army has to do is to pursue it to the western frontiers of our country. To think so would mean yielding to unwise and pernicious delusion. To think so would mean overrating our own strength, underrating the enemy's strength and plunging into adventurism. The enemy has suffered defeat, but he is not yet vanquished. The German fascist army is passing through a crisis as a result of the blows inflicted upon it by the Red Army, but this does not mean that it cannot recover. The struggle against the German invaders is not yet over, it is only just developing and flaring up. It would be silly to believe that the Germans will surrender even a single kilometre of our soil without a fight. 
The Red Army has a stern struggle before it against a crafty, cruel and still formidable enemy. This struggle will require time, sacrifice, the exertion of all our efforts and the mobilization of all our potentialities. We have begun to liberate Soviet Ukraine from the German yoke, but millions of Ukrainians are still groaning under the yoke of the German tyrants. The German invaders and their servitors are still lording it in Byelorussia, Lithua
nia, Latvia, Estonia, Moldavia, the Crimea and Karelia. Powerful blows have been struck the enemy armies, but the enemy is not yet vanquished. The German invaders are putting up a frantic resistance, launching counter attacks, trying to hold on to their defensive lines and likely to plunge into new adventures. That is why there must be no room in our ranks for complacency, negligence or conceit. 
Our entire Soviet people are rejoicing at the victories of the Red Army. But the men, commanders and political instructors of the Red Army must firmly bear in mind the behests of our teacher Lenin: "The primary thing is not to become intoxicated by victory and not to boast; the second is to consolidate the victory; the third is to give the enemy the finishing stroke." 
For the sake of liberating our motherland from the hated enemy, and for the sake of our final victory over the German fascist invaders,

    I HEREBY ORDER:

    1. That military training be constantly perfected and that discipline, order and organization be strengthened throughout the Red Army and Navy. 
2. That heavier blows be inflicted on the enemy forces, that the enemy be continuously and persistently pursued, that he be given no opportunity to fortify himself in defensive lines, that he be given no rest, either day or night, that enemy communications be cut and that enemy troops be surrounded and annihilated if they refuse to lay down their arms. 
3. That the flames of guerilla warfare be fanned still more in the enemy's rear, that the enemy's communica
tions be destroyed, railway bridges blown up, the movement of enemy troops and the supply of arms and ammunition be dislocated, that army stores be blown up and burnt, that enemy garrisons be attacked, that the retreating enemy be prevented from setting fire to villages and towns and that all efforts and means be employed to assist the advancing Red Army. This is the pledge of our victory. 
Comrades, Red Armymen and Red Navymen, commanders and political instructors! Partisans, men and women! 
On behalf of the Soviet Government and of our Bolshevik Party I greet you and congratulate you on the 25th Anniversary of the Red Army. 
Long live our Great Motherland! 
Long live our gallant Red Army, our valiant Navy, and our brave men and women partisans! 
Long live the Bolshevik Party, the inspirer and organizer of the Red Army's victories! 
Death to the German invaders!

J. Stalin 
Supreme Commander-in-Chief

 


26th Anniversary of the RED ARMY

ORDER OF THE DAY

OF THE SUPREME COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF

No. 16

MOSCOW, FEBRUARY 23, 1944


    Comrades, Red Armymen and Red Navymen, non-commissioned officers, officers and generals! Partisans, men and women! 
The peoples of our country are celebrating the 26th anniversary of the Red Army amidst historic victories won by the Soviet troops over the German fascist troops. 
For over a year the Red Army has been conducting a victorious offensive, routing the armies of the Hitler invaders and sweeping them from Soviet soil. During this period the Red Army successfully conducted the winter campaign of 1942-43, won the battles in the summer of 1943, and has developed a victorious offensive in the winter of 1943-44. In these campaigns, unprecedented in the history of war, the Red Army fought its way westward, in places as much as 1,700 kilometres, and cleared the enemy from nearly three-fourths of the Soviet territory he captured. 
In the course of the present winter campaign the Red Army has demolished the powerful German defences along the whole length of the Dnieper, from Zhlobin to
Kherson, and has thereby upset the Germans' calculations of successfully conducting a protracted defensive war on the Soviet-German front. 
During the three months of the winter campaign, our valiant troops have achieved immense victories in the Ukraine on the right bank of the Dnieper, completed the liberation of the Kiev, Dniepropetrovsk and Zaporozhye Regions, liberated the whole of the Zhitomir Region and almost the whole of the Rovno and Kirovograd Regions, and freed a number of districts of the Vinnitsa, Nikolayev, Kamenets-Podolsk and Volhynia Regions. By its resolute operations, the Red Army thwarted the Germans' attempts to conduct a counter-offensive in the districts of Zhitomir, Krivoi Rog and Uman. The Soviet troops arranged another Stalingrad for the Germans on the right bank of the Dnieper by surrounding and exterminating, in the district of Korsun-Shevchenkovsky, ten German divisions and one brigade. 
The Soviet troops won a magnificent victory at Leningrad. Our troops smashed the enemy's powerful system of permanent, deeply echeloned fortifications, routed a strong group of German troops and completely relieved Leningrad from the enemy blockade and savage artillery bombardment. The Soviet troops are now clearing the Leningrad and Kalinin Regions of the last remnants of the fascist fiends and have entered the territory of Soviet Estonia. 
The wholesale expulsion of the invaders from Soviet Byelorussia is proceeding on a wide scale: almost the whole of the Gomel and Polesie Regions and a number of districts in the Moghilev and Vitebsk Regions have been liberated.

    Amidst the unfavourable conditions of the present winter, our troops, surmounting the powerful enemy defence zones, in the course of three months of the winter campaign, have cleared the enemy out of about 200,000 square kilometres of Soviet territory. The Red Army has recovered from the enemy over 13,000 inhabited centres, including 82 towns and 320 railway stations. Additional millions of Soviet citizens have been liberated from fascist captivity. Our country has regained important agricultural and industrial districts containing immense deposits of iron and manganese ore. The Germans have been deprived of these economically important districts, to which they clung so desperately. 
It should now be obvious to everybody that Hitler Germany is irresistibly heading for disaster. True, in this war, the conditions for conducting war are more favourable for Germany than they were in the last World War when, from beginning to end, she was compelled to fight on two fronts. A serious drawback for Germany, however, is the fact that in this war the Soviet Union has proved to be much more powerful than former tsarist Russia was in the last war. In the first World War six Great Powers -- France, Russia, Great Britain, the United States, Japan and Italy -- were arrayed on two fronts against the German bloc. In the present war, Italy and Japan arrayed themselves on the side of Germany; Finland joined the fascist bloc, and Rumania, which fought Germany in the last war, deserted to Germany's side in this war; and to this day Germany's main forces are operating on one front against the Soviet Union. We know from history that Germany was always victorious when she fought on one front and was vanquished when
compelled to fight on two fronts. In the present war Germany has concentrated her main forces on one front -- against the U.S.S.R. Nevertheless she has not only failed to achieve victory but, as a result of the powerful blows delivered by the armed forces of the Soviet Union, finds herself on the brink of disaster. Since the Soviet Union, fighting single-handed, has not only withstood the onslaught of the German war machine but has inflicted heavy defeats on the German fascist troops, how much more hopeless will Hitler Germany's position be when the main forces of our Allies go into action, and a powerful and ever growing offensive of the armies of all the Allied countries develops! The German fascist robbers are now making frantic efforts to avert disaster. They have again clutched at "total" mobilization in the rear, although Germany's man power reserves are exhausted. The fascist rulers are making desperate efforts to sow dissension in the camp of the anti-Hitler coalition and thereby prolong the war. Hitler's diplomats are rushing from one neutral country to another in the endeavour to establish contacts with pro-Hitler elements, hinting at the possibility of a separate peace, now with our country and now with our Allies. All these stratagems of the Hitlerites are doomed to failure, for the anti-Hitler coalition is based on the vital interests of the Allies, who have set themselves the object of routing Hitler Germany and her associates in Europe. It is this community of vital interests that is causing the fighting alliance of the U.S.S.R., Great Britain and the United States to become stronger in the course of the war. 
The hour of final retribution for all the atrocities the
Hitlerites have committed on Soviet soil and in the occupied countries of Europe is drawing near. 
The Red Army's victorious offensive was made possible by the fresh feats of labour heroism the Soviet people have performed in all branches of our national economy. The working people of the Soviet Union consolidated the Red Army's summer victories at the front by fresh production victories in the rear. 
The workers in our industries are fulfilling and over fulfilling state plans ahead of time, are starting new industrial plants, blast furnaces and electric power stations, and, in an unprecedentedly short space of time, are restoring the industry that was destroyed by the invaders in the now liberated districts. The heroic efforts of the working class are still further strengthening the Red Army's military material base and thereby bringing nearer the hour of our final victory. 
The Soviet peasantry are providing the state with provisions for the Army and the towns and raw materials for industry, and are self-sacrificingly backing the efforts of the Red Army. 
The Soviet intelligentsia are rendering the workers and peasants direct assistance and guidance in developing production and in satisfying the Red Army's needs. 
The working people in the liberated districts are, day after day, increasing their assistance to the Red Army -- their liberator -- and are directing the products of their restored factories and farms into the common stream of supplies that is flowing to the front. 
There can be no doubt that the Soviet people will continue, by their heroic labours, and by straining all
their efforts, to ensure a continuous increase in the productive forces of our country for the purpose of securing the speedy and final defeat of the German fascist invaders. 
The organization of new military formations in the Union Republics, the ground for which was prepared by the fighting unity of the peoples of the U.S.S.R. during our present Patriotic War and by the entire history of our country, will still further strengthen the Red Army an augment its ranks with new fighting forces. 
Comrades, Red Armymen and Red Navymen, non-commissioned officers, officers and generals! Comrades, partisans, men and women! 
In this great war of liberation for the freedom and independence of our motherland you have displayed marvels of heroism. The Red Army has achieved a decisive turning point in this war in our favour, and is now confidently marching toward final victory over the enemy. The enemy is sustaining defeat after defeat. He is not yet vanquished, however. The Hitler brigands, realizing that their doom and inevitable retribution for all the fiendish atrocities they have committed on our soil is approaching, are resisting with the fury of despair. They are hurling into the fray their last forces and reserves; they are clinging to every metre of Soviet soil and to every convenient line. 
Precisely for this reason, great as our successes may be, we must continue soberly to appraise the enemy's strength, be vigilant and not permit conceit, complacency and carelessness to enter our ranks. There has never been a case in the history of war when the enemy leapt into the abyss of his own accord. To win the war we
must drive the enemy to the precipice and throw him over. Only crushing blows of steadily increasing force can break the enemy's resistance and bring us final victory. For this we must continue to perfect the military training of the men and the military skill of the commanders of our Army. It is the Red Army's duty day after day to improve its skill in the art of war, unceasingly and thoroughly to study the enemy's tactics, skilfully and opportunely see through his crafty designs and oppose the enemy's tactics with our own more perfect tactics. The fighting experience and achievements of the outstanding units and formations of the Red Army must be acquired by all our troops; the entire Red Army, all its men and officers must learn to fight the enemy according to all the rules of modern military science. 
Comrades, Red Armymen and Red Navymen, non-commissioned officers, officers and generals, partisans, men and women! 
Greeting and congratulating you on the 26th Anniversary of the Red Army,

    I HEREBY ORDER:

    1. That all the men and non-commissioned officers of the infantry, trench-mortar units, artillery, air force, tank force, sappers, signal corps and cavalry -- continue unceasingly to perfect their fighting skill, make the fullest use of our splendid fighting equipment, beat the enemy as our valiant Guardsmen are beating him, precisely carry out the orders of their commanders, increase discipline and order, and improve organization. 
2. That officers and generals of all arms of the service perfect their skill in the art of leading troops, in
manoeuvring tactics, and in combining the operations of all arms in the course of battle, more boldly and extensively apply in their fighting practice the experience of the outstanding Guards units and formations, raise the efficiency of staffs and army administrations to a higher level, and in every way improve and develop our reconnoitring service. 
3. That the entire Red Army, by the skilful combination of fire and manoeuvres, smash the enemy's defences throughout their depth, give the enemy no respite, forestall the enemy's attempts to arrest our advance by means of counter-attacks, skilfully organize the pursuit of the enemy, prevent the latter from withdrawing his material, outflank the enemy's troops by daring manoeuvres, penetrate their rear, surround the enemy's troops, split them up and exterminate them if they refuse to lay down their arms. 
4. That partisans, men and women, increase their aid to the Red Army, attack the enemy's staffs and garrisons, wreck his army administrations in the rear, destroy his communications and prevent him from drawing up reserves. 
5. That, to celebrate the great victories achieved by the armed forces of the Soviet state during the past year, twenty salvoes of artillery be fired today, February 23, the 26th Anniversary of the Red Army at 18 hours, in Moscow, Leningrad, Kiev, Dniepropetrovsk, Gomel and Rostov in salute of the valiant troops of the Red Army. 
Glory to our victorious Red Army! 
Glory to Soviet arms!

    Glory to our valiant men and women partisans! 
Long live our great Soviet Motherland! 
Long live our All-Union Communist Party -- the inspirer and organizer of the Red Army's great victories! 
Death to the German invaders!

J. Stalin 
Marshal of the Soviet Union
Supreme Commander-in-Chief

 

 

27th Anniversary of the RED ARMY

ORDER THE DAY

OF THE SUPREME COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF

No. 5

MOSCOW, FEBRUARY 23, 1945


    Comrades, Red Armymen and Red Navymen, non-commissioned officers, officers and generals! Today we are celebrating the twenty-seventh anniversary of the Red Army. 
Created by great Lenin to protect our country from attack by foreign aggressors and reared by the Bolshevik Party, the Red Army has traversed a glorious path of development. It has fulfilled with honour its historic mission and is deservedly the beloved offspring of the Soviet people. During the period of the Civil War the Red Army defended our young Soviet state from numerous enemies. In the great battles of our Patriotic War against the German invasion, the Red Army saved the peoples of the Soviet Union from German fascist slavery, upheld the freedom and independence of our country and helped the peoples of Europe to throw off the German yoke. 
We are celebrating the Red Army's twenty-seventh anniversary amidst new historic victories over the enemy. The Red Army has not only rid our native land of the Hitler scum, but has also hurled the enemy back many hundreds of kilometres beyond the lines from which the
Germans launched their predatory attack upon our country, has carried the war into the territory of Germany, and is now, in conjunction with the armies of our Allies, successfully completing the rout of the German fascist army. 
In January, this year, the Red Army struck the enemy a blow of unprecedented force along the whole front from the Baltic to the Carpathians. On a stretch of 1,200 kilometres it demolished the powerful defences of the Germans, which the latter had built up in the course of a number of years. During its offensive the Red Army, by means of swift and skilful operations, hurled the enemy far to the West. In hard fought battles, our Soviet troops advanced from the frontiers of East Prussia to the lower reaches of the Vistula -- a distance of 270 kilometres; from the bridgehead on the Vistula south of Warsaw to the lower reaches of the river Oder -- a distance of 570 kilometres; and from the Sandomir bridgehead into the interior of German Silesia -- a distance of 480 kilometres. 
The successes of our winter offensive resulted, primarily in the frustration of the Germans' winter offensive in the West, the object of which was to capture Belgium and Alsace, and they enabled the armies of our Allies, in their turn, to pass to the offensive against the Germans and thereby combine their offensive operations in the West with the Red Army's offensive operations in the East. 
During forty days of the offensive in January and February 1945, our troops dislodged the Germans from 300 towns, captured as many as 100 munition plants producing tanks, aircraft, armaments and ammunition, occupied over 2,400 railway stations and captured a net
work of railways of a total length exceeding 15,000 kilometres. During this short period Germany lost over 350,000 men and officers taken prisoner, and no less than 800,000 killed. In the same period the Red Army destroyed and captured about 3,000 German aeroplanes, over 4,500 tanks and self-propelled guns, and no less than 12,000 other guns. 
As a result the Red Army completely liberated Poland and a large part of Czechoslovakia, occupied Budapest and knocked out of the war Germany's last ally in Europe, Hungary, captured the major part of East Prussia and German Silesia, and hewed a road for itself to Brandenburg and Pomerania, the approaches to Berlin. 
The Hitlerites boasted that no enemy soldier had set foot on German soil for over a hundred years and that the German army had fought and would fight only on foreign soil. An end has now been put to this German boastfulness. 
Our winter offensive has shown that our Red Army finds ever new forces for solving problems of increasing complexity and difficulty. Its valiant soldiers have now learned to crush and destroy the enemy according to all the rules of modern military science. Inspired by the consciousness of their great liberating mission, our soldiers are displaying miracles of heroism and self-sacrifice, skilfully combine bravery and daring in battle with the full utilization of the power and might of their weapons. The generals and officers of the Red Army skilfully combine massed blows of powerful implements of war with skilful and swift manoeuvring.In the fourth year of the war the Red Army is more solid and powerful than ever before; its fighting equipment is more perfect and its fighting skill ever so much higher.
    Comrades, Red Armymen and Red Navymen, non-commissioned officers, officers and generals! 
Complete victory over the Germans is now already near. But victory never comes of its own accord; it is achieved by hard fighting and by persevering labour. The doomed foe is hurling his last forces into battle and is offering desperate resistance in order to escape stern retribution. He is clutching, and will clutch again, at the most extreme and despicable methods of fighting. Hence, we must bear in mind that the nearer our victory, the keener must be our vigilance and the more powerful the blows we strike at the enemy. 
On behalf of the Soviet Government and of our glorious Bolshevik Party, I greet and congratulate you on the twenty-seventh anniversary of the Red Army! 
To mark the great victories achieved during the past year by the armed forces of the Soviet state

    I HEREBY ORDER:

    That today, February 23, the twenty-seventh anniversary of the Red Army, at 20 hours, a salute of twenty artillery salvoes be fired in Moscow, Leningrad, Kiev, Minsk, Petrozavodsk, Tallinn, Riga, Vilnius, Kishinev, Tbilisi, Stalingrad, Sevastopol, Odessa and Lvov. 
Long live our victorious Red Army! 
Long live our victorious Navy! 
Long live our mighty Soviet Motherland! 
Eternal glory to the heroes who have fallen in the struggle for the freedom and independence of our country! 
Death to the German invaders!

J. Stalin 
Marshal of the Soviet Union
Supreme Commander-in-Chief

 

Order of the Day of the Commissar of Defence of the U.S.S.R., No. 8

23 February, 1946

Comrades soldiers and sailors of the Red Army and Red Navy, non-commissioned officers, officers and generals!

Today we are celebrating the twenty-eighth anniversary of the existence of the Red Army. The Red Army commemorates its twenty-eighth anniversary in the glow of the glorious victory over the German and Japanese imperialists. Engaged in a prolonged and arduous war, the Fled Army has emerged as a first-class army of the highest morale and fighting force, equipped with modern armaments and cadres of great experience, tempered by battle. In the war against the fascist invaders the Red Army has shown its high quality, and it has shown that it is able to defend the interests of the Soviet state effectively, faithfully and staunchly.

Our soldiers, officers and generals have justified the confidence of the people and have shown their great devotion towards our Motherland. The Red Army has proved to the Soviet, people that they can have confidence in it. The people of our country have great trust in their army and its victories, and will keep the sacred memory of their heroes who fell in the battles for the Motherland.

The remarkable victories of the Red Army are explained, above all, by the fact that it is a truly popular army that defends the interests of its people. The Soviet people love their army ardently, and are a constant source of its reinforcement and of its strength. This has been shown especially in the time of the Great Patriotic War. All our people have worked unhesitatingly, day and night, for victory. Without this work, without this self-sacrificing of the workers, peasants and intellectuals, without their material and moral support, the Red Army would not have defeated the enemy.

The victories of the Red Army are also explained by the fact that it was led and educated by the Communist Party. Furthermore, the behests of the great Lenin helped the Soviet people, under the guidance of the Communist Party, to transform our country from a backward land to a land of progress, from an agrarian to an industrial country. On this basis was founded all the material possibilities for the victorious struggle of the Red Army against its enemies. During the Great Patriotic War, the Communist Party united all the countries of the Soviet Union into a single military camp, and has orientated all the efforts of the people and the army towards a single aim - the destruction of the enemy. The Communist Party has educated the Soviet soldier in the sense and aims of the war, it has cultivated love for the Motherland, constantly reinforced their fighting spirit and inspired their staunchness and discipline. All this has created the conditions for our victory.

After the victory over the enemies, the Soviet Union has entered into a new period, into a peaceful period of economic development. The present task of the Soviet people is to assure the conquered positions and to go forward in a new economic effort. We cannot only assure our position as this would mean stagnation; we have to go forward and create the conditions for a new and powerful effort of the national economy. To put it in a word, we have to heal the wounds inflicted on our country by the enemy and reach the pre-war level of the national economy before we can make considerable progress; we have to raise the material well-being of our people and we have to raise the economic and military ability of the Soviet state.

Under these new conditions, the Red Army must vigilantly protect the creative work of the Soviet people, must solidly guarantee the interests of ‘•he Soviet Union and protect the borders of our Motherland and make them inaccessible to any enemy.

During the war the main task of the soldiers, officers and generals of the Red Army consisted of attaining the victory, to concentrate all their knowledge and efforts on the total annihilation of the enemy. In these peaceful times the prime task of our soldiers, officers and generals, without exception, consists of perfecting their military and political abilities. All our soldiers and non-commissioned officers of the Red Army have to intensively study military art, have to know their weapons well and perform their duty irreproachably. Now, more than ever, the officers have to be able to educate and instruct their subordinates.

During the war the officers and generals of the Red Army knew well how to lead their troops in battle. Now these officers and generals have to become perfect masters in the education and instruction of their troops in present times.

The Great Patriotic War has introduced much that is new in the military art. The combat experience represents a rich treasure for the instruction and education of the troops. That is why all the instruction of the army should be based on the intelligent application of the experiences of the war. It is also necessary to utilize this experience in all fields for the theoretical instruction of the cadres and officers, for the enriching of Soviet military science. One must ensure that the military art develops constantly and swiftly. The Red Army is obliged not only to follow the development of the military art but to further progress it. The Red Army is equipped with first-class military material which constitutes the basis for its ability in combat. It knows how to handle this equipment perfectly and it treats it as the apple of its eye.

Any successes in the instruction and education of its troops is impossible without without discipline and a strict military order, because the effectiveness of an army depends on this. This applies especially to the adjutants and sergeants who are the immediate superiors and direct teachers of the soldiers of the Red Army. The soldiers, officers and generals of the Red Army have great merit with the people and the Motherland. But they must not become complacent and vain about this, they must not rest upon their laurels, - but they must conscientiously carry ‘out their duties and they must devote all their strength and knowledge to the service of the Red Army. That is what is demanded of all Soviet soldiers.

Comrades soldiers and sailors of the Red Army and Red Navy, non-commissioned officers, oficers and generals! In the name of the Soviet government and our Communist Party, I greet and congratulate you on the occasion of the twenty-eighth anniversary of the Red Army. To celebrate the day of the Red Army, today, 23 February, I order: A salute of twenty artillery salvoes in the capital of our Motherland, Moscow, in the capitals of the federative republics and in the heroic cities of Leningrad, Stalingrad, Sebastopol and Odessa.

Long live our victorious Red Army!

Long live our victorious sailors of the war!

Long live our glorious Communist Party!

Long live the great Soviet people!

Long live our powerful Motherland!

J. STALIN
People’s Commissar of Defence of the U.S.S.R.,
Generalissimo of the Soviet Union

("Pravda," No. 7, 23 February, 1946)

 

 

 

Order of the Day on the Occasion of the
Anniversary of the Soviet Army No. 10

23 February, 1947

Comrades soldiers, sailors, officers, generals and admirals! Today out country is celebrating the twenty-ninth anniversary of the Soviet Army.

The Soviet Army, founded by the great Lenin, has trodden a glorious path. Its entire history is a living example of freedom ......Soviet Arny in the Great Patriotic War.

The Motherland wiil never forget the high heroic deeds of its army.

The Soviet Army celebrates its twety-ninth anniversary at the moment when our people are untiringly accomplishing the tasks set by the devastation of the war, in the re-establishment and development of the national eeonomy.

The workers, peasants and intellectuals of our country, who have successfully fulfilled the quotas of the first year of the new Five Year Plan, struggle heroically for the rapid acceleration of economic activity, for the supplementation of production of consumer goods, for the rapid progress of Soviet science and technology.

The elections to the Supreme Soviets of the Federal Republics, which were held, have resulted in the complete victory of the bloc of Communists and their Party. It shows that the unity of Soviet society is indestructible, that all the Soviet citizens are firmly grouped behind their government and the Communist Party, and are firmly assuring the development of their Motherland.

In times of peace, the Soviet Army must accomplish the task of military preparation which they have been set, march in advance and win new and more important successes in military preparation and political education. The work of consolidating peace and the security of our country is required.

The essential principle of the military preparation of the Soviet armed forces has always consisted, and still consists today, of educating the troops in war conditions. The experience of the last war has proved the high morale and combat quality of the troops, a good military and political preparation, a great mastery of the techniques of combat, coordination and great physical endurance.

The task that now faces our army, navy and airforce is to untiringly perfect, day by day, their military formation, to profitably pursue profound study based on their experience of war.

The generals, admirals and officers must continue to broaden their knowledge of military theory and politics and equally learn the methods of military preparation, which are necessary for training in peace time.

The non-commissioned officers must .energetically apply the process of command to become the prime aides of officers in the observance of military discipline and in the instruction and education of soldiers and sailors.

The soldiers and sailors must, with all their might, perefct in detail their preparation from the point of view of mastery of weapons, of special military tactics and political formations; they must acquire the necessary physical strength to take part in combat and be able to surmount all difficulties of battles and combat.

In the instruction and education of their subordinates, all the commanders and chiefs must take it upon themselves to care for their conditions of life, their physical well-being and their equipment, in accordance with the regulations.

Strong military discipline is primarily based on the high conscience and political education of the military and is the preliminary condition of most importance for the combat strength of our armed forces. Also, all the commanders and chiefs must untiringly affirm military discipline and, very necessary, encourage the spirit of patriotism unceasingly in their subordinates, the sense of personal responsibility of every soldier for the defence of the Motherland.

Comrades soldiers, sailors and non-commissioned officers!

Comrades officers, generals and admirals!

I salute and congratulate you on the occasion of the twenty-ninth anniversary of our Soviet Army, in the name of the Soviet government and of our Communist Party.

In honour of the twenty-ninth anniversary of the Soviet Army, I order: today, 23 February, a salute of twenty artillery salvoes in the capital of our Motherland, Moscow, in the capitals of the federative republics, in Koliningrad, Lvov, Khabarovsk, Vladivostok, Port Arthur and in the heroic cities of Leningrad, Stalingrad, Sebastopol and Odessa.

Long live the Soviet Army and the military sailors!

Long live our Soviet government!

Long live our great Communist Party!

Long live our great Soviet people!

("Slaviane," 23 February, 1947)

 

 

An Army of Heroes

1944 - Moscow - Publishing House

 

 

 

The Red Army 

New York - 1941

 

 

 

History of the Civil War

in the USSR

 

Volume 1

published in 1936

 

 

VOLUME 2

published in 1946

 

 

 

 

The Intervention in Siberia 1918 - 1922

V. Parfenov 

New York 1941

 

 

Men of the Stalin Breed 

1945

 

 

What Russia did for victory 

S. Kournakoff

1945

 

 

Strategy and Tactics of the Soviet-German War

1942

 

 

 

 

The Defence of Leningrad

1943

 

 

Soviet Women in the war against Hitlerism

 

 

 

STALINGRAD

 

 

The epic story of Stalingrad

 

 

Siege of Stalingrad

1943

 

 

Vassili Grossman

 

STALINGRAD

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

RED ARMY SINGS

 

 

FILM

SOVIET RED ARMY KALASHNIKOV RIFLE & MACHINE GUN AK-47 TRAINING

 

 

 

 

World-proletarian military science and the mastery of the world-revolutionary class war

Wolfgang Eggers 

( in German language)

 

 


MILITARY-PROGRAM

of the world socialist revolution

"Turn the rifles around !"

20 military guiding principles of the Comintern (SH)

- adopted on September 9, 2016 -

 

The Red World-Army

 

The socialist revolution presupposes the arming of the entire class of the world proletariat, namely in (almost) every single country.

"No army at war can dispense with an experienced General Staff if it does not want to be doomed to defeat. Is it not clear that the proletariat can still less dispense with such a General Staff if it does not want to allow itself to be devoured by its mortal enemies? But where is this General Staff? Only the revolutionary party of the proletariat can serve as this General Staff. The working class without a revolutionary party is an army without a General Staff." (Stalin, „Foundations of Leninism“, chapter: "The Party").

The Comintern (SH) is the General Staff of the world proletariat.

In the world proletarian revolution violent means are absolutely essential for the victory of the political struggle. For this purpose, the world proletariat must create own international military organs of struggle and own international military combat forms.

Guided by the Comintern (SH), the world proletariat creates its own red world army with its own military detachments in every country in the world.

In order that the workers of the world can wage a victorious revolutionary war against the bourgeoisie in all countries, a revolutionary world-army must be formed against the counter-revolutionary world-army.

A revolutionary army which must be victorious under today's globalized conditions, must not only be internationalist according to its very nature, but also internationally organized and politically guided - by the Comintern (SH).

The Red World-Army is the concentrated organizational expression of the consistent continuation of the world-revolutionary policy of the Communist International (Stalinist-Hoxhaists) - by military means.

The Red World Army is an army that is shaped and hardened in the Stalinist-Hoxhaist ideology. It is the Comintern (SH) which leads the Red World Army. This means nothing else than that the ideological and political organs of the world proletariat are absolutely superordinated. The Party commands the army and never vice versa.

Our international military forms are the continuation of our international political forms of class struggle - by violent means. In addition to the regular Red World-Army, also independent armed combat units need to be created, for example guerilla units, military intelligence units etc., which operate globally.

All our military organs must be transformed into armed state organs of the dictatorship of the world proletariat, immediately after the victory of the socialist world revolution.

"The military force of the revolutionary people (and not the people in general), consisting of 1) the armed proletariat and peasantry, 2) organised advance detachments of representatives of these classes, and 3) sections of the army that are prepared to come over to the side of the people. It is all this taken together that constitutes a revolutionary army. To talk of an uprising, of its force, of a natural transition to it, and to say nothing of a revolutionary army is folly and muddle headedness—and the greater the degree of the counter revolutionary army’s mobilisation, the more that is so." (Lenin, Volume 9, "The Latest in Iskra Tactics, or Mock Elections as a New Incentive to an Uprising", pp 356-373)

„A revolutionary army are (..) important words. The creation of a revolutionary army is an arduous, complex, and lengthy process. But when we see that it has already begun and is proceeding on all sides—though desultorily and by fits and starts—when we know that a genuine victory of the revolution is impossible without such an army, we must issue a definite and direct slogan, advocate it, make it the touchstone of the current political tasks." (Lenin, Volume 9, "The Latest in Iskra Tactics, or Mock Elections as a New Incentive to an Uprising", pp 356-373)

The military liberation of the world proletariat is an indispensable prerequisite for its economic and social liberation.

The world-revolutionary role of the world-proletarian army thus does not end with actions of liberation and seizure, but moreover, it ultimately serves the construction and defense of the socialist world order. The Red World-Army remains an integral part of the world dictatorship of the proletariat for the entire period of world socialism. The task of the Red World-Army is fulfilled if the danger of the restoration of capitalism is completely overridden in the period of the transition into the communist society.

Just as the economic liberation of the world proletariat is the aim of the political class struggle, so the aim of the military class struggle is the conquest of political power of the world proletariat by means of military crushing of the international counter-revolution, without which the actual social and economic transformation of the capitalist world into the socialist world can not be performed.

Without the global organization of arming of the world proletariat the imperialist army of the world bourgeoisie can not be beaten.

Without an overarching global military strategy and tactics, without global support, the revolutionary armies in individual countries can not sustain power indefinitely.

Without the Red World-Army, the victory of the revolutionary wars of national liberation of the peoples can ultimately not be guaranteed.

Without Red World-Army, the inevitability of imperialist wars can not be eliminated.
Without the Red World-Army, socialism can not be built around the world - let alone be defended permanently in individual countries.

The international proletarian army is the only army in the world that will not only defeat all armies of the world, but makes any army superfluous someday, including itself. It is the only army to permanent abolition of any army. In a society in which the classes are abolished, people do not need weapons that once were needed for the liberation of a class and for the defence of its power.

The globalized counter-revolution unleashes the unavoidabe globalization of the organized, armed world proletariat. The individual red soldiers of all countries form only insofar a world army, as they have to wage a common war against the armies of the world bourgeoisie.

The workers of every country have to realize that they must not only unite internationally, but also their weapons.

For the socialist revolution in "one" country - in the first period of socialism - the revolutionary world proletariat played the role of a reserve of the proletarians in a single country.

In the world socialist revolution, in the revolutionary World War, in the global civil war, in the international class wars - in the second period of socialism - the armed role of the world proletariat mutates from a reserve into the leading key driving force for the proletarians in every individual country.

Neither the World-Army, nor the individual detachments of the World-Army in every country are to be regarded as something passive, thus limited to receive only internationalist support from outside. The national armed detachments are simultaneously integral part of a centralized overall system of organized revolutionary weapons of the entire world proletariat, thus inherent part of a globally operating Communist war machine. The formation of the revolutionary proletarian army is necessary in all countries of the world, The revolutionary army of every country must be interlinked. Without a globally centralized fighting staff the proletariat is incapable to operate globally.

It is necessary that the Bolshevik army of the Communist International develops an iron proletarian discipline on the basis of proletarian internationalism. The iron proletarian discipline is based on the clarity and objectives of the world revolutionary movement, on the unity of practical action and the conscious conduct of each red world soldier, ready to fulfill every task of the Red World- Army.

Oath of the soldier of the Red World-Army:

"I swear to always be an honest, brave, disciplined, vigilant red soldier, to protect military secrets strictly, to perform all military service instructions and orders of the commanders, commissars and superiors.

I swear, to learn diligently the art of proletarian war, to guard the proletarian property with all my power, and to be faithful to proletarian internationalism and the cause of communism until the last breath.

As a soldier in the Red World-Army, I am always ready to defend communism on the orders of the Comintern (SH) and I swear to fight bravely for the world socialist revolution, and to defend it with honor and dignity, without sparing my blood or even my life.

I swear to fight until the complete victory over the enemies.

However, if I maliciously break this my solemn oath, I will be terribly punished by the revolutionary laws, and condemned to the general hatred of the working people."

 

"Either the Comintern (SH) is setting up a true Red World Army, a strictly disciplined regular army to defend the Socialist World Republic in every corner of the world, or it will not - but then there will be no world socialism."

(Comintern (SH)