The Proletarian International

STUDY COURSE No 3

of the

Comintern (SH)

on occasion of the 100th anniversary of the Comintern

 

 

The First International was the international party of the world proletariat in the pre-imperialist stage of capitalism.

The Second International was the party of the world proletariat at the beginning of the imperialist era, before the First World War and before the establishment of the first proletarian state.

The Comintern was the party of the world proletariat in the time of socialism in "one" country.

The Cominform was the association of representatives within the Stalinist world camp (thus not a typical form of a proletarian International, thus not a re-foundation of the Comintern)

The Comintern (SH) is the party of the world proletariat in the period of the revolutionary transition from world capitalism to world socialism and from world socialism to world communism.

These are the basic features of the historical development of the proletarian International from the First International to the Comintern (SH).

 

"The Stalin period of the Comintern is, to this day, the most powerful period in the entire history of the proletarian international since the founding of the I International of Marx and Engels." 

Comintern (SH)

March 5, 2019

 

 

 

Main features of the historical development of the proletarian International

- from the First International to the Comintern (SH)

March 14, 2019

written by Wolfgang Eggers

 

History of the Communist World Movement

Excerpt of the General-Line of the Comintern (SH)

 

 

 

 

 

MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY

 

Nucleus of the proletarian International

1848

Manifesto of the Communist Party

 

History of the Communist Manifesto

 

On the significance of the "Communist Manifesto"

(collection of articles on occasion of the 165th anniversary of the Manifesto of the Communist Party)

 

 

Long live the 170th anniversary of the Communist Manifesto !

 

1848 - 2013

The today's 30 basic theses of
the Manifesto of the Communist Party

January 19, 2013
written bythe Comintern (SH) on occasion of the 165th anniversary of the

"Communist Manifesto" of Marx and Engels - 1848

 

 

The Communist Manifesto and Neo-Revisionism

written by Wolfgang Eggers

 

 

FIRST INTERNATIONAL

WEBSITE

( 1864-1872)

 

"The First International laid the foundation of the proletarian, international struggle for socialism." (LENIN)

 

International Working mens Association

 

Karl Marx

Inaugural Address

October 21 - 27, 1864

 

The International Workingmen’s Association, 1864

Karl Marx

General Rules

October 1864

 

General Rules

October 1871

 

Message of the Comintern (SH)

First International

-150 Years-

[1864 - 2014]

 

G. M. Stekloff 1928

History of The First International

Conclusion of the history of the First International

The First International contained the rudiments of all three of the fundamental trends of the contemporary international working-class movement: revolutionary communism; the moderate socialism of the class-collaborationists; and anarchism. These three trends obviously arise out of the actual conditions of existence and development of tile proletariat in contemporary capitalist society, and are inseparately associated with the struggle of the proletariat for its emancipation as a class. They can already be traced before the foundation of the First International, though in a yet more rudimentary form. In the First International they existed side by side, worrying along somehow under the one roof but in the end they broke away from one another and took separate paths.

The First International represented a union of all three trends. The Second International embodied only two of the trends, the revolutionary communist and the moderate socialist or class-collaborationist; for the anarchists were quite outside the framework of this new body. Being thus cut loose from the Socialist International, anarchism became disintegrated into various sub-sections. One of these, a shoot wanting a support, secured this support in certain trade unions. Through an amalgamation of anarchist ideology with the industrial aims of these working-class organisations, there eras now engendered a new and peculiar doctrine known as “revolutionary syndicalism. This developed outside the Second International, being designed, in some sort to act as a counterpoise to that body. Indeed, some of the revolutionary syndicalists even wished to found a special Revolutionary Syndicalist or Anarchist International. By the time of the Third International, the position had radically changed. Whereas the Second International aimed at uniting the moderate wing and the communist wing of the working-class movement, apart from the anarchist and the revolutionary syndicalist elements, the Third or Communist International represents a union of the communist elements with some of the anarchist elements of the working-class movement. Outside the framework of this union there still remains a hard-shelled, doctrinally irreconcilable group of anarchists, who are infected with a persistent petty-bourgeois ideology, and who are strongly averse to proletarian discipline and to organised proletarian activity. The members of this group, whose influence and numerical strength diminish from day to day, are trying to create at Fourth International, an Anarchist International, disguised as a “purely syndicalist” organisation. As yet, however, they have had but poor success in their schismatic endeavours. As for the “moderates,” they now have an organisation peculiar to themselves in the form of the resuscitated Second International, buttressed by the International Federation of Trade Unions or “Amsterdam International” in which the moderate trade unionists are internationally organised. Thus, in the form in which it has been revived, the Second International has become a perfect medium for the pure culture of the bacillus of class collaboration. Whereas in the days of the First International, and to some extent in the days of the Second International, the moderate section of the international working-class movement could still at times play a revolutionary part, it is obvious that nowadays the moderates have acquired a definitely counter-revolutionary significance, and function as the last reserves of the capitalist army. Although from a structural outlook these moderates and reformists constitute the right wing of the international working-class movement, in the light of their historic role to-day they comprise nothing other than the left wing of bourgeois democracy.

We see, then, that a characteristic feature of the First International was that it was a necessary, an inevitable attempt to unite the three trends we have mentioned, to organise them within the framework of one International. Another characteristic feature was that the First International included within the compass of a single comprehensive body, both the political and the industrial organisations of the proletariat. This was partly true of the Second International as well, for there participated in the international sittings of that body representatives of the trade unions as well as representatives of the socialist parties. To some extent it is even true of the Third International, for, at any rate at its early congresses, there were present revolutionary syndicalists in addition to representatives of the communist parties. But whereas in the days of the First International there did not yet exist any Trade Union International independent of the International Workingmen’s Association, in the later days of the Second International there came into existence a Trade-Union International independent of the International of the Socialist parties.

The trade-anion organisation of the proletariat develops in accordance with the same laws as those which have been characteristic of the development of the political organisation of the proletariat. The Second International, as we have seen, was a union of the moderate and the communist trends of the international working-class movement. In like manner, the Trade-Union International of that period was an amalgamation of both trends, the moderate or reformist, and the revolutionary syndicalist, whereas the anarchist unions as a general rule kept aloof, although there were exceptions. To-day, however, when the communists and the moderates are separately organised on the political field in the Third International and the Second International respectively, we find that there has been a corresponding cleavage in the international trade-union organisations. Side by side with the International Federation of Trade Unions, the so-called Amsterdam International (which, though built up upon the class-collaborationist foundation of the Second International, contains quite a number of revolutionary-minded and even communist trade unionists among its adherents), there has come into existence the Profintern or Red International of Labour Unions. The Profintern, like the Communist International (to which it is allied both by program and by community of work), has a membership comprising both communists and revolutionary syndicalists. Outside the framework of both these organisations there is an insignificant proportion of “pure syndicalists” and anarchists, who have vainly tried to found a third trade-union international, on a “pure syndicalist” (read “anarchist”) foundation.

The First International comprised three trends, the communist, the moderate, and the anarchist. The Second International cut off its anarchist tail, but, while ridding itself of a good many worthless elements, it undoubtedly excluded at the same time quite a number of revolutionary-minded and class-conscious sections of the international proletariat. The Third International, conversely, while attracting these valuable revolutionary syndicalist elements, repelled the opportunist and class-collaborationist sections of the international working-class movement. In a formal sense, the Second International is indeed entitled to regard itself as having been, in its time, the successor of the First International. But today, when the Second International has definitively assumed a class-collaborationist role in this matter of the international struggle of the workers, only the Third International, which has marshalled all the healthy elements that contributed to the foundation of the First international, and has purged itself of all the moderate and class-collaborationist elements which hindered the development of the International Workingmen’s Association – only the Third International can be regarded as the rightful heir of the First International, and it alone can be regarded as the organisation which is realising the great design of the leader of the First International, Karl Marx.

If we are asked whether the First International was socialist or communist (using the term “socialist,” in this antithesis, in the sense of “opportunist”), it is not easy to answer briefly and dogmatically. We must not forget that the First International came into being through a union of French Proudhonists and British trade unionists, both parties to the union being “moderates.” Nevertheless, in so far as it is possible to give a succinct characterisation of the trend of the Old International as soon as it had consolidated its forces and defined its program, we cannot but regard it as a communist organisation, inasmuch as the members of the communist or Marxist group were its effective leaders. When formulating its principles, it would sometimes deviate to the right, and would sometimes concede a point to the anarchist wing. Thus, the resolution concerning the socialisation of landed property was drafted in such a way as to secure the support of the anarchist elements, the Bakuninist faction, in order to defeat the French and Belgian Proudhonists. In other matters, where the specifically working class items in the program of the International had to be defended (strikes, the curtailment of working hours, and the like), the Marxist group looked for support to those elements which, though moderates merely, were rooted in the real working class, and therefore, upon such questions, made common cause with the communists. The British trade unionists, for instance, were prepared to do this. The communists could not, unaided, secure a majority in the councils of the International. When it was no longer possible for the communists to play off the anarchists and the moderates against one another, and when each of these groups wanted to take its own course in the endeavour to secure the emancipation of the workers, then the fate of the First International was sealed – for the anarchists broke away from it, on the one hand, and the moderates or class collaborationists on the other.

But if we contemplate the history of the First International as an integral whole, we shall see clearly that the tone was set by the Marxist group, and that the Marxists gave the organisation a persistently communist orientation. And although its work was forcibly disrupted by the split at the Hague Congress and was arrested by the world-wide reaction after the Franco-German war and the suppression of the Paris Commune, nevertheless it bequeathed to history something which has become a permanent and precious asset of the international proletariat, something which has now become incorporated in and has been realised by the Third International – the rightful heir of the First.

 

 

 

Wilhelm Eichhoff 1869

The International Workingmen’s Association
Its Establishment, Organisation, Political and Social Activity, and Growth

1869

 

Founding of the First International

1935 - Moscow

 

 

 

The First International and the Paris Commune

study course

 

 

 

 

SECOND INTERNATIONAL

WEBSITE

(1889 -1914)

 

The Second International marked a period in which the soil was prepared for the broad, mass spread of the movement in a number of countries. The Second International (1889-1914) was an international organisation of the proletarian movement whose growth proceeded in breadth, at the cost of a temporary drop in the revolutionary level, a temporary strengthening of opportunism, which in the end led to the disgraceful collapse of this International. (LENIN)

 

The period of the II. International is of important ideological significance - the transitional period from Marxism to Leninism. In life-times of Engels the II. International was guided by Marxism. The III. International was guided by Marxism-Leninism.

At second:

The period of the II. International is of important organisational significance - the transitional period from the International Working-Men’s Association to the Communist International.

At third:

The period of the II. International is of important significance of the breadth of internationalization of the revolutionary proletarian movement - the transitional period between Paris Commune and October Revolution, the transitional period of the socialist workers' world movement to the communist movement of the world proletariat.

 

ENGELS and LENIN on the Second International

 

Stalin:
"The difference between Lenin and Engels is the difference between two separate historical periods."
(Volume 7, page 202)

"Leninism grew and strengthened in struggle with the opportunism of the Second International, whose fight was and is the necessary precondition for the successful struggle against capitalism.
It should not be forgotten that between Marx and Engels on the one hand and Lenin on the other, there is a whole period of the undivided rule of the opportunism of the Second International, whose ruthless combatting had to be one of the most important tasks of Leninism. "

* * *

Engels and Lenin have both got a place of honor because of their great merits concerning their work for the Marxist alignement of the II. International. Engels and Lenin were - one after another - the leaders of the international communist and workers' movement in this historical period of the II. International. In this period Lenin created the further development of Marxism = Marxism in the beginning period of imperialism and the proletarian revolution (= Leninism).

In the struggle against revisionism, under the new conditions of imperialism such as social-chauvinism and social-patriotism, Marxism-Leninism became the ideology of the revolutionary international proletariat.

This historical fact is overlooked all too often unjustly. We Stalinist-Hoxhaists cannot speak about the First and the Third International without the historical meaning of the II. International.

The Second International was up to the year of 1914 dominated by the spirit of Marxism, though the II. International could not any longer be prevented from its increasing process of decay - caused by the dominant betrayal of the opportunists and revisionists. However, and after all, the "Basle-Resolution of 1912" still highlighted elements of the spirit of the revolution which would inevitably break out in consequence of the imperialist war. This law corresponded perfectly to the teaching of Marxism.

Our Stalinist-Hoxhaist world party must learn not only from the teachings and experiences of the I. and III. International but also from the revolutionary experiences of the Second International, and much more from its opportunist process of decay.

 If we defend the Second International, we defend primarily the work of Engels and Lenin in it, in particular their fight against the reformist traitors of the Second International.

Engels was the one who implanted the revolutionary Marxist spirit of the Second International - from the beginning until his death in 1895. And - some years after - it was Lenin who defended and further developed this revolutionary Marxist spirit as one of the leaders of the Second International.

Unfortunately, these two Classics have not worked together personally, but their revolutionary work that they accomplished in the Second International is to be categorized as a great, common, immortal, communist work. 

Comintern (SH)

March, 2011

 

 

Stalin

The Second International ceased to exist. Actually it broke up into separate social-chauvinist parties which warred against each other.

    The leaders of the Socialist parties betrayed the proletariat and adopted the position of social-chauvinism and defence of the imperialist bourgeoisie. They helped the imperialist governments to hoodwink the working class and to poison it with the venom of nationalism. Using the defence of the fatherland as a plea, these social-traitors began to incite the German workers against the French workers, and the British and French workers against the German workers. Only an insignificant minority of the Second International kept to the internationalist position and went against the current; true, they did not do so confidently and definitely enough, but go against the current they did.

    Only the Bolshevik Party immediately and unhesitatingly raised the banner of determined struggle against the imperialist war. In the theses on the war that Lenin wrote in the autumn of 1914, he pointed out that the fall of the Second International was not accidental. The Second International had been ruined by the opportunists, against whom the foremost representatives of the revolutionary proletariat had long been warning.

    The parties of the Second International had already been infected by opportunism before the war. The opportunists had openly preached renunciation of the revolutionary struggle; they had preached the theory of the "peaceful growing of capitalism into Socialism." The Second International did not want to combat opportunism; it wanted to live in peace with opportunism, and allowed it to gain a firm hold. Pursuing a conciliatory policy towards opportunism, the Second International itself became opportunist.

    The imperialist bourgeoisie systematically bribed the upper stratum of skilled workers, the so-called labour aristocracy, by means of higher wages and other sops, using for this purpose part of the profits it derived from the colonies, from the exploitation of backward countries. This section of workers had produced quite a number of trade union and co-operative leaders, members of municipal and parliamentary bodies, journalists and functionaries of Social-Democratic organizations. When the war broke out, these people, fearing to lose their positions, became foes of revolution and most zealous defenders of their own bourgeoisies, of their own imperialist governments.

    The opportunists became social-chauvinists.

    The social-chauvinists, the Russian Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries among their number, preached class peace between the workers and the bourgeoisie at home and war on other nations abroad. They deceived the masses by concealing from them who was really responsible for the war and declaring that the bourgeoisie of their particular country was not to blame. Many social-chauvinists became ministers of the imperialist governments of their countries.

    No less dangerous to the cause of the proletariat were the covert social-chauvinists, the so-called Centrists. The Centrists -- Kautsky, Trotsky, Martov and others -- justified and defended the avowed social chauvinists, thus joining the social-chauvinists in betraying the proletariat; they masked their treachery by "Leftist" talk about combating the war, talk designed to deceive the working class. As a matter of fact, the Centrists supported the war, for their proposal not to vote against war credits, but merely to abstain when a vote on the credits was being taken, meant supporting the war. Like the social-chauvinists, they demanded the renunciation of the class struggle during the war so as not to hamper their particular imperialist government in waging the war. The Centrist Trotsky opposed Lenin and the Bolshevik Party on all the important questions of the war and Socialism.

    From the very outbreak of the war Lenin began to muster forces for the creation of a new International, the Third International. In the manifesto against the war it issued in November 1914, the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party already called for the formation of the Third International in place of the Second International which had suffered disgraceful bankruptcy. (underlined by the Comintern).

    In February 1915, a conference of Socialists of the Entente countries was held in London. Comrade Litvinov, on Lenin's instructions, spoke at this conference demanding that the Socialists (Vandervelde, Sembat and Guesde) should resign from the bourgeois government of Belgium and France, completely break with the imperialists and refuse to collaborate with them. He demanded that all Socialists should wage a determined struggle against their imperialist governments and condemn the voting of war credits. But no voice in support of Litvinov was raised at this conference.

    At the beginning of September 1915 the first conference of internationalists was held in Zimmerwald. Lenin called this conference the "first step" in the development of an international movement against the war. At this conference Lenin formed the Zimmerwald Left group. But within the Zimmerwald Left group only the Bolshevik Party, headed by Lenin, took a correct and thoroughly consistent stand against the war. The Zimmerwald Left group published a magazine in German called the Vorbote (Herald ), to which Lenin contributed articles.

    In 1916 the internationalists succeeded in convening a second conference in the Swiss village of Kienthal. It is known as the Second Zimmerwald Conference. By this time groups of internationalists had been formed in nearly every country and the cleavage between the internationalist elements and the social-chauvinists had become more sharply defined. But the most important thing was that by this time the masses themselves had shifted to the Left under the influence of the war and its attendant distress. The manifesto drawn up by the Kienthal Conference was the result of an agreement between various conflicting groups; it was an advance on the Zimmerwald Manifesto.

    But like the Zimmerwald Conference, the Kienthal Conference did not accept the basic principles of the Bolshevik policy, namely, the conversion of the imperialist war into a civil war, the defeat of one's own imperialist government in the war, and the formation of the Third International. Nevertheless, the Kienthal Conference helped to crystallize the internationalist elements of whom the Communist Third International was subsequently formed. (Stalin, Short Course, Chapter VI , 3)

 

 

The 125 Anniversary of the Second International

 special website - July 14, 2014

 

 

The Rise and Fall of the Second International

Lenz

1932

 

 

 

 

 

 

COMINTERN

WEBSITE

(1919 - 1943)

 

ON THE COMINTERN

 

 

Lenin on the Comintern 

 

The Third International has gathered the fruits of the work of the Second International, discarded its opportunist, social-chauvinist, bourgeois and petty-bourgeois dross, and has begun to implement the dictatorship of the proletariat." (LENIN)

The Third International and
Its Place in History

 15 April, 1919

Lenin

 

SPEECH ON GRAMOPHONE RECORDS

V. I. Lenin

The Third, Communist International 

In March of this year of 1919, an international congress of Communists was held in Moscow. This congress founded the Third, Communist International, an association of the workers of the whole world who are striving to establish Soviet power in all countries.

The First International, founded by Marx, existed from 1864 to 1872. The defeat of the heroic workers of Paris-of the celebrated Paris Commune-marked the end of this International. It is unforgettable, it will remain for ever in the history of the workers' struggle for their emancipation. It laid the foundation of that edifice of the world socialist republic which it is now our good fortune to be building.

The Second International existed from 1889 to 1914, up to the war. This was the period of the most calm and peaceful development of capitalism, a period without great revolutions. During this period the working-class movement gained strength and matured in a number of countries. But the workers' leaders in most of the parties had become accustomed to peaceful conditions and had lost the ability to wage a revolutionary struggle. When, in 1914, there began the war, that drenched the earth with blood for four years, the war between the capitalists over the division of profits, the war for supremacy over small and weak nations, these leaders deserted to the side of their respective governments. They betrayed the workers, they helped to prolong the slaughter, they became enemies of socialism, they went over to the side of the capitalists.

The masses of workers turned their backs on these traitors to socialism. All over the world there was a turn towards the revolutionary struggle. The war proved that capitalism was doomed. A new system is coming to take its place. The old word socialism had been desecrated by the traitors to socialism.

Today, the workers who have remained loyal to the cause of throwing off the yoke of capital call themselves Communists. All over the world the association of Communists is growing. In a number of countries Soviet power has already triumphed. Soon we shall see the victory of communism throughout the world; we shall see the foundation of the World Federative Republic of Soviets.

 

 

 

Stalin

On the Comintern

 

Programme and Statute

of the Comintern - 1928

 * * *

Statute of the Comintern

 

 

 

V. I. LENIN

Theses on the Fundamental Tasks

Of the Second Congress Of The Communist International

July 4, 1920 

 

 

Lenin

Terms of Admission into Comintern

August 6, 1920

 

 

Lenin

Report On The International Situation And The Fundamental Tasks Of
The Communist International
July 19, 1920

 

 

THESES ON THE ROLE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY IN THE PROLETARIAN REVOLUTION

ADOPTED BY THE SECOND COMINTERN

CONGRESS

24 July 1920

 

 

THESES ON THE

WORLD SITUATION

AND THE TASKS OF THE COMINTERN

ADOPTED BY THE THIRD

COMINTERN CONGRESS

4 July 1921

 

 

Guidelines on the Organizational Structure of Communist Parties, on the Methods and Content of their Work


Adopted at the 24th Session of the Third Congress of the Communist International, 12 July 1921

 

 

Thesis on the Organisation and Structure of the Communist Parties

1921

 

 

 

Theses On The United Front

Adopted by the EC, December 1922

 

  

ECCI

Resolution on Fascism

June 23, 1923

RESOLUTION ON FASCISM

ADOPTED BY THE FIFTH COMINTERN CONGRESS 

July 1924

 

ECCI 

INSTRUCTIONS

FOR COMMUNIST FRACTIONS IN WORKERS' ORGANIZATIONS AND BODIES OUTSIDE THE PARTY

February 4, 1924

ON THE ORGANIZATION OF FACTORY CELLS

RESOLUTION OF THE ECCI

January 21, 1924

 

THESES

OF THE FIFTH COMINTERN CONGRESS

ON THE PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES

OF THE CI AND ITS SECTIONS

 

THESES ON THE BOLSHEVIZATION OF
COMMUNIST PARTIES ADOPTED AT THE FIFTH ECCI PLENUM

Inprekorr, v, 77 [80], p. 1017 [1069], 11 May 1925

J. V. Stalin

The Fight Against Right and "Ultra-Left" Deviations

Two Speeches Delivered at a Meeting of the

Presidium of the E.C.C.I., January 22, 1926

THESES OF THE SEVENTH ECCI PLENUM

ON THE INTERNATIONAL SITUATION AND THE TASKS OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL

13 December 1926

 

Armed Insurrection

Military detachment of the Comintern

1926 - 1928 - 1931

 

Sixth Congress

July / August 1928

J. V. Stalin

Results of the July Plenum of the C.C., C.P.S.U.(B.)

* * *

Report to a Meeting of the Active of the Leningrad Organisation of the C.P.S.U.(B.)

July 13, 1928

 

Resolution of the 6th World Congress

The Struggle against imperialist War

1928

also available in another PDF-file version:

 

Resolution of the 6th World Congress

The Struggle against imperialist War

1928



PDF

HTML:

THESES

ON THE REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT IN COLONIAL

AND SEMI-

COLONIAL COUNTRIES ADOPTED BY THE SIXTH

COMINTERN CONGRESS

September 1928

 

The Revolutionary Movement in the Colonies

Thesis on the Revolutionary Movement

in the Colonies and Semi-Colonies,

adopted by the 6th World Congress of the

Communist International - 1928

 

THESES AND RESOLUTIONS

OF THE SIXTH CONGRESS

OF THE COMINTERN 

Inprekorr No 83 (special edition)

November 1928 

 

No 30 - June - 30

No 39 - July - 25

No 41 - July - 30

No 42 - August - 01

No 44 - August - 03

No 46 - August - 08

No 48 - August - 11

No 49 - August - 13

No 50 - August - 16

No 52 - August - 18

No 53 - August - 23

No 55 - August - 25

No 56 - August - 27

No 58 - September 01

No 59 - September 04

No 61 - September 11

No 63 - September 17

No 64 - September 19

No 66 - September 25

No 67 - September 28

No 68 - October 04

No 70 - October 09

No 72 - October 17

No 74 - October 25

No 76 - October 30

No 78 - November 08

No 81 - November 21

 

THESES and RESOLUTIONS

No 83 - November 23

No 84 - November 28

No 88 - December - 12

 

ECCI MANIFESTO ON THE TENTH ANNIVERSARY OF THE FOUNDATION OF THE COMINTERN

2 March 1929

 

THESES OF THE TENTH ECCI PLENUM

ON THE INTERNATIONAL SITUATION AND THE TASKS OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL

1 July 1929

 

THESES

OF THE TENTH ECCI PLENUM

ON THE ECONOMIC STRUGGLE

AND THE TASKS OF COMMUNIST PARTIES

July 1929

 

 

11th Plenum of the ECCI

Theses, Resolutions, Decisions

1929

 

RESOLUTION

OF THE ENLARGED ECCI PRESIDIUM

ON THE ECONOMIC CRISIS AND UNEMPLOYMENT

February 1930 Inprekorr, x, 23, p. 547, 7 March 1930

CIRCULAR LETTER

ON FACTORY CELLS

OF THE ORGANIZATION DEPARTMENT OF THE ECCI ENDORSED BY THE POLITICAL SECRETARIAT

December 1930

ECCI

12th Plenum

September 1932

(the last Plenum at which comrade Ernst Thaelmann took place before he was arrested by the fascists)

THESES

OF THE TWELFTH ECCI PLENUM

ON THE INTERNATIONAL SITUATION AND THE TASKS OF THE COMINTERN SECTIONS

September 1932

 

RESOLUTION OF THE TWELFTH ECCI PLENUM
ON THE LESSONS OF ECONOMIC STRIKES AND THE
STRUGGLE OF THE UNEMPLOYED


September 1932

 

 

ECCI

STATEMENT ON THE GERMAN SITUATION AND ON THE UNITED FRONT

11 March 1933 

 

 

RESOLUTION OF THE ECCI PRESIDIUM ON THE SITUATION IN GERMANY

 12 April 1933

 

* * *

 

The Origin of the Third International

The Bolsheviks and the World War

1946

 

1925

Inprecorr - January 15, 1925

Explanatory remarks re syllabus of elementary party courses

written by Bela Kun

 

International LENIN- School of the Comintern

(Moscow)

 

 

"100 Years of the Comintern"

We take this historical event as an opportunity to learn from the Comintern of Lenin and Stalin, how to organize the world proletariat for the victory of the world socialist revolution and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat. This is the most important aim of our campaign. For us, this campaign is not limited in commemorating the historical event of the founding of the Comintern. This is only what our enemies want, namely a Comintern that ended up on the "political scrapheap". It is the today's alliance of the bourgeois-revisionist anti-Comintern who tries to spread the lie that the Comintern allegedly would be "out of date" and that it would have lost forever its significance through the revisionist act of "dissolution" in 1943. We do not regard the centenary of the Comintern as an event of a "closed chapter" of the past. but as the opening of a new chapter of its revival. Our efforts for the renaissance of the Comintern logically causes the renaissance of the forces of the counterrevolution including its "leftist" lackeys, which is characterised in that it tries to hinder us from following the path of the Comintern of Lenin and Stalin.

The Comintern is alive and laughs at those revisionist traitors who tried in vain to liquidate it. For us, it is about the indispensable continuation of the proletarian Intenational. On its 100th anniversary we swear to fight for fulfilling the world historical mission of the Comintern. And we do this in spite of all resistance against us. In the year 2019 we will reinforce the oath of comrade Stalin:

 

WE VOW TO YOU, COMRADE LENIN, THAT WE SHALL NOT SPARE OUR LIVES TO STRENGTHEN AND EXTEND THE UNION OF THE WORKING PEOPLE OF THE WHOLE WORLD -- THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL!

(J. V. Stalin)

 

Lenin characterized the position of the III. International in the history one month after the founding of the Comintern:

 

"The I. International laid the foundation for the international proletarian struggle for socialism.

The Second International was the era that has prepared the ground for a further spread of the movement among the masses in a number of countries.

The III. International took over the fruits of the work of the Second International, scavenged opportunism, social-chauvinism, bourgeois and petty-bourgeois influences and started to release the dictatorship of the proletariat. The historical significance of the III., The Communist International is, that it has begun to implement the great slogan of Marx into practice, the slogan that draws the balance from the Century of development of socialism and the labour movement, the slogan which is expressed in the concept: the dictatorship of the proletariat. This ingenious foresight, this ingenious theory becomes reality "(Lenin, The Third International and its place in history", Moscow, April 15, 1919).

 

The world proletariat grows historically and so does its proletarian International, too. The different names of the proletarian International in the course of the history of the communist world movement are thus only expression of the special stages of the historical development of the one and only existing proletarian International. And this means nothing else than that all the previous Internationals form an inseparable unified whole. Neither the revisionist liquidation of the Comintern, nor its alleged "continuation" by the Trotskyite "Fourth International" did ever harm the further development of the world proletariat and its proletarian International. The proletarian International can neither be liquidated nor replaced by "leftist" or rightist immitations. The further development of the proletarian International is the iron law of the further development of the global class struggle of the proletariat. There is only one genuine proletarian International, and this is the Comintern (SH), the proletarian International of the 21st century.

So if we defend the founding of the Comintern, then this means consequently that we defend the "proletarian International" as a whole - thus in all its historical stages of development - without excluding the one or other historical stage of the proletarian International. In this way, we Stalinist-Hoxhaists classify the Comintern and its founding on the scientific basis of the historical and dialectical materialism. It was Karl Marx who defined the law of development of the proletarian International by means of the method of dialectical and historical materialism. And this scientific definition applies especially to the Comintern, too:

 

"Instead of dying out, the International did only pass from its first period of incubation to a higher one where its already original tendencies have in part become realities. In the course of its progressive development, it will yet have to undergo many a change, before the last chapter of its history can be written." (Karl Marx)

 

The historical mission of the proletarian International is organizing the emancipation of the world proletariat. Therefore, the proletarian International is as indissoluble as the world proletariat itself and will unavoidably further exist until world communism is created. This is the true meaning of Lenin's prophecy:

 

"The International has not perished and will never perish."

 

The existence of a Communist International is absolutely indespensable for the fulfillment of the revolutionary mission of the world proletariat - thus to destroy the dictatorship of the world bourgeoisie and to remove world capitalism. Moreover the Communist International is needed for the establishment of the dictatorship of the world proletariat and for leading the construction of world socialism. The Communist International will therefore be indispensable during the entire historical period of world socialism and its transition to world communism.

The Comintern (SH) is nothing else than the Comintern, modified under today's conditions of globalization.

The Comintern (SH) forms the highest stage of development of the proletarian International.

There is no proletarian International without the proletarian ideology.

Every further stage of development of the proletarian International corresponds with every further stage of development of the proletarian ideology. The First International and Second International were created under the banner of Marxism. The Comintern was founded on the basis of Leninism and further developed through Stalinism. The Comintern was the organization of the world proletariat in the period of socialism in "one" country. And the Comintern (SH) is based on the most advanced development of the proletarian ideology, thus Stalinism-Hoxhaism. The Comintern (SH) is the organization of the world proletariat in the period of the revolutionary transition from world capitalism to world socialism, and from world socialism to world communism. 

The highest form of the proletarian organization is always built according to the highest stage of the development of the proletarian ideology.

The history of the proletarian international is the history of the struggle against its falsification and destruction, in particular by the subversive activities of the agents of the bourgeoisie within the ranks of the proletarian international.This struggle for the purity of the proletarian ideology, this struggle against the infiltration by bourgeois ideology did not begin first with Dimitroff's betrayal at the 7th World Congress in 1935, but took place in all times, thus already since the founding of the Comintern in 1919.

The struggle against founding-opportunism

The fight against founding-opportunism took place as early as the creation of the Bolshevik party. If we study thoroughly Lenin "What is to be done?" then we can also learn to understand Lenin's struggle against founding-opportunism in the Comintern.
The founding opportunism is the policy and ideology of the opportunists who try to hinder or to shipwreck the founding in a right-wing or "left-wing" way.
The rightist opportunism is characterised by preventing the creation of a proletarian party through postponing and delaying it by means of pseudo-"arguments" - i.e. why the necessary conditions for the founding would be allegedly "still not ripe".
And the "leftist" opportunism is characterised by prematurely (overhasty) decision, ie to a founding without creating the necessary conditions for it (e.g. founding "on a Paper", designing a "fully developed Comintern" on the drawing board, wishful thinking, pipe dreams, romantic rapture, petty-bourgeois revolutionism).

Basically, the Comintern was concerned with the same question: Building the Bolshevik World Party according to Lenin's party norms in the fight against the founding opportunists.
The Comintern was created on the basis of experiences and teachings of the founding of the Bolshevik Party. The founding of the Comintern became necessary because the Second International was already hopelessly degenerated and not repairable. A degenerated proletarian international can not be "bolshevized," but only fought and crushed, thus only be replaced by a new genuine one. The fight against founding opportunism was thus unavoidable for protecting the Comintern from the penetration of the old rotten ideas of the Second International. Today we do nothing else. We fight against Dimitrovism in order to protect the Comintern (SH) from the penetration of the rottened revisionist ideas of the degenerated Comintern. The Comintern was not repairable and thus had to be replaced by a new, genuine bolshevist world party - by the Comintern (SH).

 

We declare war against every organization, every group, every movement (whether locally or globally organized), which struggles against the indispensable reconstruction of the Communist International. Communists are only those who fight for the Bolshevik world party.

"For or against" the leadership of a Bolshevik World Party – this is the demarcation-line between opportunism and Stalinism- Hoxhaism in the organizational question of the world socialist revolution.

 

If we want further develop the proletarian International under the banner of Stalinism-Hoxhaism then we must base ourselves on its historical experienes and teachings. The growing and prospering of the Comintern (SH) cannot withstand the storms of global class struggle if we do not implement correctly the lessons of the history of the proletarian International, beginning with the First International until the Comintern.
If we do not correctly modify the renewal of the proletarian International according to today's conditions of globalisation, the world proletariat cannot be victorious in its struggle for its final emancipation.

In 2019 we will sharpen our organisational weapon of Stalinism-Hoxhaism by basing ourselves all the better on the teachings of the Comintern of Lenin and Stalin!We Stalinist-Hoxhaists cannot defend the Comintern without defending Stalinism-Hoxhaism. And vice versa, we cannot defend Stalinism-Hoxhaism without defending the Comintern. The Comintern (SH) is in essence nothing but the further developed Comintern, namely the Comintern on a higher stage of its development.

This will be a heavy blow against all liquidatory ideologists who spread the lie that Stalinism-Hoxhaism would allegedly be a "falsification", "deviation" or even an ideology of "withdrawl" from the teachings of the Comintern. Stalinism-Hoxhaism is not at all an ideology in opposite to the Comintern. In the contrary. Stalinism-Hoxhaism is the ideology for the renewal of the Comintern, scientifically modified under present conditions of globalization. Stalinism-Hoxhaism is the victorious ideology of organizing the world proletariat for the transition from world imperialism to world socialism - as the indispensable organisational step for entering the classless world, as the first period of world communism.

Stalinism-Hoxhaism in the question of organisation is the theory and tactics of organizing the world proletarian revolution, in general, and the theory and tactics of organising the world dictatorship of the proletariat, in particular.

Despite all the forces that still try to deny and disprove the indispensability of the proletarian world party, the world bourgeoisie could not prevent the Comintern from having been re-established after its dissolution - through the Comintern (SH).

Let us continue the glorious tradition of the Communist International of Lenin and Stalin !

* * *

The Comintern is the holy of holies of the working class. (J. V. Stalin)

* * *

World communism of today must be marked through the revolutionary, militant spirit of the heroic times of Lenin and Stalin, of the Comintern“(Enver Hoxha)

 

* * *

We swear to fulfill the program of the Comintern:

"To fulfil the historic requirement for an international organization of revolutionary proletarians, the gravedigger of the capitalist system, the Communist International is the only global power, whose program is the dictatorship of the proletariat and communism, and who is openly acting as organizer of the international proletarian revolution "(Program of the Comintern, 1928).

 

We have decided to rebuild the Comintern, guided by the lessons of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism, and we must do so in face of all difficulties. Not a single step backward !

Long live the centenary of the founding of the Comintern !

 

 

25. 7. - 20.8. 1935 

80th anniversary of the betrayal by the VII World Congress of the Comintern 

- in defense of the Comintern of Lenin and Stalin -

written by Wolfgang Eggers 

25 July, 2015 

 

 

 

COMINTERN (SH)

WEBSITE

(2000 - ?)

Communiqué of the

Meeting of

German and British Marxist-Leninists

in April 1999 in London

 

 

 

1996 - 1999.
ON THE OCCASION OF THE 80TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE COMINTERN.

19 THESES

ON THE PROLETARIAN INTERNATIONALISM,

THE MARXIST-LENINIST MOVEMENT,

THE 1ST , 2ND AND 3RD INTERNATIONALS

AND THE REBUILDING OF THE NEW COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL (MARXIST-LENINISTS)

IN THE SPIRIT OF MARX, ENGELS, LENIN AND STALIN



by Wolfgang Eggers; Chairman of the Communist Party of Germany [ Marxist-Leninist]

C P Germany [M-L]

 

 

 

Call

for the re-foundation of the Comintern

on New Years Eve, 2000

 

 

Enver Hoxha

– the 5th Architect of Marxism-Leninism and the re-foundation of the Comintern

 

 

General-Line

of the Comintern (SH)

“The proletarian, socialist world revolution

– strategy and tactics”

Introduction

First Chapter

Second Chapter

 ...

Eigth Chapter

 

online (complete in original German language):

PDF-Format-Download 

 

  

World revolutionary platform

[world- programmatic declaration of the Comintern (SH)]

7th of November 2009

 

 

21

Conditions of Admission to the Communist International (Stalinist-Hoxhaists)

adopted on August 6, 2015

 On occasion of the 95th anniversary of Lenin's

21 Conditions of Admission to the Comintern,

adopted by the Second World Congress of the Comintern

on August 6, 1920

 

 

 

On the organizational Questions of the Comintern (SH)

01 - 01 - 2018

 

 

 

The tasks of the Sections of the Comintern (SH)

 adopted August 6, 2015

 

 

 

On Illegal Party Organization and Secret Tasks

 

And How To Avoid Legal, Sectarian, Reconciliatory, and Centrist Mistakes

 

STUDY TEXT OF THE COMINTERN/ML

By Wolfgang Eggers

Original German text - May 6th, 2003

 

 

5 YEARS – 5 HEADS

 

 

 

On the unity of the Marxist-Leninist World Movement

2003

 

 

Long live the 10th anniversary

of the Comintern (SH) !


 

Publications of the Comintern (SH)

 

What is Stalinism-Hoxhaism? 

2018

 

 What is Stalinism ?

2009

 

 

What is Hoxhaism ?

2013

 

 

 

2003

Manifesto

of the World- Bolchevist Party

 

 

COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE SOVIET UNION (BOLSHEVIK) 

WEBSITE

 

History of the CPSU [B]

- Short Course

html

PDF-Format

 

 

 

 

Outline of the history of the CPSU (B)

PART I 

 

Outline of the history of the CPSU (B)

PART II

from the period of Brest-Litovsk Peace to the period of the Sixteenth Congress

Popov

  

The structure of the CPSU (B)

1951

 

 

S. Tchernomordik

1932

Bolsheviks under illegality

 

 

1903 - 2013

110 YEARS BOLSHEVISM 

Long live World Bolshevism !

 

 

 

 

 

PARTY OF LABOUR OF ALBANIA

WEBSITE

 

 

 

History of the

Party of Labour of Albania

 

 

The Constitution of the PLA

HTML

The Party of Labour of Albania on the building and the life of the party

1974

Part 1

Part 2

 

 

The Class Struggle Within the Party

– A Guarantee That the Party Will Always Remain a Revolutionary Party of the Working Class

Ndreçi Plasari

Albania Today, 1978, 1