15 Years after the Issue of the Inform Bureau Resolution «On the Situation in the Jugoslav Communist Party»
(Article published in the daily «Zeri i Popullit» June 29, 1963)
Fifteen years have elapsed since June 29, 1948 when the Resolution of the Inform Bureau of the Communist and Workers Parties «On the Situation in the Jugoslav Communist Party» was made public. This resolution was an historical document of special significance for the international communist and workers movement. It disclosed a grave and threatening menace, the manifestation of modern revisionism, represented by the leaders of the Jugoslav Communist Party. Revisionism, which had existed also before in the communist movement as an opportunist trend, prevailed now for the first time over the leadership of a party which had taken the reins of state in its hands.
The representatives of the communist and workers parties participating in the Inform Bureau made a deep Marxist-Leninist analysis of the situation created in the Jugoslav Communist Party and detected the roots of the anti-Marxist and revisionist errors and deviations of the Jugoslav leaders. They proceeded in this affair from the urgency of safeguarding the purity of Marxism-Leninism and the destiny of socialism and the revolution in general as well as to come to the help of the Jugoslav Communist Party and the Jugoslav people to overcome this grave danger manifested within their ranks.
The historic decision of the Inform Bureau was a program of action and of combat for all communist and workers parties, a serious warning, a call for revolutionary vigilance addressed to all the communists of the world to guard against the danger of the new revisionist trend that had sprung up, and to fight firmly against it until its total destruction has been reached.
The Resolution became practically an arm in the struggle of the Marxist-Leninists to strengthen their unity of views and activity in the ranks of the parties, to further improve the ideological theoretic and political work of the parties, to safeguard the socialist achievements in countries where the working class had established their rule, to protect the socialist camp, to consolidate the revolutionary forces throughout the world, to intensify the struggle against imperialism, to prevent the imperialist agents from penetrating any further into the countries of the People’s Democracy.
The errors and deviations with which the Jugoslav leaders were reproached in the Resolution of the Inform Bureau were grave indeed. In their entirety they represented an entirely erroneous opportunist line, a summary departure from Marxism-Leninism, a downright betrayal to the ideology of the proletariat and their cause.
In their internal policy the leaders of the Jugoslav Communist Party had deviated from the Marxist theory of the classes and of the class struggle, had denied the dictatorship of the proletariat, were preaching the opportunist theory of peaceful integration of the capitalist elements into socialism. The Jugoslav leader revised the Marxist-Leninist theory on the party and lowered its role by fusing it with the non-party People’s Front. They had violated the inner democracy of the party, had introduced into it Trotzkyite military methods of leadership and displayed positive tendencies of liquidation, which constituted the danger of deteriorating the party and the Jugoslav state.
The leaders of the Jugoslav Communist Party had given up international traditions and had embarked on the road to nationalism. «The Jugoslav leaders», the Resolution pointed out, «apparently do not understand or pretend they do not understand, that such a nationalist orientation may only lead to the degeneration of Jugoslavia into an ordinary bourgeois republic, to the loss of its independence, to the transformation of Jugoslavia into a colony of the imperialist countries».
The Document of the Informative Bureau was unanimously approved and met with the full and unreserved support of all the communist and workers parties of the world. They firmly condemned Jugoslav revisionism and exposed it in all its aspects.
The Resolution of the Informative Bureau was off a programmatic nature, for it clearly defined, under the new circumstances, after the victory over fascism and when socialism had triumphed in a number of countries, the stand to take towards modem revisionism, restressed the role of the party and of the working class in the state of the People’s democracy, the role of the dictatorship of the proletariat in building up socialism, the policy of the party in liquidating the exploiting classes during the period of transition from capitalism to socialism and the consolidation of the young state. It emphasized anew the necessity of strictly carrying out the principles of proletarian internationalism and of maintaining fraternal relations and mutual aid among socialist countries, drew our attention again to the danger of the possibility of the reestablishment of capitalism in the countries where the revolution had gained the upper hand and pointed out that the only way to protect the achievements of the revolution and of socialism is the way of irreconcilable war against imperialism.
The 1948 Resolution of the Informative Bureau and the historic letters of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union undersigned by J.V. Stalin and V M Molotov «On the Situation in the Jugoslav Communist Party» were of special significance 1 the whole communist movement of the world and to the socialist camp. For our Party and our country they spelled salvation. Tito’s clique had brutally interfered into the internal affairs of our Party and of our country and proceeding from their covetousness to plunder and colonize, they had attempted to turn Albania to a 7th Republic of Jugoslavia. In their relations with Albania and the Party of Labor of Albania, Tito’s group displayed all the characteristics of modem revisionism: ideological and political deviation, disparity, the chauvinism of the big state, arrogance, plots and so on. Therefore their attitude towards our Party and our state make up the gravest indictment against the Jugoslav revisionists.
The leaders of the Jugoslav Communist Party rejected the just criticism of principle of the Inform Bureau and the entire communist and workers movement. What is worse, they kept moving further and further away from Marxism-Leninism, they continued betraying the interests of the working class and of all the workers of Jugoslavia, they strengthened their collaboration with the imperialists, becoming perilous counter-revolutionaries.
Fifteen years of consistent counter-revolutionary activity by Tito’s clique more than corroborated the correctness of the Resolution of the Inform Bureau and of the other documents of the communist and workers movement on the situation in the Jugoslav Communist Party. Life has provided many facts to prove how farsighted, correct and beneficial to the communist and workers movement and to the socialist camp, J. V. Stalin’s warning was on the danger of the revisionist deviation of Tito’s clique. J.V. Stalin’s great merit lies in the fact that he was the first to scent the insipience of that anti-Marxist role of betrayal which the Belgrade renegade band would later be playing and which took new impetus when N. Khrushchev seized and monopolized the leading role at the head of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.
Tito’s clique was transformed into a band of counter-revolutionaries, into an agency of the American imperialists, into an advanced detachment of deflectors and plotters against the socialist countries and the international communist and workers movement, into a band of nationalists and bourgeois chauvinists.
In internal affairs they pursued the policy of liquidating the achievements of the national-liberation war of the Jugoslav people, the policy of liquidating the sound cadres of the party and of degenerating the party into a tool in the hands of Tito’s clique to carry out their anti-Marxist course: Following the announcement of the Resolution of the Inform Bureau, Tito’s clique launched a big campaign against the internationalist communists by making short work of them physically or curbing them ideologically. They set up for this purpose a large police force of terror whose methods were those of provocations, threats, terror, tortures and murders. The jails and concentration camps at Goli Otok in Dalmatia, Stara Gradishka and other regions, are the stain and stamp of Titoite shame and crime which nothing can efface. Much as N. Khrushchev may try, he can never succeed in whitewashing Tito’s mask for the specter of the infamous UDB has held and continues to hold sway over Jugoslavia to this vary day. Facts go to prove that over 200,000 communists or half of the total membership were expelled from the Jugoslav Communist Party during the period from 1948 to 1952. In Montenegro alone they sent to jail nearly all the members of the government and of the Central Committee and deported 800 Montenegrin communists to the Goli Otok. Over 5,000 officers, among whom a number of generals and colonels, mainly commanders or commissaries of brigades, divisions, army corps, were cast into prison while 12,000 officers were «discharged» from the army.
The documents of the Informative Bureau of the Communist and workers parties bear clear evidence based on many facts, of not only the reign of terror in Jugoslavia but also of the aims and plots of Tito’s clique to overthrow the people’s regime in the socialist countries, to detach these countries from the camp of socialism and democracy, to transform the countries of central and southeastern Europe into agents of the American imperialists. Experience corroborated the fact that the reproaches made to the Jugoslav revisionist leaders were not for certain mistakes of an ordinary kind but for an open counterrevolutionary, anti-Soviet and anti-communist policy.
The view of the Party of Labor of Albania has been and continues to be that the conclusions arrived at by the Inform Bureau and J. V. Stalin regarding the Jugoslav communists have been correct and remain to be so to this day. They preserve their great value as utterly of principle and actual. New facts are daily coming up to prove that in assessing the Jugoslav problem, in the stand towards Tito’s clique, it was not the communist movement nor Stalin, but N. Khrushchev who erred so gravely by viewing this whole matter subjectively and contrary to the teachings of Marxism-Leninism, contrary to objective reality, contrary to the joint attitude of the international communist movement.
As a distinguished Marxist-Leninist and a firm defender of the Leninist teachings and norms of relations between fraternal parties, J. V. Stalin examined the situation in the Communist Party of Jugoslavia proceeding from the basic interests of the socialist camp and of the international communist movement, of the working class and people of Jugoslavia itself, viewed it from positions of Marxism-Leninism and assessed the situation on the basis of facts, on the basis of reality. The meeting of the Inform Bureau held in conformity with ail Leninist rules and regulations pursued a correct procedure in examining the issue and adopting its resolution. This was also one of the major reasons why the communist and working parties approved the Resolution of the Inform Bureau unanimously and carried it out with determination.
The Marxist-Leninists will observe with vigilance the Leninist spirit, the methods based on equal and comradely consultations which J.V. Stalin pursued in examining and solving problems springing up in the international communist and workers movement. The methods of dictates, pressures, disparity, mutual disrespect, Trotzkyite and putchist methods which the modern revisionists Tito and Khrushchev make use of today, have been and continue to be alien for J. V. Stalin, for the communist parties.
The correctness of the conclusions of the Inform Bureau is borne out clearly by the dissentient, undermining and plotting activity of Tito’s clique. The chain of their counter-revolutionary, anti-socialist acts in the service of American imperialism is long indeed. Their experience as agents of imperialism is long-standing. It was as early as in 1951 that Tito’s clique signed with USA the military agreement on the so-called «mutual defense», which aimed at increasing tension through provocations especially in the Balkan region. Two years later the Belgrade clique together with two member states of the aggressive NATO bloc set up the Balkan Pact as an appendage to NATO in this region.
The peoples of the socialist countries, especially in the Balkans and in Europe, are well aware of the counter-revolutionary plots hatched by the Jugoslav revisionists through their agents in Hungary, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Albania and others. They are well aware of the counterrevolution which broke out in Hungary and imperiled its very existence as a state of the People’s Democracy, incited and organized by Tito’s clique and their agents in collaboration with the American imperialists. They are well aware of the plot which the Jugoslav revisionists organized in April 1956 against the Party of Labor of Albania through their agents in collaboration with anti-partite and treacherous elements, a plot that was detected and exposed in the Party Conference in Tirana. They are likewise aware of the 1960 plot hatched jointly by the Jugoslav revisionists, the Greek monarchic fascists, the American imperialists and certain traitors like T. Sejko, P. Plaku, inveterate agents of Greek and Jugoslav espionage, aiming at liquidating the people’s regime in Albania. Of all the hostile activities against the People’s Republic of Albania from abroad, the Jugoslav Revisionists account for 58 per cent of’1 all the armed spies smuggled into our country, for 15 per cent of the border provocations since 1949 and onward, as well as for 37 per cent of the centers of espionage, for 35 per cent of the cadres of these centers and for 21 per cent of the agents detected. It is only due to the manly, Marxist-Leninist stand of the Party and of the people, united by ties of steel, that the independence and sovereignty of the people and of the Fatherland can be saved when these are threatened by the imperialists and the modern revisionists. No force of whatever foe can withstand this mighty power of our Party and people.
The modern Jugoslav revisionists made use of all means possible to liquidate the achievements of the people’s revolution in Albania, to enslave the People’s Republic of Albania. The whole world knows this. It is already known what shameful failure they met. But it is worth of repeating them for one should bear in mind that the modern revisionists do not renounce their final objective of crushing the socialist order and of enslaving peoples, they do not give up their vicious methods of splitting, of blackmail, of political and economic pressures and even of military pressures. This is how the modem Jugoslav revisionists have behaved towards the People’s Republic of Albania.
The Titoites set up their groups of spies among the ranks of the Albanian Communist Party, penetrating even as far as its Political Bureau and its Central Committee. This was the treacherous group of Koçi Xoxe. But the Party got rid of these traitors without hesitation and consolidated in this manner the Party and its unity. The revisionists raised a hue and cry, hurled foul invectives on us, trumped up all sorts of pseudo-Marxist theories to discredit us, but our Party and our people knew what they were about, for they based their acts on facts and the right was on their side. This purge was just and necessary for the highest interest of our Fatherland. The modern Jugoslav revisionists threatened us with famine, with economic pressures, with economic sabotages, as in the naphtha industry and so on, but they received hard blows in return. Our Party and our people could not be intimidated, they mustered all their efforts, and sturdy were these efforts, and overcame all obstacles. We had loyal friends to come to our assistance, we had the people of the Soviet Union, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union with Joseph Stalin at the head, the peoples of the countries of the People’s Democracy, and their Marxist-Leninist parties, we had the right on our side.
The Jugoslav revisionists tried to bring their troops, their divisions to Albania and, in this way, to take hold of the strategic points of our country and to suppress the resistance of the people and of the Party, to colonize our Fatherland, through military pressure and their agents like Koçi Xoxe and Co. Let us not forget that they intended to carry out this military coup, this occupation under the guise of the military treaty of mutual assistance, under the guise of the so-called menace threatening Albania, under the guise of pretended military measures, under the guise of «friendship». All of these were smoke screens but our Party and people told the modem Jugoslav revisionists and their divisions to halt, for there would be otherwise blood-shed. Joseph Stalin, this glorious protector of Marxism-Leninism, of the freedom and sovereignty of peoples, came to our assistance. The subversive Jugoslav revisionists met with disgraceful failure.
The modern Jugoslav revisionists and their mates thought they could easily curb the iron will of a party and of a people like the Party of Labor of Albania and the Albanian people. But they were nonplussed, they were vanquished, they met with failure. The modern Jugoslav revisionists will meet with the same failure in case they try to encroach upon the liberty, independence and sovereignty of any other country of the People’s Democracy with their intrigues or force of arms. Another such attempt will spell their doom, will put an end to their treacherous, putchist, enslaving deeds. The ground will bum under their feet and the fire they will be kindling will swallow them alive, they will burn off like mice. Let both friend and foe bear in mind the experience of a small country, of a small Marxist-Leninist party that knows no defeat. Our Party and our people have never been scared of the enemy, be they ever much more numerous. Our Party and our people were always on the alert and fought to the end against those who intended to rob us of our achievements, of our freedom, of our independence, of our sovereignty. This is what our Party and our people have been and will continue to be, friendly towards friends and always true to them and ever ready to come to their assistance, severe and irreconcilable with foes of every hue.
Serbomanian chauvinism and the policy of chauvinistic nationalism has assumed a new impetus in Jugoslavia. Civic inequality became more outspoken and the national minorities were deprived of many more prerogatives. A region where the consequences of this policy are more evident is Kosova. The Jugoslav revisionists have practiced the policy of denationalization and genocide towards the Albanian minorities. They have neglected this province, they have turned it into an undeveloped and totally backward region. A new manifestation of the policy of liquidating the alien nationalities, especially the Albanian minorities in Jugoslavia, is seen in the new Constitution to where it is pointed that «any citizen unwilling to emphasize his nationality, may be considered as a Jugoslav citizen and, as such, a full member of the Jugoslav socialist society». Thus, the long and short of it is that one must change one’s nationality in order to become «a full member of the Jugoslav socialist society». It is precisely this bourgeois nationalist chauvinist policy of Tito’s clique that finds all-round support among N. Khrushchev’s group, too. The propagandists of N. Khrushchev’s course in their attempt to carry out his opportunist line of supporting Tito in every way, go so far as to encourage the Titoites to liquidate the alien nationals in Jugoslavia. Thus, the Soviet review «Mezhdunarodnaya Zhizn», quoting the above paragraph of the new Jugoslav Constitution, stresses in one of its articles of the recent months: «the new Constitution of the Federative Socialist Republic of Jugoslavia will help consolidate the fraternal unity of the Jugoslav peoples in promoting the mutual approach to national culture».
While all the communist parties unanimously opposed with determination the anti-socialist views and acts of Tito’s clique, in the communist movement turned out N. Khrushchev’s group and their followers, turned out a group of admirers and ardent supporters of Jugoslav revisionism. Having assumed the leadership of the Communist
Party of the Soviet Union through intrigues, counter-revolutionary strokes and plots, N. Khrushchev proceeded on the road to dethroning Marxism-Leninism. In order to attain this objective of his betrayal he had to assail J. V. Stalin, follower and great defender of Lenin’s work. Renegade Tito was, according to Khrushchev, his closest and most faithful ally in this infamous undertaking of his, for Tito had for years given ample proof in this direction. This was the beginning of the line of approach and collaboration between him and the Jugoslav revisionists.
To realize this approach and collaboration, N. Khrushchev had to remove in the first place the obstacles which separated the communist movement, Marxism-Leninism, from the Jugoslav revisionists. Such obstacles were the Resolution of the Inform Bureau, the joint documents of the communist and workers parties, the relentless struggle which the communist parties waged in exposing the Jugoslav revisionists and the total annihilation of them ideologically and politically, the correct line and the firm stand pursued by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union under J. V. Stalin. Moreover he had to have time to look for allies, or better still, followers who would blindly follow him in this road. Therefore it was no easy job for N. Khrushchev to get closer with, to reconcile and rehabilitate Tito’s clique. The fact that Tito’s clique had badly committed themselves as servants of the imperialist bourgeoisie, made it even harder.
Persisting in his line and violating the Leninist norms of relations among parties, N. Khrushchev went to Belgrade in 1955 to hand imperialist agent J. B. Tito a certificate of good conduct by rehabilitating him without having first resorted to the usual procedure of consulting the other fraternal parties, though with the approval, which he had pressed out, through intrigue and cajolery, of the parties composing the Inform Bureau. He begged the revisionists’ pardon. He launched the slogan of the «superstructures» that had weighed so heavily on the «Jugoslav comrades». He attributed the blame for the deterioration of the relations with Jugoslavia to Stalin, because of the alleged «totally erroneous assessment which he had made of the Jugoslav comrades».
This kowtow to the Jugoslav revisionists by the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union made them ruffle up their feathers like cocks and proclaim far and wide that their cause was a just one and that it had triumphed, that it was not the Jugoslav leadership that had erred but the communist and workers movement, made them increase their activity causing a split in the socialist camp, in the communist movement, in the movement for national liberation and among other peace-loving forces. This was N. Khrushchev’s first official act of betrayal.
By opposing the joint decision of the communist and workers movement approving the Resolution of the Inform Bureau, by opposing the line jointly elaborated by these parties to combat Jugoslav revisionism, by getting closer to Tito’s clique, N. Khrushchev gave rise to grave divergences on principle between his group on one hand and the workers movement on the other. By this act he dealt a heavy blow to the unity of views and acts of the communist movement.
The Party of Labor of Albania which had been well acquainted with the features and had borne the brunt of the hostile activity of this clique, was convinced of the justice of combatting Jugoslav revisionism and was, therefore, opposed in principle to N. Khrushchev’s plan of going to Belgrade to rehabilitate Tito’s clique. The change of attitude towards the Jugoslav revisionists and the modification of the Resolution of the Inform Bureau were not matters within N. Khrushchev’s personal competence alone. They were matters pertaining to the entire communist movement and therefore any decision about them should be taken after due consultations among partners had been made, according to Leninist rules and regulations. «Therefore the Central Committee of our Party wrote to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in May 1955 expressing the opposition of our Party to N. Khrushchev’s going to Belgrade to rehabilitate Tito’s clique. Time has further corroborated how correct and timely had been the warning of our party that the approach to the Jugoslav renegade band would bring a great danger to the communist movement and to socialism. As a matter of fact, N. Khrushchev’s ideological and political approach to Tito, the latter’s rehabilitation, the coordination of their activity, constituted the prelude to the 20th Congress of the Communist Party where the theses of modern revisionism were promulgated to the communist movement. It is significant that only a few months later Tito was warmly received by N. Khrushchev in Moscow as a distinguished Leninist. And the counter-revolutionary coup took place in Hungary with the direct participation of the Jugoslav revisionists only a few months after this visit.
Following the November 1956 counter-revolution. Tito, in his speech at Pula, launched an open call for subversive activity. «Jugoslavia», he said, «should not hedge itself in its own shell. It should set to work in all directions in the field of ideology so that the new trend may triumph». He was not satisfied with the first steps taken by N. Khrushchev in fighting for «de-Stalinization», with his opportunist theses preached at the 20th Congress, and called upon him and all revisionists to carry the war against the so-called cult of the individual and its consequences to the end. «We have said», the renegade emphasized, «that it is not only a matter of the cult of the individual but of a whole system which made the pursuance of the cult of individual possible, there lie the roots of the matter, this is the hardest thing to combat. These roots lie in the bureaucratic apparatus, in the methods followed and attitudes maintained, in ignoring the role and the wishes of the working masses, in Enver Hoxha and Shehu and various other leaders of certain parties in the west and in the east who oppose democratization and the decisions of the 20th Congress».
And no sooner had Tito’s clique uttered than passed over to acts. In 1958 they published their program which was approved by the VIIth Congress of the League of Jugoslav Communists. This program was from top to bottom an anti-Marxist and anti-socialist one, it was the ideological platform, the code of international revisionism zealously comprising all the known theories of the various anti-Marxist trends of all time. It was a great ideological diversion, a general assault against the basis of the revolutionary theory and practice of scientific socialism, an attack against the joint document of the international communist movement; the 1957 Moscow Declaration.
The communist and workers parties unanimously condemned the program of the League of Jugoslav communists as an entirely revisionist one. They criticized the anti-Marxist line of the Jugoslav revisionists as regards the nature and assessment of the actual international situation, as regards the two world systems and camps, as regards the interpretation of the experience of the Soviet Union and of the other countries in building up socialism, as regards the role of the communist parties and socialist state in building up the new society, as regards the application of the Marxist-Leninist theory and the conflict with bourgeois ideology, as regards the principles of proletarian internationalism, as regards the mutual relations among socialist countries, among fraternal communist parties and as regards a whole range of important issues of the theory of Marxism and of the practice of the world communist movement.
Consistent in its line of combat of principle against revisionism and considering that every leniency in exposing revisionism is to the advantage of imperialism, to the advantage of the enemy of the class on a national and international scale, the communist and workers movement unanimously and firmly condemned Tito’s clique for the third time as traitors to Marxism-Leninism, as wreckers and splitters of the socialist camp, of the communist movement and of all the peace loving forces and states of the world, as servants of the American imperialism through the 1960 Moscow Declaration signed by the representatives of 81 communist and workers parties. «Further exposure of the leaders of the Jugoslav revisionists and active efforts to guard the communist as well as the workers movement against the anti-Leninist ideas of the Jugoslav revisionists», the 1960 Moscow Declaration insisted, «continues to be an essential duty of the Marxist-Leninist parties».
But how do matters stand now, in June 1963, fifteen years after the Resolution of the Informative Bureau, as regards the struggle against Jugoslav revisionism to safeguard the purity of Marxism-Leninism, to safeguard the unity of the socialist camp and of the communist movement, as regards the ideological and political smashing of this agency of imperialism?
While the Marxist-Leninist parties, strictly abiding by the 1957 and 1960 Moscow Declarations, have been Waging a determined war of principle against modem revisionism, especially against the perilous views and treacherous acts of the Titoite clique, N. Khrushchev’s group in flagrant contradiction with the common line of the entire international communist movement, has not only failed to oppose the Titoite clique, but on the contrary, has taken positive steps towards getting closer to and making common cause with this clique of renegades.
Only a few of the many well known facts will suffice to prove this:
A month had hardly elapsed since the publication of the 1960 Moscow Declaration when Foreign Minister A. Gromyko, member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, speaking on the relations with Jugoslavia to the Supreme Soviet on December 23, 1960, stated: «It should be pointed out with satisfaction that in basic international issues our positions are identical».
On September 10, 1961, hardly a year after the Moscow meeting, N. Khrushchev himself stated to the correspondent of the American Newspaper «New York Times» that «we, of course, consider Jugoslavia a socialist country».
On October 3, 1961, L. Brezhniev told the Jugoslav Ambassador «we have all the conditions for further and all round collaboration». And these statements were followed by a great wave of exchanges of declarations, of signing of agreements in all directions under the slogan of peaceful coexistence. All the problems lying in the way of extending the all-round economic and political relations were solved with marvelous speed and readiness and the ground was systematically prepared for ideological approach and collaboration between them.
The 22nd Congress from whose rostrum N. Khrushchev set fire to the divergences brewing within the ranks of the communist and workers movement through his open attacks on the Party of Labor of Albania, served as a means for his approach to «the Jugoslav comrades» as well as in the field of ideological relations and collaboration with them.
The Party of Labor of Albania on its part rightly protested against N. Khrushchev’s opportunist conceptions. Our Party emphasized that N. Khrushchev intended to bring about the rehabilitation of the Titoite clique under the slogan of coexistence in the state relations with Jugoslavia. The dregs of reproaches and slanders of the revisionists were hurled on the Party of Labor of Albania accusing it as an opponent to the policy of coexistence, as a warmonger, as a disturber of peace in the Balkans. What did time prove? It proved that revisionists Tito-Khrushchev slandered, it proved that the Party of Labor of Albania was altogether right.
In his attempts to rehabilitate the treacherous Titoite clique N. Khrushchev met with the determined opposition, why not, of the Marxist-Leninists. That is why he has had to maneuver and say, now and then, something or other against the views and undermining acts of the Jugoslav revisionists. But his basic line with all its zigzags has always been the approach and reconciliation with Tito’s clique. Even when he gives the impression that he is criticizing severely the Jugoslav revisionists, he leaves a leeway for approach and collaboration with them, for keeping alive the «spark of hope» for their rehabilitation. His statements to this effect are widely known. At a rally in Moscow on June 19, 1956, he greeted Tito’s clique as a «combatant party of the Jugoslav working class, tested leader of the Jugoslav peoples», and on July 13, 1957 in Prague, he stressed the need of «exchanging the experience of socialist construction» with the Jugoslav comrades. At the Congress of the Bulgarian Communist Party on June 3, 1958, N. Khrushchev stated that «the Jugoslav leaders caused great damage to the cause of socialism through their public utterances and their acts at the time of the Hungarian events», that «the Jugoslav Embassy in Budapest became a real center for those who started the war against the system of people’s democracy in Hungary», that «in his speech at Pula comrade Tito vindicated the rebels in Hungary and called the fraternal aid of the Soviet Union for the Hungarian people, «Soviet intervention» and so on and so forth. He did not even spare figurative expressions, calling the Jugoslav revisionism a «Trojan horse» in order to keep in line with the unanimous and determined opposition which the communist movement offered to Tito’s clique at that time. Speaking at the Congress of the United German Socialist Party on July 11, 1958, N. Khrushchev stated: «Even in the situation created in our relations with the League of Jugoslav Communists it would be beneficial to preserve a spark of hope, to look for acceptable forms in certain matters».
Six months later, the tone became «harsher» again. At the 21st Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in August 1959, N. Khrushchev said: «The Jugoslav leaders pretend that they stand, outside blocs and above camps, while in reality they participate in the Balkan bloc which unites Jugoslavia, Turkey and Greece. The latter two countries, as everybody knows, are members of the NATO aggressive bloc, whereas Turkey takes part in the Bagdad Pact besides. And precisely for this reason the positions of «outside blocs», of neutrality, which the leaders of the League of Jugoslav Communists recommend with such zeal, smack of American monopolies which nourish Jugoslav ’socialism’. The history of the class struggle has not yet recorded a case in which the bourgeoisie has helped morally and materially its class enemy to build socialism».
But time has proved that all these «harsh reproaches» towards the «Jugoslav comrades» on the Khrushchev’s part were nothing but sheer bluff, a demagogic maneuver to throw dust in the eyes of the communist movement. Although Tito’s open acts and Khrushchev’s «criticism» seem contradictory, they are in fact far from being so. Both parties pursue the same objective, but each is obliged by the circumstances to formally resort to different methods. Tito thinks it is high time for them to speed up the process of all round reconciliation and collaboration towards setting up a united front against Marxism-Leninism. While N. Khrushchev who has not yet secured the necessary supporters, followers and «allies», tries to camouflage Tito’s acts advising him to be moderate. The aim of his «critics», therefore, is to lengthen the period of Tito’s masking as much as possible. The result: Tito doesn’t give up his line, his objective. He who adjusts himself to his mate is N. Khrushchev.
We need not enlarge here in more detail on N. Khrushchev’s zigzags and acrobatism. Their final result is the full approach and collaboration of N; Khrushchev’s group with Tito’s clique of renegades which was crowned at the Supreme Soviet of the USSR in December 1962, where the Khrushchev-Tito united revisionist front was set up to combat revolutionary Marxism-Leninism and the fraternal parties which stand up for it with doggedness. This was a brutal violation of the 1960 Moscow Declaration. What is even more, N. Khrushchev launches wild attacks on all those parties which, in upholding and abiding by the Declaration, continue their war of principle against Jugoslav revisionism.
N. Khrushchev has turned on all his loudspeakers with a view of persuading the world that the Jugoslav renegades have become Marxist-Leninists and that Jugoslavia is building socialism. On the other hand he hurls bitter attacks on the Party of Labor of Albania, on the People’s Republic of Albania, on their correct line, ignoring the work of our people in building up socialism. Towards our country N. Khrushchev has trampled underfoot and violated in a most flagrant way, not only the principles of Marxism-Leninism and of proletarian internationalism, but also those of peaceful coexistence which he advertises so loudly. It was precisely N. Khrushchev who extended the ideological disagreements with the Party of Labor of Albania into the field of state relations, who exerted all round pressure on our Party and our people, who set up a true economic blockade against Albania, who even severed diplomatic relations with the People’s Republic of Albania, who brutally intervened in the internal affairs of our country, going so far as to make an open counter-revolutionary call for the overthrow of the leadership of the Party and of the state in Albania.
In his address to the Supreme Soviet N. Khrushchev clearly defined his stand towards Tito’s clique. Thus he stated that his stand towards the League of Jugoslav communists «is in full accord with the lines of the 20th and 22nd Congresses of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union», that he is prepared «to do his uttermost to overcome the divergences that have still remained» which seem to spring from «the concrete historical and geographical conditions», that «it would be unfair to draw up a stereotyped pattern (referring to the Moscow Declarations) which all should abide by», that, those who oppose Jugoslav revisionism «borrow the bestial laws of the capitalist world and introduce them into the relations among socialist countries, as the Albanian dissenters do, who are just as likely as not to tear the Jugoslav communists to pieces for their mistakes», that it behooves the communist movement to help the Titoite clique «<to occupy the place they deserve in the family of all the fraternal parties», that «consolidation and development of economic connections, of state and social relations between our countries create the basis for the approach of our attitudes in ideological matters as well», that «the Jugoslav comrades are strengthening the achievements of socialism and, proceeding from objective laws, from the teachings of Marxism-Leninism, it is impossible to deny that Jugoslavia is a socialist state», and so on and so forth.
According to N. Khrushchev’s logic it turns out that the 81 communist and workers parties who condemned the Jugoslav revisionists with unanimity, did not proceed from the analysis of the real situation in Jugoslavia, from objective laws, from the teachings of Marxism-Leninism in formulating their judgment, but that they borrowed the bestial laws of the capitalist world and introduced them into the relations among socialist states. It turns out, therefore, that today there is one sole plenipotentiary judge of Marxism-Leninism: N. Khrushchev.
But how do matters really stand? What are the arguments on which N. Khrushchev is based to cross out the Moscow Declarations, to call them «bad specimens», and to declare that Tito’s clique is no longer carrying out acts of betrayal, dissentient and undermining acts, and that they are allegedly building up socialism? Why have these arguments been trumped up and what does the actual Jugoslav reality show?
In order to reject the conclusions of the 1960 Moscow Declaration N. Khrushchev supports his thesis with the argument of the «changes» which the Jugoslav leaders seem to have made both in internal as in external affairs. These arguments do not hold water. The Jugoslav revisionist leaders themselves — Tito, Kardelj and others, have rejected them; they have more than once stated that they have made no change nor do they ever intend make a change in the days to come. The Jugoslav revisionists have even forewarned those who are looking forward to such changes not to live with illusions and vain hopes. Of significance in this connection is a radio broadcast from Belgrade on December 26, 1962, replying to its listeners on «the open and bitter criticism to many manifestations in the economic, political and social life of the country» which posed the question: «Does this imply something new as regards the views of the program of the League of Jugoslav Communists and the heretofore practice of the League?» And the answer: «the decisions of the fourth plenum and all the activity following it contain nothing new as regards the views of the program of the League of the Jugoslav Communists and the steps regarding the policy so far. On the contrary, they aim at putting into effect the ideas set forth in the program in a consistent and all-round way. Nor is there anything new with regard to the views envisaged in the program on the collaboration of the League of Jugoslav Communists with the other communist and workers parties».
Isn’t the stand of the American imperialists itself, their assessment of the acts of the modem revisionists a strong and persuasive argument to prove to whose advantage the political course of Tito’s clique runs? The billions of American dollars are not lavished in vain oh the « Jugoslav socialism». It was not to no purpose that Dean Rusk rose against certain rumors heard in the American Congress demanding a re-examination of the aid to Jugoslavia, and warned: «If a change was made to the wise policy of the USA towards Jugoslavia, a thing of this nature would be a very serious drawback for the west». For, as Dean Rusk has said on another occasion, « Jugoslavia has been and continues to be a source of discord within the ranks of international communism». This dissentient role of the Titoite clique is clearly expressed by J. Kerman, United States Ambassador to Jugoslavia, who, according to the «Long Island Press» newspaper, has stated to the senate committee for foreign affairs that «Tito is putting all his efforts to overthrow Enver Hoxha’s regime in Albania through secret operations within the Communist Party. If these subversive operations fail, he will resort to military operations».
Fifteen years since the announcement of the Resolution of the Inform Bureau have fully corroborated the correctness of its forewarnings on the deviation and departure of Tito’s clique from socialism and on the reestablishment of capitalism in Jugoslavia, on the betrayal of the Titoites and their utter degeneration into agents of imperialism. The 15-year period proved that the Jugoslav revisionists have departed totally from the Marxist-Leninist theory in basic matters of theory and practice of «building socialism» in Jugoslavia, in matters of the ways to develop socialism in the world today, in the so-called position of Jugoslavia «outside the blocs», in matters of the ways to preserve peace and peaceful coexistence, in further revising the Leninist theory on the party and the state, and in other matters of Marxist-Leninist ideology and so on.
Therefore, if we are to speak of changes, we must say that the one who has made a change is not Tito towards Khrushchev, but Khrushchev towards Tito.
For us it has been clear that the noise N. Khrushchev makes about «changes» and «turnabouts» in Jugoslavia, is only a tactical measure to justify his complete agreement with the Titoite clique, to justify its admittance to the socialist camp. Experience confined our Party’s statements which have long since laid bare the possibility of such a maneuver on N. Khrushchev’s part. It was as early as May 17, 1962 that an article entitled «The failure of Jugoslav specific socialism and the latest maneuvers of the Belgrade revisionists» appeared in «Zeri i Popullit», pointing out that the public denunciation by the Jugoslav leaders of the hard times which Jugoslavia was experiencing at this time, is made, among others, in order to create the illusion that allegedly some progress is being made towards socialism in Jugoslavia, that some allegedly positive modifications are being made in its economic policy, that some signs are allegedly appearing to show that «Jugoslavia is treading on the right road». The purpose which Tito and his imperialist patrons pursue by this new maneuver is perilous and far reaching. The objective is that the Trojan horse is to force its way into the castle, into the socialist camp, since there are now people who are eager to batter down the walls and to usher it in with due formality, reserving even a place of honor to it. Since some time now it has been trumpeted abroad that Tito’s clique is showing «some positive signs as far as foreign politics is connected». Thus, under the pretext that the Jugoslav leaders are effecting some sort of a turn and by making certain «objective comradely» observations on what the Belgrade traitors themselves have denounced, one can now stretch one’s hand to Tito’s clique. It must be said that all this affair costs Tito or the imperialists nothing but it helps the Jugoslav revisionists find new ways of splitting and undermining the socialist camp and the international communist movement from within.
Time will again go to show how hard it will be to build socialism for those socialist countries who have begun to lay the door open for Tito’s diversionist clique, who have tightened their relations with them, who have taken up the study of the Jugoslav experience and are trying to profit by it. The first signs are already apparent.
Let us cast a glance on the attitude of the Jugoslav revisionists towards international matters. Tito’s clique have effected no change in the foreign policy which has served and continues to serve the interests of the imperialists. Examples are numerous: What is, for instance, the stand of the Jugoslav revisionists towards the Caribbean crisis? Referring to the causes of the Cuban crisis, the «Borba» newspaper dated October 1, 1962, instead of denouncing the American imperialists as aggressors and warmongers, wrote: «if we look for the cause of the Cuban crisis we will find that it lies in the unfortunate creation of blocs and in that state of mind which raises the policy of force and of nuclear power to the height of a principle». Thus, therefore, the countries of the socialist camp and the imperialists are placed on the same level. The Jugoslav revisionists called the firm stand of the revolutionary government of Cuba against imperialist aggression as a «biased foreign policy», as «an aggravation of relations with the U.S.A. », as «lack of tact», as «Cuba becoming a front of the cold war»; they denounced Cuba because «it dealt blow for blow» and they reproached the Cuban Government with «being a stumbling block in reaching the Kennedy-Khrushchev agreement», they denounced Cuba’s refusal for «international inspection», considered Cuba’s just 5-point demands as a hindrance to the solution of the Cuban crisis, and so on.
The attitude of Tito’s clique towards the Sino-Indian border conflict is much more hostile and more openly pro-imperialistic. In this matter, the Jugoslav revisionists together with all the reactionary bourgeois propaganda, reproach the People’s Republic of China with aggressiveness, with having caused the Sino-Indian conflict, as though it «pursues a policy of creating tension», that «it tries to settle the border issue with India by resorting to the use of force» and other like this. Even as regards the known proposals and initiatives of the People’s Republic of China to settle the conflict peacefully, proposals which met with full approval by all the peace-loving forces in the world, the Jugoslav revisionists lining up with the Indian reactionaries and the most warmongering circles of imperialism, hastened to declare that «Peking’s conditions are utterly unacceptable to India», that «the steps taken by China contain in them elements which are hard for the other party to accept». It is clear that the attitude of Tito’s clique in the Sino-Indian border conflict does not at all aim at preserving the Sino-Indian friendship and at settling this conflict in a peaceful manner. On the contrary this attitude serves the anti-Chinese international imperialist and revisionist plot.
Under guise of the so called policy of non alignment, the Jugoslav revisionist leaders carry out their counter-revolutionary mission of undermining the national liberation war of peoples. Facts go to show that whenever questions arise for parties and states to take a stand and clarify their positions in the various conflicts, in wars between the imperialists and the oppressed peoples and nations, between the bourgeoisie and the working class, the Jugoslav revisionists have always backed the imperialists and the bourgeoisie and opposed the peoples and the working class.
It is a well-known fact that Tito considered the aggressive intervention of the American neocolonialists in Congo as a «factor that helped stabilize the situation, a very important and valuable factor»; the Jugoslav revisionists called Kennedy’s «Alliance for Progress», a plan to colonize Latin America, as «readiness to adjust and correct errors»; they called the brutal intervention of the USA in the internal affairs of Laos a «true concern for peace and the security of Laos»; they called the rightful struggle of the Indonesian people to free West-Irian as unjustifiable and preached its settlement by «peaceful means», whereas the liberation of Goa by the Indian reactionary bourgeoisie was called a just one only because their ally Nehru had demanded it. This is the policy of principle of the modern revisionists.
In order to justify his course of reconciling himself with Tito’s clique, N. Khrushchev makes a lot of noise about Jugoslavia building up socialism. He delights in posing as the self appointed judge in determining which country is and which country is not socialist. Who entitles him to force his views on others? It is well known that at the 1960 Moscow meeting the Soviet leaders with N. Khrushchev at the head, not only signed the Declaration wherein it is stressed that the Jugoslav revisionists «detached their country from the socialist camp, placed it under the tutelage of the so-called «aid» of the American and other imperialists», but also stated in public through his mouthpiece M. Suslov, that he would no longer call Jugoslavia a socialist country. Why do they, then deny today what they said yesterday? Can the Jugoslav reality have changed these last 2 or 3 years? In reality nothing has changed in Jugoslavia, there is nothing new.
In Jugoslavia there is an ever growing manifestation of the characteristics of capitalist economy of typically local and chaotic trends, of rivalry between republics, between provinces and economic organizations of broad operations in market relations, of free play of prices, of the violation o? the principle of distribution according to work, of disproportion in development of the branches of economy, of the low standards of specialization and cooperation of production, of unemployment and of exploitation man by man, and so on.
The traits of capitalist economy are even more evident in the Jugoslav countryside. If we look at the present Jugoslav village, what strikes one’s eyes above all, is the process of differentiation and polarization. The wealthy economic units become richer, the poorer economic units deteriorate and are eliminated. The larger rural estates which make up less than 14 per cent of the total number of the peasant economies of Jugoslavia, own nearly 40 per cent of all the area of land under private possession. Taking advantage of such possibilities as the free purchase, sale, rent of land, the exploitation of laborers through the system of wages, speculation with farm products, taking advantage of state credits, the kulaks keep strengthening their economic positions. At the same time tens of thousands of poor peasants, having been totally ruined, are compelled to abandon their land and go in search of jobs in the cities. The growing dependence of Jugoslav economy on American dollars shows along what lines Tito’s clique have pushed the development of Jugoslavia.
But whatever maneuvers N. Khrushchev’s group may resort to in assessing the Jugoslav reality, his statements cannot change this reality. The revisionist course of Tito’s clique is bringing about the inevitable reestablishment of capitalism in Jugoslavia. The American imperialists have started to speak openly about this trend. They are witnessing that the American dollars were not lavished in vain in enterprises that yield no profits. «During these recent years» as the UPI news agency announced, «changes have been effected in Jugoslavia which have pleased the West. Collectivization has been practically eliminated. Its economy has been adjusted more and more to trade with the West.» Jugoslavia is becoming a capitalist country without capitalists and the West is drawing it ever nearer to the western economic and political world, wrote among others the American newspaper «Wall Street Journal». This is the true direction along which the changes in present Jugoslavia are proceeding.
N. Khrushchev himself had declared at the 7th Congress of the Bulgarian Communist Party that the American dollars which the Jugoslav clique receives are not given to it to develop socialism. «It is a well known fact — said he — that no one will believe that there are allegedly two kinds of socialism in the world: a socialism which the world reactionaries resent in a frenzied manner and another socialism acceptable to the imperialists, to which they give support and assistance. Everybody knows that the imperialists never give anybody money for nothing, for «his good looks»; they invest their capital only in those enterprises from which they expect to get good profits».
Just as heretofore Tito’s clique receive today large sums in the form of credits, loans and other alms from the American and other imperialists. Thus on November 28 last year, the Jugoslav Government and the USA Government signed an agreement on the basis of which the USA would furnish to Tito’s clique agricultural surplus products to the total volume of 103.3 million dollars. During 1962, the USA gave Tito’s clique, as the Jugoslav press reported, a new credit of 46.6 million dollars and 31.6 million dollars more through international organizations supervised by the USA. England will give a credit of 28 million sterling pounds.
But, according to N. Khrushchev’s logic; it now turns out that the receipt of dollars from the imperialists is of no significance at all, is not detrimental to socialist construction in Jugoslavia. Thereby hangs a question: are we to take it that imperialism is now no longer imperialism, that it is now willing to sincerely help and with best intentions to develop socialism in various countries? That the American dollars can be put to good use for socialism? that the dollars are now given without intentions of securing profits arid that the imperialists demand now no interest for their dollars?
In the letter the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union sent to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on March 30, 1963 it is written: «As concerns Jugoslavia the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union think it is a socialist country, and in their relations with them they are striving to draw the People’s Federal Republic of Jugoslavia closer to the socialist family, a thing which is in line with the stand of the fraternal parties to unite all the anti-imperialist forces in the world». What is this line of the fraternal parties? Which are these fraternal parties? When have they formulated these lines that coincide with the course of the anti-Leninist program of the League of the Jugoslav Communist? It is publicly known that there is only one general line of the fraternal parties, clearly formulated in the 1960 Moscow Declaration on the basis of Marxism-Leninism. The line of which N. Khrushchev speaks is only the line of his revisionist group, a counter-revolutionary line which aims at liquidating the general revolutionary line of Marxism-Leninism and of the communist and workers movement.
The wily tactics of committing others, of making them accomplices in crime, is today widely used in all forms with subtlety and secrecy by N. Khrushchev towards the leaders of those parties, in socialist as well as capitalist countries, who, under given circumstances and for various reasons, come to uphold him, to support him in his line of revising Marxism-Leninism and pf splitting the socialist camp and the communist movement. This beneficial tactics to N. Khrushchev’s intentions is very perilous and of grave consequences to those leaders who blindly follow in his tracks, it is very perilous to the cause for which their parties have fought and continue to fight, to the masses of revolutionary communists. To hush when you hear N. Khrushchev speak and act not only in his own name but in behalf of your party, against Marxism-Leninism, against the unity of the socialist countries, when he assails the sister parties for the only fault that they abide resolutely by the Leninist principles, that they firmly uphold the Moscow Declarations, that they wage a persistent and unwavering war against the common enemy of the proletariat, of socialism and of peace, namely the imperialists with the American imperialists in the lead, and against their agents, — the Titoite clique —, would mean to become an accomplice in N. Khrushchev’s plots, it would mean to assume a heavy responsibility on your shoulders before the party and the people, before history, it would mean to spur N. Khrushchev on, to encourage him to make further and speedier progress in realizing his anti-socialist intentions, which is to the advantage of the enemy.
It is high time to put an end to silent submission and to giving approval to the dictates of others. It is no honor to lack courage to give free expression to your thoughts, to reiterate the frenzied attacks of others against fraternal parties in order to please N. Khrushchev when you see that those parties you are attacking, against whom you are hurling mud, have uttered not a single word against your party, but have on the contrary, nourished comradely respect, respect of a communist towards it and loyalty to Marxism-Leninism.
The Party of Labor of Albania is of the opinion that to make common cause with the Jugoslav revisionists, with these perilous agents of imperialism, especially today when a bitter contest is raging in the work! between socialism and capitalism, between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, between the imperialists and the oppressed peoples and nations, would mean to accept their program as a just and a Marxist-Leninist one, consequently, to reject as out of date the teachings of Marxism-Leninism and the joint and unanimous decisions of the communist and workers parties condemning Jugoslav revisionism. This would mean to revise the whole strategy and tactics of the communist and workers movement, to replace its revolutionary Marxist-Leninist line with the strategy and tactics of the renegade Titoite group, with their opportunist anti-Marxist line of submission to imperialism, as Khrushchev’s treacherous group are doing on a large scale. This would mean to renounce the true unity of the. socialist camp and of the communist movement based on Marxism-Leninism and on the Moscow Declarations and to adopt a false unity based on the anti-Marxist political and ideological platform of the program of the League of Jugoslav Communists, it would mean to wipe out the distinction between friend and foe, between Marxism-Leninism and revisionism, between the defenders and the splitters of unity, between the fighters against imperialism and its agents, as N. Khrushchev’s treacherous group are doing on a large scale.
The question now is: either with the Moscow Declarations to expose the views and acts of the Jugoslav revisionists, of the revisionists of every hue and for the Marxist-Leninist unity of the movement; or with the Jugoslav revisionism against the Moscow Declarations, against Marxism-Leninism and to split the communist and workers movement.
As concerns the position of the Party of Labor of Albania towards the Jugoslav revisionists, it has always been a position of principle, defined, firm and inalterable during these 18 years. It was proclaimed once more by the leader of our Party at the 4th Congress of the Party on February 1961: «Our Party stands firmly in the position of the 1960 Declaration of the 81 communist and workers parties, for the further exposure of the leaders of the Jugoslav revisionists and the active struggle to guard the international communist movement from the anti-Leninist ideas of the Jugoslav revisionists, continue to be an essential duty of all the Marxist-Leninist parties. It holds the view that a determined and irreconcilable war should be waged against revisionism until its complete and final elimination. Every laxity of revolutionary vigilance against it, every weakening of the war of principle against it, every wavering in this war under whatever pretext, leads inevitably to invigoration and activation of revisionist trends which prejudices our great cause a great deal. Without mercilessly denouncing revisionism and the Belgrade revisionist clique in the first place, it is impossible to denounce imperialism as it should be denounced. Without drawing a clear line between the revisionist views and Marxism-Leninism it is impossible to fight dogmatism and sectarianism with success and from correct positions. The fight for the complete ideological and political ruin of this band of renegades is an internationalist aid to the Jugoslav people themselves.
The attitude of our Party towards Jugoslav revisionism has never been a policy of chance, dictated by narrow interests. Our Party has always considered the struggle against revisionism as an internationalist duty and, as such, has carried it out regardless of difficulties, regardless of any sacrifice. Our Party withstood with pluck and prudence the hard trials of recent years when N. Khrushchev launched frenzied attacks against the Leninist stand of our Party which was fighting against revisionism, with a view to curbing the spirit of the Party of Labor of Albania, to alienating it from the correct Marxist-Leninist road. It did not slacken, it did not withdraw from its Marxist-Leninist stand of principle. The justice of the cause for which it fights strengthens its trust and unflinching confidence that in the fight with modem revisionism the victory will be on the side of Marxism-Leninism.
In the light of the events that have taken place during these fifteen years following the announcement of the Resolution of the Inform Bureau on the situation in the Jugoslav Communist Party, all the communists and revolutionaries of the world feel proud of the battles won in the great consistent war of principle against modem revisionism in general and against Jugoslav revisionism in particular.
Losing no sight of the teachings of the Resolution of the Inform Bureau and of the historic letters of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union on the situation in the Jugoslav Communist Party and of the 1957 and 1960 Moscow Declarations, will make the communists and the revolutionaries of the whole world hold aloft and unstained the revolutionary banner of Marxism-Leninism, the banner of proletarian internationalism, will make them fight with bulldog courage and with unshakable confidence that Marxism-Leninism in any situation, however complicated, in any storm and hurricane, will triumph over modern revisionism, over this principal menace threatening the international communist movement, over this perilous agency of the imperialism.