What is Marxism ?

  « Marxism is the science of the laws of nature `s and society `s development, the science of the revolution of oppressed and exploited masses, a science of socialism `s victory in all countries, the science of building the communist society» (I.V.Stalin).

135th Anniversary of the Death

of Karl Marx

 

14th of March 2018

14th of March 1883

Marx was laid to rest in Highgate
Cemetery on Saturday, March 17 1883, in the
same grave as his wife, Jenny, buried 15 months
earlier.

 

The Comintern (SH) greets all comrades across the world !

Messages of Solidarity

Message of the Comintern (SH) on occasion


of the 135th anniversary of Marx’s death day




March 14, 1883 – March 14, 2018

 

 

Today we commemorate the 135th anniversary of Karl Marx's death.

The legacy of Karl Marx is immortal.

He will live forever in the minds and hearts of every worker and every true communist.

Marx is the first classic of Marxism-Leninism and with Engel's founder of scientific communism.

This year we celebrate the 170th anniversary of the Communist Manifesto and the bourgeois revolution in Germany (March 18, 1848).

Our greeting address is therefore dedicated to the writings of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, which deal with the historical events of 1848. For this we publish today all important documents of Marx and Engels.

 

The Importance of the Communist Manifesto in the Revolution of 1848



Of particular importance in the revolutionary period of 1848-49 was the Communist Manifesto, which was the elaboration of the political ideas of Marxism, the application of historical materialism in the analysis of current political events and the determination of the tactics of the proletariat in all stages of the revolutionary struggle. Stalin called the Communist Manifesto the "Song of Songs of Marxism."

It is still stubbornly maintained that the Communist Manifesto allegedly was "barely known" at the time of the 1848 revolution. From this is derived the anti-Marxist thesis that the Communist Manifesto had "virtually no influence" on the revolution. And it is further claimed that there were really only a few workers who had participated in the 1848 revolution. What's about this assertion? Nothing !

In his address of the "Zentralbehörde an den Bund" in March 1850, Marx stated that "the conception propagated earlier only in secret is now in the mouth of the peoples and is publicly preached in the markets". (The Comintern (SH) published this speech for the first time today).

Furthermore, according to Friedrich Engels, there were about 30 sections of the "League of Communists" at the time of the 1848 revolution. In addition, individual members came in many places. In 1848, in several large cities, these workers even took the lead in the work of the already established workers' associations, which fully developed their revolutionary activity in 1848.

And finally, we refer to leaflets of workers who were distributed just before and during the revolution. In a leaflet from the autumn of 1847 it says:

"Men from the proletariat who run through Germany on the mendicorn, tormented by the most miserable police harassment ... do not let any longer treat you as dogs, when the time comes for the fight, hit it!"

In another leaflet at the beginning of 1848, which was distributed by the workers in Berlin, it says:

"Where two of us sit together, they speak of revolution, every factory is for them a hearth of the revolution, every migrant proletarian is considered an emissary of the revolution ... but if everywhere in the people it glows and glows, if the spark ignites (then falls out, you wild blacksmiths, their sooty founders, you pale Weber!) Then stretch your chest and arms, you tortured factory workers! Then, setters, cast the letters in bullets! "

These leaflets speak the clear language of the revolutionary working class, whose voice is concealed by today's historians. There is little in the history books about the revolutionary role of the working class, but all the more about the liberal bourgeoisie and the democratic petty bourgeoisie, who were the betrayers of the workers and peasants in the 1848 revolution.

In the bourgeois revolution of 1848, and in connection with the solution of the tasks of this revolution, Marx and Engels set themselves the task of uncoupling the proletariat, which at that time was still numerically very weak, away from the leadership of the bourgeois democrats, to fulfill it with the own consciousness of its special historical tasks to educate it in the fire of revolutionary struggles for the application of the strategy and tactics of the proletariat in the bourgeois revolution.

The essence of the Communist Manifesto is the elaboration of the world-historical role of the proletariat as the creator of socialist society.

To this historical event, the Comintern (SH) has published its 30 theses:

The today's 30 basic theses of
the Manifesto of the Communist Party

January 19, 2013
written bythe Comintern (SH) on occasion of the 165th anniversary of the "Communist Manifesto" of Marx and Engels - 1848

Actually, the Communist Manifesto is originally called "Manifesto of the Communist Party". So that was the program of the first Communist Party in the world, the "League of Communists," founded by Marx and Engels. The Statute states clearly:

"The purpose of the League of Communists is the overthrow of the bourgeoisie, the rule of the proletariat, the abolition of the old bourgeois society based on class contradictions, and the founding of a new society without classes and private property."

Today, 170 years later, the German section of the Comintern (SH) serves this same purpose.

 


The bourgeois-democratic revolution - the prelude to the proletarian revolution.

 

Marx and Engels saw in the victorious bourgeois-democratic revolution the prelude to the proletarian revolution.

This idea that the bourgeois-democratic revolution is the prelude to the socialist revolution was developed and formulated by the founders of Marxism in the Theory of Revolution in Permanence on the basis of the experiences of 1848-49:

"This socialism is the declaration of permanence of the revolution, the class dictatorship of the proletariat as a necessary transition point to the abolition of class distinctions in general, to the abolition of all relations of production on which they rest, to the abolition of all social relations that correspond to these relations of production, to the circulation of all ideas arising from them social relations " (see MEW, Volume 7, p. 89/90, German Ed.).

And it was Lenin who studied the strategy and tactics of Marx and Engels in the Revolution of 1848 and brilliantly applied them to the revolutionary conditions in Russia, first in the 1905 Revolution, then in the February Revolution of 1917, and finally in the victorious October Revolution, with which the world socialist revolution began.

The doctrine of Marx and Engels on the permanent revolution was defined in their Address of the "Zentralbehörde an den Bund":

"While the petty-bourgeois Democrats want to bring the revolution to an end as quickly as possible ... by restricting their scope to the elimination of small bourgeois reforms," ​​it is our interest and our mission to make the revolution permanent, until all that the power of the state has been superseded by the rule of the proletariat, and the proletariat has advanced so far not only in one country but in all the ruling countries of the whole world, that the competition of the proletarians in these countries has ceased and that at least the decisive productive forces are concentrated in the hands of the proletarians.-It can not concern us to change private property, but only to destroy it, not to cover up the class antagonisms, but to abolish the classes, not to improve the existing ones Society, but about founding a new one. ("MEW Volume 7, p. 247/248, German Ed).

In the data 1848 - 1918 - 2018 we comrades of the Comintern (SH) see steps on the way to the world socialist revolution, from the bourgeois-democratic revolution to world communism. All the mistakes and shortcomings that have led to the failure of revolutions are important lessons for all subsequent revolutions, turning past defeats into victories. This is the Marxist dialectic of the permanent revolution, which should not be confused with Trotsky's anti-Marxist thesis.

 

 

The revolution of 1848 and proletarian internationalism

The whole work of Marx and Engels in 1848 was filled with the fighting spirit of proletarian internationalism. Marx and Engels paid the greatest attention to the struggle of the oppressed peoples for national liberation. They welcomed the upswing of the national liberation movement of the Poles, Czechs, Hungarians and Italians. They saw them as allies in the fight against the feudal-absolutist reaction in Germany and against the other forces of the European counterrevolution.

The founders of Marxism, who emphasized the connection and causal relationship between the revolutions in the various countries, attached great importance to the victory of the proletarian revolution in France, which had to give a powerful impulse to the revolutionary struggle of the popular masses in other European countries. Marx and Engels hoped that the victory of the French proletariat would facilitate the completion of the bourgeois-democratic revolution in Germany and the transition to proletarian revolution in that country.

 

 

The Betrayal of the Bourgeoisie on the Revolution of 1848

 

Lenin datedthe year 1848 as the beginning of a new era of the labor movement and world history. The year 1848 showed "that only the proletariat is socialist in nature". In these words, Lenin summarized in his essay "The historical destinies of the teachings of Karl Marx" (March 14, 1913) the result of the revolution of 1848:

"The liberal bourgeoisie is a hundred times more afraid of the independence of this class than of any reaction." Cowardly liberalists crawl on their belly towards the reactionaries... All the lessons of non-class socialism and non-class politics are pure nonsense. "

While the revolutions in England and France led to the establishment of a new political order in line with the capitalist mode of production, the German March Revolution of 1848 "reformed" only the highest political leadership, leaving untouched all the old bureaucracy, the Old Army, the Old Parquets ... in the Service of Absolutism "(see Karl Marx, Volume 6, p.234 German Ed)
In England and France, the bourgeoisie was at the head of the revolutionary movement, but the Prussian bourgeoisie did not strive for it The bourgeoisie sought at all costs to remain on the "legal ground" and thus rejected any determined struggle against the forces of feudal society. So later, social democracy and modern revisioism also placed themselves on the "legal ground" of capitalist society and are still fighting against the socialist revolution.

The German people were neither able to win a decisive victory over feudalism nor to overcome the dismemberment of Germany. The political order of the country, the whole bureaucracy and police apparatus were not touched and the masses remained without arms against the armed counterrevolution. The reason for this course of the German revolution was seen by the founders of Marxism in the policy of the liberal bourgeoisie who came to power.

The German bourgeoisie, frightened by the revolutionary struggle of the French proletariat and by the awakened class consciousness of the German workers, betrayed the interests of the people and made an alliance with the feudal reaction. The German bourgeoisie, when her historical hour had come, did not disempowered the feudal lords, but, for fear of the newly awakening working class, made a compromise with the Junkers, gave them the political power while they themselves cared for the expansion of the capitalist economy. Subsequently the bourgeoisie formed with the Junkers an exploitive bloc. The German people were unable to free themselves in the glow of a people's revolution from the servility that had arisen under the centuries of reactionary rule.

 

 

The revolution of 1848 and Marx' call for refusal of payment of taxes

As an example of the concrete intervention of Marx in the revolution is his call for denial of paying taxes, which today has lost nothing of topicality, and therefore he was promptly brought to justice. In the revolution of 1848, Karl Marx set up the famous slogan of tax refusal in order unarm the counterrevolutionary government. Marx saw the tax-refusal campaign as a means to ignite the revolutionary energy of the masses and to start a new phase of the revolution, which, if successful, would bring about the overthrow of the king's power and the final victory of the people. In contrast to the Prussian National Assembly, which only called for passive resistance to the tax collection, Marx called in his articles "to oppose any kind of violence by means of violence. The passive resistance must be built on the basis of the active resistance. Otherwise it resembles the calf's struggle against his butcher. "

Marx saw one of the reasons for the failure of the March Revolution in the passive attitude of the National Assembly.

 

 

The Revolution of 1848 and the dual rule of the bourgeoisie and feudal lords

Marx saw in the conflict between the Crown and the National Assembly the struggle between two state powers, two sovereigns. But two sovereign powers can not simultaneously coexist in one state. The struggle between them must be decided by material force. Marx released the basic class roots of this struggle. He shows that this was "not a political conflict of two factions on the ground of a society," but "the conflict of two societies themselves, a social conflict," which "had taken a political shape." It was a struggle between the crown as a representative "The old, feudal-bureaucratic society" and the National Assembly as the representative of "modern bourgeois society".

"If the crown makes a counterrevolution, the people rightly respond by revolution." (Karl Marx)

 

There was 1848/49 temporarily a dual rule of bourgeoisie and feudal class.

Similarly, there was a short-lived dual rule in 1918: bourgeois republic and proletarian republic.

This double rule had also existed between the February and October 1917 revolution in Russia.

And it can not be ruled out that we have to solve the question of the dual domination of the world bourgeoisie and world proletariat with the victory of the armed world socialist revolution.

 

The Revolution of 1848 and the Revolutionary War on the Outer Enemy

 

Marx and Engels not only created the doctrine of the revolution against the external class enemy, but also took part in this struggle in practice. In the revolution, the struggle is not limited to the internal enemy, but includes the fight against the external enemy. This was the case in the bourgeois-democratic revolution of 1848, when it came to the struggle against the main forces of the European counter-revolution, namely bourgeois England and feudal-absolutist Russia.

In 1848, Russian czarism was the main bulwark of the feudal-monarchist reaction in Europe, without whose destruction the victory of the European revolution and a real unification of Germany was impossible.

In 1848 it was correct to distinguish between reactionary and revolutionary-democratic nations, which is why Marx and Engels rightly called for the war against tsarism. In the revolutionary war against Russian Tsarism, Marx and Engels saw not only a means of defending the revolution, but also a condition for their further development.

Today we are not defending the imperialist West against imperialist Russia, or vice versa, because both camps are counterrevolutionary and must therefore both be defeated in the socialist revolution. At present there are no reactionary and revolutionary nations as in 1848. Today, the world proletariat wages war against the whole counterrevolutionary world bourgeoisie.

 

 

The revolution of 1848 and the question of the peasants

 

"The German Peasants' War" written by Friedrich Engels generalizes the experiences of the German Revolution of 1848-49. "The parallel between the German Revolution of 1525 and that of 1848/49 was too close to be rejected at that time", Friedrich Engels wrote later. Analyzing the revolutionary events in Germany in the sixteenth century, Engels showed that the main cause of the failure of these two major movements of the German people can be found in the treacherous attitude of the German bourgeoisie in the sixteenth century and the German bourgeoisie in the nineteenth century. As WI Lenin noted, Engels "particularly underlined the common doctrine of both movements, namely: fragmentation of actions, lack of centralization among the oppressed masses, which is related to their petty-bourgeois life situation." In the Peasants' War, the bourgeoisie did not side with the peasant -plebejischen camp to abolish feudalism together, but on the side of the princes and against the peasants.The crucial difference in the class situation at the time of the 16th and 19th centuries was that the working class in Germany until the 19th century The birth of Marxist ideas marked the first period of the history of the German workers' movement in 1848. At that time, the class struggle of the proletariat started in its first tentative movements. The proletariat began laboriously to recognize the value of the necessity of its own organizationing, namely as its only weapon in the fight against capitalist exploitation. In the first period of the German workers' movement the proletariat developed from a class in itself to a class for itself. Wquipped with Marxism, the proletariat laboriously freed itself from the role of an appendage of the bourgeoisie, broke away from the ideological influence of the liberal bourgeoisie and petty-bourgeois democracy, and created a politically independent Marxist party to overcome capitalist society.

The November Revolution of 1918 broke out in the second period of the German labor movement, which was linked to the development of imperialism and the First World War. The Marxist doctrine of the alliance of poor peasants with the working class, which was further developed by Lenin, should have been applied in the November Revolution of 1918 in order to win the victory over the bourgeoisie. That was one of the key reasons why the November Revolution failed. Without applying this doctrine of Marxism correctly, neither the socialist revolution in Germany nor in the whole world will succeed.

Fearing an attack on bourgeois property, the bourgeoisie left the old feudal property untouched, pushing off her indispensable ally in the fight against feudalism, the peasantry. As representatives of the proletariat as the consistently revolutionary class, Marx and Engels eagerly supported the revolutionary anti-feudal movement of the peasantry, in which they saw one of the most important driving forces of the bourgeois-democratic revolution in Germany. It was no coincidence that Friedrich Engels had written his famous book about the German Peasants' War in the middle of the Revolutionary Days of 1848. Frederick Engels' recourse to one of the most brilliant epochs of the revolutionary liberation struggle in Germany was also determined by the desire, to arouse in the people the memory of his revolutionary traditions in face of exhaustion and disappointment that prevailed in Germany.

 

 

The revolution of 1848 and the special conditions of Germany

 

The failure of the revolutions in Germany is also due to the incessant devastation caused by wars. In the Peasants 'War, the Thirty Years' War, the wars of the Prussian state in the 18th and 19th centuries, and especially in the First and Second World War, Germany was almost completely destroyed and dismembered. This has had a significant impact on the social and economic development of Germany and influenced class struggle in Germany.

Concerning the development of capitalism, Germany was a late bloomer and crises of capitalism in other countries like England have had a desastrous impact on people in Germany. Wars and economical Crises were always typical reasons for revolutionary uprisings in Germany on the one hand, but simultaneously reasons for counterrevolutions on the other hand.
The crises produced the first German workers' revolt of 1844 (Silesian weaver revolt), which heralded the revolution of 1848 as "Pre-March". With the Silesian weaver revolt began the open class struggle of the German workers against the bourgeoisie. In 1847 the world economic crisis broke through Germany with full force and influenced the course of the revolution of 1848.

Marx and Engels proved that the crises are one of the most powerful levers in the political upheaval and that "the returning prosperity then also bends the revolutions and establishes the victory of the reaction. A new revolution is only possible in the wake of a new crisis. "

The dark reaction produced the 1848 revolution, and its failure was again answered with sinister reaction. This was also the case before and after the November Revolution of 1918.

 

"The loss of their illusions"

- the most valuable Marxist lesson for the peoples after the defeat of the European revolutions of 1848-49

"The main fruit of the revolutionary movement of 1848 is not what the peoples have won, but what they have lost - the loss of their illusions." (Karl Marx, see MEW Volume 6, p. 138, German Ed.)

All the illusions of the February and March revolutions, rich in dreams, good intentions and beautiful words, were mercilessly destroyed by the purposeful course of history, by the atrocities of counterrevolution.

Even in the November Revolution of 1918, the German proletariat did not learn from this Marxist doctrine and had to pay dearly for its illusions in social-democratism. And the same thing happened in the anti-fascist struggle. The German proletariat had not learned to free itself from the illusions about Dimitroff's "Popular Front." In the alliance with the bourgeoisie, with social democracy, with revisionism and neo-revisionism, the proletariat could never and can never free itself from the shakles of capitalism. That is the still valid lesson of all revolutions in Germany.

These whole illusions of the "peaceful way", whose roots go back to the revolution of 1848, have always led to the defeat of the German proletariat and the maintenance of the power of the bourgeoisie. History has shown that exploitation and oppression in Germany could never be peacefully overcome.

And so the present capitalist regime in Germany and in the whole world can not end peacefully but only violently by means of the victory of the armed world socialist revolution.

The best guarantee for the victory of the revolution of 1848 was seen by Marx and Engels in the arming of the people. And that is also the best guarantee for the completion of the victory of the socialist revolution in Germany:

Arming the working class to disarm the bourgeoisie with the aim of establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat. This is the Marxist doctrine of the defeat of the revolution of 1848 and 1918.

We conclude with a quote from Marx and Engels, which is - modified - still valid today (only replace the word "feudal counterrevolution" by "imperialist counterrevolution"):

 

"Any revolutionary upheaval, though its goal seems so remote from the class struggle, must fail until the revolutionary working class triumphs, any social reform remains utopian until the proletarian revolution and the feudalist counterrevolution compete with one another in a WORLD WAR." (Karl Marx)

 

 

 

Long live Marx, the 1st Classic of Marxism-Leninism!


Log live the 150th anniversary of “Das Kapital”!


Long live the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism: Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Enver Hoxha!


Long live world violent socialist revolution and world armed proletarian dictatorship!


Long live world socialism and world communism!


Long live the Comintern (SH)!

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

On occasion of the

135th Day of Death of

Karl Marx

the Comintern (SH) publishes the following works in various languages:

 

 

in English

 

Volume 7

part 1

part 2

 

(M/E) 1848, articles for Neue Rheinische Zeitung.

 

Volume 8

part 1

part 2

 

(M/E) 1848-49, articles from Neue Rheinische Zeitung.

 

Volume 9

part 1

part 2

 

(M/E) 1849, articles from Neue Rheinische Zeitung.

 

 

Karl Marx
and

the socialist world revolution

10 Theses

in honor of the 130th Anniversary of the Death of Karl Marx

Comintern (SH) - March 14, 2013

written by Wolfgang Eggers

 

 

in German language

 

 

 

Karl Marx, das Kommunistische Manifest und die Revolution von 1848-1849

 

 

 

 

Karl Marx und Friedrich Engels nach der Niederschlagung der Revolution 1848/49

R. P. Konjuschaja 

Moskau - 1952

 

 

 

 

Der Kampf von Marx und Engels für die demokratische Einigung Deutschlands in der Periode zwischen der Revolution 1848/49 und der Gründung der I. Internationale

 

Joachim Streisand

1953

 

 

 

 

 

Karl Marx / Friedrich Engels

Forderungen der Kommunistischen Partei in Deutschland

Flugblatt vom 30. März 1848

 

Die „Forderungen der Kommunistischen Partei in Deutschland" sind das erste Musterbeispiel für die konkrete Anwendung der allgemeinen Grundsätze des „Manifestes der Kommunistischen Partei" auf die Besonderheiten eines Landes, auf die Bedingungen der deutschen Revolution von 1848/49.

 

 

 

 

Karl Marx und Friedrich Engels

Revolution und Konterrevolution in Deutschland 

1851 - 1852

"New York Daily Tribune"

 

 

 

 

Karl Marx und Friedrich Engels

Die Revolution von 1848

ausgewählte Sammlung von Artikeln aus der "Neuen Rheinischen Zeitung"

Nr. 1 vom 1. Juni 1848 bis Nr. 301 vom 19. Mai 1849

Diese Artikel zeigen deutlich die unmittelbare Teilnahme von Marx und Engels am revolutionären Kampf und ihre Taktik in der deutschen und europäischen Revolution. Die Redaktion der „Neuen Rheinischen Zeitung" unter der Leitung von Marx war der wirkliche Kampfstab des Proletariats.

 

 

Friedrich Engels

Die revolutionäre Erhebung in der Pfalz und in Baden

Kaiserslautern, 2. Juni 1949

 

 

 

Friedrich Engels

Die deutsche Reichsverfassungskampagne

Geschrieben Ende August 1849 bis Februar 1850.

Aus: "Neue Rheinische Zeitung. Politisch-ökonomische Revue", Hamburg.

 

 

 

 

Karl Marx / Friedrich Engels

Die preußische Bürgerschaft vor und nach der Annahme der Verfassung durch Friedrich Wilhelm IV.

Revue - 1950

 

 

 

 

 

Marx und Engels

Revue
Mai bis Oktober [1850]

Auszüge Deutschland betreffend

 

 

 

Karl Marx - Friedrich Engels

Zwei Ansprachen der Zentralbehörde des Bundes der Kommunisten an den Bund

 

 

 

Friedrich Engels

Marx und die "Neue Rheinische Zeitung" 1848-1849

13. März 1884

 

 

 

 

 

 

in Russian language

 

 

 

К. Маркс, Ф. Энгельс.

О коммунистической общественной формации.

В четырёх томах. Т. 1. Из произведений Карла Маркса и Фридриха Энгельса 1842-1857 гг.

 

 

 

in French language

 

Friedrich Engels

Révolution et contre-révolution en Allemagne

1851-1852

 

Karl Marx

Révélations sur le procès des communistes de Cologne

1852

 

 

 

F. Engels

Le procès des communistes à Cologne

Londres, mercredi, I° décembre 1852

 

 

in Spanish language

 

Tomo I

 

Selección de obras escritas entre 1845  y  1859.  

 

 

 

in Portuguese language

 

 

 

 

Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels,

Karl Schapper, H. Bauer, Joseph Moll e Wilhelm Wolff

Demandas do Partido Comunista na Alemanha

24 de Março de 1848

 

 

 

Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels

Mensagem da Direcção Central à Liga dos Comunistas

Março de 1850

  

 

Friedrich Engels

Revolução e Contra-Revolução na Alemanha

Setembro de 1852

 

 

 

 

Friedrich Engels

O Recente Julgamento em Colónia

29 de Novembro de 1852

 

in Arabic language

 

عريضة المجلس المركزي إلي عصبة الشيوعيين

 

محاكمة اللجنة الديمقراطية لمنطقة الراين - مرافعة كارل ماركس

 

حول الثورة الدائمة

 

 

 

Chinese language

 

4

(1846年5月—1848年3月)

 

5

(1848年3月—11月)

 


6

(1848年11月—1849年7月)

 

7

(1849年8月—1851年6月)

 

 

 

 

 

 

to our special website

on Karl Marx ...