Long live the 196th Birthday of Frederick Engels !

 


Messages of Solidarity

 

Greeting Message of the Comintern (SH)

on occasion of the 196th anniversary

of Frederick Engels

 


Today we celebrate the 196th birthday of Friedrich Engels.

His friends named him the "General", and Lenin called him "the great connoisseurs of the art of war".

We published Lenin on Friedrich Engels (1895) in 17 languages (in Czech language, this is new).

In our recent greeting messages, we have tried to appreciate the importance of the teachings of Friedrich Engels related to the current world situation. This is also our concern for the 196th birthday.

On the occasion of the 196th birthday of Friedrich Engels, we want to deal with his text: "What does the working class have to do with Poland?" which he wrote 150 years ago. The attitude of the working class on Poland in 1866 differs significantly from that in 2016. Only by a concrete analysis of this difference can we remain faithful to Marxism:

1. The overall interests of the world proletariat are higher than the particular individual interests of the greater and smaller peoples.

2. The democratic demands that Engels made with regard to Poland, 150 years ago, must be viewed on a global scale. At that time it was the first time in the history of the European Democracy to form a joint front against reactionary Czarism. In contrats, today it is about the formation of an anti-imperialist Front against Russian imperialism and all the other world-imperialist powers to combat their common global interests of the suppression of the world proletariat and its socialist revolution, and the suppression of smaller, dependent nations, and to support their struggle for self-determination.

3. The democratic interests of a single country is subordinated to the interests of the world-democracy.

Very instructive in the struggle against today's Putin's bootlickers that is Friedrich Engels's portrayal of the predatory wars and cunning methods which Czarism used to subdue Poland.

As far as today's sympathy for Putin are concerned, the "left" proletariat is divided in most countries of the world into a revolutionary part which criticizes and opposes openly Russian imperialism, and another part which tries to "protect" it from the other imperialist powers of the world as a "lesser evil". They ignore the aggressive character of Russian imperialism. As we see today, it is that part of the proletariat, which feels attracted by the aggressive social imperialist propaganda of Russian imperialism, and is decisively influenced by the revisionists and neo-revisionist rat-tails. The difference between the revisionists and the neo-revisionists consists in the fact that the ones openly show their sympathy for Putin, while the others try to conceal their sympathy for Putin behind "left" phrases. Whoever does not see that the expansionism of Russian imperialism is an acute threat to world peace, and especially to peace in Europe, is either blind or a "red" rogue. For this reason, the Comintern (SH) supports the aspirations of the Eastern European peoples to free themselves from the influence of Russian imperialism. This does not mean that we want to sweep under the carpet the predatory intentions of all other imperialists in the world, especially the Western and Chinese imperialists, which are no less dangerous for the oppressed peoples. The struggle of the Western European proletariat against European imperialism, and against German imperialism in particular, is the best internationalist contribution to the liberation of the working class in the Eastern European countries. Putin tries to take advantage of the destabilization of Europe, but this does not hinder us to take also advantage of the destabilization of the imperialist Europe for the victory of the socialist revolutions in Europe and thus for the world socialist revolution. Threats of Putin are no argument of renouncing our proletarian revolution. In the contrary. We will never renounce our struggle against Russian imperialism, no matter whether we are called "henchmen of the Western imperialists" or not. We fight against every imperialist power of the world and will fight against Russian imperialism, too. Our struggle against the new Czarism is in principle in accord with the struggle of Marx and Engels against the old Czarism, is thus the continuation of their revolutionary struggle. Those who deny this necessity, are nothing else but "Marxists" in words, but backers of the new Czarism, in deeds.

The internationalist education of the workers in Russia and around the world has therefore to do with supporting the anti-imperialist liberation efforts of the peoples (especially the former Soviet peoples). Without this, there is no internationalism. Theoretically, this is clear to everyone, but the root of the evil lies in the lack of practical implementation.

Our Sections in the oppressive nations propagate the freedom of separation.

Our Sections in the oppressed countries defend the slogan of the freedom of unification and merging.

At first glance, this seems to be "contradictory," but this is in line with the attitude of the Comintern (SH) to take account of the different conditions in a world which is divided into oppressive and oppressed nations.

Engels warned of the danger that reactionary forces are exploiting the national movement, especially that of small peoples. He revealed in his article the true nature of the so called "nationality principle" used by Czarism and the ruling circles of other countries, namely to subordinate the national struggle of the oppressed peoples to the interests of the reactionary powers. The struggle of the Polish people for a revolutionary, democratic transformation of Europe was decisive according to the teachings of Marx and Engels, in order to create more favorable conditions for the international emancipation struggle of the proletariat.

Engels was concerned with the struggle against tsarism and against some of the small nations that had been exploited in a reactionary direction.

Today it is about the global world-proletarian unity front against world imperialism, including social imperialism and its revisionist and neo-revisionist rat-tails. Today, the world proletariat is divided into one part which is corrupted by world imperialists and which benefits from the exploitation of the oppressed peoples (workers' aristocracy), and another part that can not free itself as long as it has not liberated the oppressed peoples.

Today it is about the demands of all exploited nations in the interest of the victory of the socialist world revolution. The clearer we propagate this world-revolutionary goal of the anti-imperialist world front, the more compelling is the implementation of the principle of proletarian internationalism:

 

No nation of the world can be free, which oppresses other peoples.

The peoples can only be free if they have jointly eliminated the oppression of the last nation. And this will only be the case if the socialist world revolution has triumphed over world imperialism under the leadership of the world proletariat and its revolutionary world party. The Russian people could not be free at the time of Frederick Engels, as long as Czarism suppressed Poland. Today the Russian people can not be free as long as it oppresses the Ukrainian people and other former Soviet peoples, or as long as it is corrupted by the breadcrumbs that fall from Putin's table.

 

Friedrich Engels

on the foreign policy of the international proletariat

 

In his first sentence, Friedrich Engels writes of the "independent foreign policy of the working class which appears on the scene of the political movements." If the term "foreign policy" is mentioned, then it is usally meant the foreign policy of this or that state. The question is therefore justified, whether a proletarian foreign policy had already existed before the founding of the first proletarian state, thus a foreign policy of the "men without a fatherland." Friedrich Engels and Karl Marx started from the premise of the international character of the working class to define the internationalist foreign policy of the proletarian class, regardlessly, whether the proletariat has already established its own proletarian state or not.

Marxism thus answered this question with a clear yes. By the way, Marx and Engels used the concept of the "foreign policy of the proletariat" already in their earlier works. At the latest, with the founding of the First International, the foreign policy of the international proletariat was theoretically deepened and implemented in practice for the first time in the history of the workers' movement. This also includes the article "What does the working class have to do with Poland?"

In the First International, Marx and Engels created the slogan: "Resistance to Russian attacks against Europe - restoration of Poland!" Frederick Engels describes this as a "program of the foreign policy of the workers of West and Central Europe."

Friedrich Engels even spoke of the First International as the newest "great power" in the world, and thus also of the foreign policy of this "great power".

Since the First International, some things have changed in the world. At Engels' time, the international proletariat was identically with the proletarians of the European countries and North America. The First International considered the events in the individual countries precisely from the above point of view of the interests of the European and North American proletariat.

What does it look like today under the conditions of globalization?

No longer the proletarians of the countries at the time of Friedrich Engels, but the globalized industrial proletariat brought about by the global mode of production, has now become the world-revolutionary driving force - not only concerning the world revolution, but also concerning the future construction of world socialism. The time when the proletarians of a single country have built their own socialism belongs to history under present conditions of the globalization. Today, it is the Comintern (SH), which determines and implements the foreign policy of the world proletariat.

At the same time, the foreign policy of the proletariat in a single country is subordinated under the foreign policy of the world proletariat, just as all individual interests are subordinated to the common interests. This, we communists know since the Communist Manifesto was written by Marx and Engels.

 

What is the domestic - and foreign policy of the world proletariat?

 

The domestic policy of the world proletariat consists in carrying out a maximum of what can be done on a world scale for the development, support and inspiration of the world revolution, the establishment of the world dictatorship of the proletariat, and later for world socialism.

 

The foreign policy of the world proletariat consists in carrying out a maximum of what can be done for the development, support, stimulation of the socialist revolution in a single country, for the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat in a single country, and finally for the realization of socialism within the national framework of each country.

 

The value of the Stalinist-Hoxhaist knowledge about the dialectical relationship between the domestic and the foreign policy of the world proletariat is that it is taking into account the global revolutionary process, foresees it, and facilitates its development.

The basis of the life and work of the world party lies in her global politics, firstly in her global "domestic policy", ie the world policy for the liberation of the world as a whole; and secondly, it lies simultaneously in her "foreign policy" with respect to the individual countries of the world, thus a "foreign policy" for the purpose to strengthen every individual country by means of the unified whole.

Just as the domestic policy of the dictatorship of the proletariat of an individual country is restricted in a national frame, the domestic policy of the dictatorship of the world proletariat is confined to the world as a whole, while the domestic policy of the single world socialist states is independent and equally ranking preserved.

In contrast to the socialism of the first period (in which Lenin, Stalin and Enver Hoxha struggled), the foreign policy in the second period of socialism ( in the period of world socialism) will change essentially through its new non-antagonistic character. This does not mean that the non-antagonistic contradictions could not be returned into antagonistic contradictions - however the danger of the restoration of antagonistic contradictions is not unavoidable in world socialism (by means of the then abolished imperialist-revisionist encirclement).

Only the domestic policy of the world party will create the conditions for the unfolding of its foreign policy. The success of the domestic policy of the Bolshevik World Party will be one of the main driving forces of the growth of revolutionary movements in the world socialist countries. Only the completed whole unfolds the power of the movement of all its parts. The union of all parts to the whole requires the union of all parts by the whole.

First of all, the domestic politics of the world party is concerned with the consolidation of the dictatorship of the world proletariat, and then with the consolidation of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the individual country by means of the foreign policy of the world party. It is primarily the question of consolidating the central globalized power of the world proletariat, and then the question of the consolidation of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the individual countries.

It is only in the transitional phase from world socialism to world communism that the domestic - and foreign politics grow together and fuse, so that they form such degree of unity which approaches their identity so closely that they get the own force to dissolve each other.
World Communism has forever left behind the political realm of the world with all its forms, including domestic and foreign policy.

 

We do not defend Friedrich Engels if we conserve his doctrines or copying them into today's conditions 1: 1. We apply his teachings under modified conditions and develop them further and further.


Long live the 196th Birthday of Frederick Engels, the 2nd Classic of Marxism-Leninism!

Long live the invincible teachings of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism: Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Enver Hoxha!

Long live violent world socialist proletarian revolution and world armed proletarian dictatorship!

Long live world socialism and world communism!

Long live the Comintern (SH)!

 

Wolfgang Eggers

November 28, 2016

 

Friedrich Engels - Gallerie

 

 

 

NEW PUBLICATIONS

of

Frederick Engels

on occasion of his

196th Birthday

28. 11. 2016

 

in different languages

 

English

What have the working classes to do with Poland?

1866

 

 

GERMAN

Was hat die Arbeiterklasse mit Polen zu tun?

1866

 

 

 

POLISH

W kwestii mieszkaniowej

1873

 

 

Arabic language

The Principles of Communism

 

 

 

دور العمل في تحوّل القرد إلى إنسان

(Anteil der Arbeit an der Menschwerdung der Affen)

 

 

CZECH

Bedřich Engels

1895

 


 

Frederick Engels

- 196th birthday - 28. 11. 2016