Message of the Comintern (SH)

on occasion of the 121st anniversary

of Frederick Engels’ death day

August 5, 1895 – August 5, 2016

 

121 years ago, Friedrich Engels died.

"Let us always honour the memory of Frederick Engels, a great fighter and teacher of the proletariat!"

Lenin wrote this 121 years ago in his famous eulogy, which the Comintern (SH) has published in 16 languages ​​of the world.

On the occasion of the 121st death anniversary we want to introduce the teachings of Friedrich Engels and Karl Marx on conspiracy.

 

Marx and Engels

On Conspiracy

 

Marx and Engels desribed the milieu and class character of the Paris conspirators in: "Les Conspirateurs" (1850).

We select some quotations from this article:

Concerning conspirators ... "there can be no question of any understanding of the revolutionary movement."

"The propensity of the Latin peoples to conspiracy and the part which conspiracies have played in modern Spanish, Italian and
French history are well known. After the defeat of the Spanish and Italian conspirators at the beginning of the twenties, Lyons and especially Paris became the centres of revolutionary clubs. It is a well-known fact that the liberal bourgeoisie headed the conspiracies against the Restoration up to 1830. After the July Revolution the republican bourgeoisie took their place; the proletariat, trained in conspiracy even under the Restoration, began to dominate to the extent that the republican bourgeoisie were deterred from conspiring by the unsuccessful street battles."
(MECWSH, Volume 10, page 316)

"It need scarcely be added that these conspirators do not confine themselves to the general organising of the revolutionary proletariat. It is precisely their business to anticipate the process of revolutionary development, to bring it artificially to crisis-point, to launch a revolution on the spur of the moment, without the conditions for a revolution. For them the only condition for revolution is the adequate preparation of their conspiracy. They are the alchemists of the revolution and are characterised by exactly the same chaotic thinking and blinkered obsessions as the alchemists of old. They leap at inventions which are supposed to work revolutionary miracles: incendiary bombs, destructive devices of magic effect, revolts which are expected to be all the more miraculous and astonishing in effect as their basis is less rational. Occupied with such scheming, they have no other purpose than the most immediate one of overthrowing the existing government and have the profoundest contempt for the more theoretical enlightenment of the proletariat about their class interests." (MECWSH, Volume 10, page 318)

"The chief characteristic of the conspirators' way of life is their battle with the police, to whom they have precisely the same relationship as thieves and prostitutes." (MECWSH, Volume 10, page 319)

"To the extent that the Paris proletariat came to the fore itself as a party, these conspirators lost some of their dominant influence, they were dispersed and they encountered dangerous competition in proletarian secret societies, whose purpose was not immediate insurrection but the organisation and development of the proletariat.

Even the 1839 revolt was decidedly proletarian and communist. But afterwards the divisions occurred which the veteran conspirators bemoan so much; divisions which had their origin in the workers' need to clarify their class interests and which found expression partly in the earlier conspiracies themselves and partly in new propagandist associations.

The communist agitation which Cabet began so forcefully soon after 1839 and the controversies which arose within the Communist Party soon had the conspirators out of their depth. Both Chenu and de la Hodde admit that at the time of the February Revolution the Communists were by far the strongest party group among the revolutionary proletariat. The conspirators, if they were not to lose their influence on the workers and thus their importance as a counterbalance to the habits noirs, were obliged to go along with this trend and adopt socialist or communist ideas.

The 1847 bomb affair, a matter in which direct police action was greater than in any previous case, finally scattered the most obstinate and contrary-minded of the veteran conspirators and drove their former sections into the proletarian movement proper." (MECWSH, Volume 10, page 319-320)

 

Marx himself was accused to be a "conspirator" and he declared:

"It is really ridiculous to pretend, in the face of such facts, that the revolutionary party had anything to do with that attempt. The revolutionary party have no interest in seeing the Prince of Prussia arrive speedily at the throne, but the ultra-Royalists have. And yet the Prussian Government is making the Radical Opposition pay for the attempt, as is shown by the new law against the liberty of the press, and by the activity of the Prussian Embassy in London.

We may state, at the same time, that about a fortnight before the attempt, persons whom we have the conviction to be Prussian agents, presented themselves to us, trying to entrap us into regicidal conspiracies. We were, of course, not to be made the dupes of such attempts."

"The Prussian Government declare the shot fired at their King to be the result of widespread revolutionary conspiracies, the centre of which is to be sought in London. In accordance with this, they firstly destroy the liberty of the press at home, and secondly demand the English Government to remove from this country the pretended chiefs of the pretended conspiracy".

"Considering the personal character and qualities of the present King of Prussia, and those of his brother, the heir to the throne, which party has a greater interest in the speedy succession of the latter—the Revolutionary party or the ultra-Royalists?"

"Allow us to state, that a fortnight before the attempt was made at Berlin, persons whom we have every reason to consider as agents either of the Prussian Government or the ultra-Royalists, presented themselves to us, and almost directly engaged us to enter into conspiracies for organising regicide in Berlin and elsewhere. We need not add, that these persons found no chance of making their dupes of us".

"Allow us to state, Some eight years ago, when we, in Prussia, attacked the existing system of government, the official functionaries and press replied, why, if these gentlemen do not like the Prussian system, they are perfectly at liberty to leave the country. We left the country, and we knew the reason why. But after leaving it, we found Prussia everywhere; in France, in Belgium, in Switzerland, we felt the influence of the Prussian Ambassador. If, through his influence, we are to be made to leave this last refuge left to us in Europe, why,then Prussia will think herself the ruling power of the world".

"I have the honour of belonging to those, whom the persecution of the Prussian government has followed everywhere they went. Editor of the Rheinische Zeitung (of Cologne) in 1842, and of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung in 1848 and 1849, both of which papers were directly or indirectly stopped by the forcible interference of the Prussian government, I have been expelled from France in 1845 and 1849, from Belgium in 1848, upon the direct request and by the influence of the Prussian embassy; and during my stay in Prussia, in 1848 and 1849, I had about a dozen political actions brought against me, the whole of which were, however, abandoned after my having been twice acquitted by the jury." (MECWSH, Volume 10, pages 378-384)

* * *

"The Communist or Proletarian party, as well as other parties, had lost, by suppression of the rights of association and meeting, the means of giving to itself a legal organization on the Continent. Its leaders, besides, had been exiled from their countries. But no political party can exist without an organization; and that organization which both the Liberal bourgeois and the Democratic shopkeeping class were enabled more or less to supply by the social station, advantages, and long-established, everyday intercourse of their members, the proletarian class, without such social station and pecuniary means, was necessarily compelled to seek in secret association. Hence, both in France and Germany, sprang up those numerous secret societies which have, ever since 1849, one after another been discovered by the police and prosecuted as conspiracies; but if many of them were really conspiracies, formed with the actual intention of upsetting the Government for the time being—and he is a coward that under certain circumstances would not conspire, just as he is a fool who, under other circumstances, would do so—there were some other societies which were formed with a wider and more elevated purpose, which knew, that the upsetting of an existing Government was but a passing stage in the great impending struggle, and which intended to keep together and to prepare the party, whose nucleus they formed, for the last, decisive combat which must one day or another crush forever in Europe the domination, not of mere "tyrants," "despots" and "usurpers," but of a power far superior, and far more formidable than theirs; that of capital over labor.

The organization of the advanced Communist party in Germany was of this kind. In accordance with the principles of its "Manifesto" (published in 1848) and with those explained in the series of articles on Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Germany, published in The New-York Daily Tribune, this party never imagined itself capable of producing, at any time and at its pleasure, that revolution which was to carry its ideas into practice. It studied the causes that had produced the revolutionary movements of 1848, and the causes that made them fail. Recognizing the social antagonism of classes at the bottom of all political struggles, it applied itself to the study of the conditions under which one class of society can and must be called on to represent the whole of the interests of a nation, and thus politically to rule over it. History showed to the Communist party, how, after the landed aristocracy of the Middle Ages, the monied power of the first capitalists arose and seized the reins of Government; how the social influence and political rule of this financial section of capitalists was superseded by the rising strength, since the introduction of steam, of the manufacturing capitalists, and how at the present moment two more classes claim their turn of domination, the petty trading class, and the industrial working class.

The practical revolutionary experience of 1848-49 confirmed the reasonings of theory, which led to the conclusion that the democracy of the petty traders must first have its turn, before the Communist working class could hope to permanendy establish itself in power and destroy that system of wages-slavery which keeps it under the yoke of the bourgeoisie. Thus the secret organization of the Communists could not have the direct purpose of upsetting the present governments of Germany. Being formed to upset not these, but the insurrectionary government, which is sooner or later to follow them, its members might, and certainly would, individually lend an active hand to a revolutionary movement against the present status quo in its time; but the preparation of such a movement, otherwise than by secret spreading of Communist opinions by the masses, could not be an object of the Association.b So well was this foundation of the society understood by the majority of its members, that when the place-hunting ambition of some tried to turn it into a conspiracy for making an ex tempore revolution, they were speedily turned out.

Now, according to no law upon the face of the earth, could such an association be called a plot, a conspiracy for purposes of high treason. If it was a conspiracy, it was one against, not the existing Government, but its probable successors. And the Prussian Government was aware of it". (MECWSH, Volume 11, pages 388-390)

* * *

"Mazzini's friends affirm now, to a man, that the Milanese insurrection was forced upon him and his associates by circumstances which it was beyond his power to control. But, on one side, it belongs to the very nature of conspiracies to be driven to a premature outbreak, either by treason or by accidents. On the other side, if you cry, during three years, action, action, action—if your entire revolutionary vocabulary be exhausted by the one word "Insurrection," you cannot expect to hold sufficient authority for dictating, at any given moment: there shall be no insurrection. Be this as it may, Austrian brutality has turned the Milanese failure into the real commencement of a national revolution". (MECWSH, Volume 11, page 536)

* * *

"I, for my part, think Mazzini to be mistaken, both in his opinions about the Piedmontese people and in his dreams of an Italian revolution, which he supposes is not to be effected by the favorable chances of European complications, but by the private action of Italian conspirators acting by surprise." (MECWSH, Volume 12, page 512)

 

Frederick Engels wrote on Mazzini's attacks against the First International following:

"The International did away with Mazzini.

Mazzini had never been a member of the International Association and that his proposals, manifestoes, and rules had been rejected. Mazzini has also made frenzied attacks on the Paris Commune in the English press.b This is just what he always did when the proletariat rose up. He did the same after the insurrection of June 1848, denouncing the insurgent proletarians in such offensive terms that Louis Blanc himself wrote a pamphlet against him. And Louis Blanc repeated on several occasions at that time that the June insurrection was the work of Bonapartist agents!

Mazzini calls Marx a man of corrosive ... intellect, of domineering temper, etc., perhaps because Marx knew very well how to corrode away the cabal plotted against the International by Mazzini, dominating the old conspirator's poorly disguised lusting for authority so effectively that he has been rendered permanently harmless to the Association. This being the case, the International should be delighted to number among its members an intellect and a temper which, by corroding and domineering in this way, have kept it going for seven years, one working more than any other man to bring it to its present exalted position". (MECWSH, Volume 22, page 386)

* * *

 

(MECWSH, Volume 26, Engels:"On the History of the Communist League", 1885)

"We opposed this playing with revolution most decisively. To carry an invasion, which was to import the revolution forcibly from outside, into the midst of the ferment then going on in Germany, meant to undermine the revolution in Germany itself, to strengthen the governments. (page 324)

"The League was undoubtedly the only revolutionary organisation that had any significance in Germany.

But what purpose this organisation should serve depended very substantially on whether the prospects of a renewed upsurge of the revolution materialised. And in the course of the year 1850 this became more and more improbable, indeed impossible. The industrial crisis of 1847, which had paved the way for the Revolution of 1848, had been overcome; a new, unprecedented period of industrial prosperity had set in; whoever had eyes to see and used them must have clearly perceived that the revolutionary storm of 1848 was gradually declining.

"With this general prosperity, in which the productive forces of bourgeois society develop as luxuriantly as is at all possible within bourgeois relationships, there can be no talk of a real revolution. Such a revolution is only possible in the periods when both these factors, the modern productive forces and the bourgeois forms of production, come in collision with each other". (Page 327)

"One was to enter into the game of making revolutions. We most decisively refused to do so. A split ensued". (page 328)

"At that time the few persons who reached an understanding of the historical role of the proletariat had to gather in secret, to assemble clandestinely in small communities of 3 to 20 persons. Today the German proletariat no longer needs any official organisation, either public or secret. The simple self-evident interconnection of like-minded class comrades suffices, without any rules, authorities, resolutions or other tangible forms, to shake the whole German Empire". (Page 329)

"The international movement of the European and American proletariat has so grown in strength that not only its first narrow form—the secret League—but even its second, infinitely broader form—the open International Working Men's Association—has become a fetter for it, and that the simple feeling of solidarity based on the understanding of the identity of class position suffices to create and to hold together one and the same great party of the proletariat among the workers of all countries and tongues". (Page 330)

 

From Karl Marx there is a Resolution of the First International in 1868, July 7, in which the First International drew her demarcation-line to the French Félix Pyat, who had called for terrorist actions against Napoleon III. "on behalf" of the First International. This resolution of Karl Marx protected the workers from being discredit and especially from being arrest in France and Belgium. The grouping by Félix Pyat occurred as supporters of anti-proletarian groups afterwards, again, "on behalf" of the First International.

Proceeded similarly the First International with the so-called conspiracy of Nechayev. At the London Conference of Delegates of the IAA was decided:

"The Conference of the Delegates of the International Workingmen's Association, assembled at London from the 17th to the 23d September 1871, has charged the General Council to declare publicly:

that Netschajeff has never been a member or an agent of the International Workingmen's Association;

that his assertions to have founded a branch at Brussels and to have been sent by a Brussels branch on a mission to Geneva, are false;

that the above said Netschajeff has fraudulently used the name of the International Workingmen's Association in order to make dupes and victims in Russia.

By order of the General Council, etc.

14 October 1871

Adopted by the General Council on October 16, 1871" (MECWSH, Volume 23, page 23)

 

* * *

Fictitious Splits in the International

(PRIVATE CIRCULAR FROM THE GENERAL COUNCIL

OF THE INTERNATIONAL WORKING MEN'S ASSOCIATION)

(MECWSH, Volume 23, pages 85 - 122)


[Bakunin] "... created a special instrument, the International Alliance of Socialist Democracy, intended to become an International within the International". (page 85)

Considering,

that the existence of a second international body operating within and outside the International Working Men's Association would be the surest means of its disorganisation;" (page 86)

"The International Alliance of Socialist Democracy may not be admitted as a branch of the International Working Men's Association". (page 87)

"The equalisation of classes, literally interpreted, means harmony between Capital and Labour so persistently preached by the bourgeois socialists. It is not the logically impossible equalisation of classes, but on the contrary the abolition of classes, this true secret of the proletarian movement, which forms the great aim of the International Working Men's Association". (page 88)

"3) The French branch in London, which had admitted people of a more than dubious character, had been gradually transformed into a sleeping partners concern run by Mr. Félix Pyat. He used it to organise damaging demonstrations calling for the assassination of Louis Bonaparte, etc., and to spread his absurd manifestos in France under cover of the International.

General Council confined itself to declaring in the Association's organs that Mr. Pyat was not a member of the International and it could not be responsible for his actions. The French branch then declared that it no longer recognised either the General Council or the Congresses; it plastered the walls of London with bills proclaiming that with the exception of itself the International was an anti-revolutionary society. The arrest of French members of the International on the eve of the plebiscite, on the pretext of a conspiracy, plotted in reality by the police and to which Pyat's manifestos gave an air of credibility, forced the General Council to publish in the Marseillaise and Réveil its resolution of May 10, 1870,b declaring that the so-called French branch had not belonged to the International for over two years, and that its agitation was the work of police agents. The need for this démarche was proved by the declaration of the Paris Federal Committee, published in the same newspapers, and by that of the Paris members of the International during their trial, both declarations referring to the Council's resolution. The French branch disappeared at the outbreak of the war, but like the Alliance in Switzerland, it was to reappear in London with new allies and under other names". (page 96)

"The first phase of the proletariat's struggle against the bourgeoisie is marked by a sectarian movement. That is logical at a time when the proletariat has not yet developed sufficiently to act as a class. Certain thinkers criticise social antagonisms and suggest fantastic solutions thereof, which the mass of workers is left to accept, preach and put into practice. The sects formed by these initiators are abstentionist by their very nature, i.e., alien to all real action, politics, strikes, coalitions, or, in a word, to any united movement. The mass of the proletariat always remains indifferent or even hostile to their propaganda". (page 106)

"These sects act as levers of the movement in the beginning, but become an obstruction as soon as the movement outgrows them;" (page 107)

"Contrary to the sectarian organisations with their vagaries and rivalries, the International is a genuine and militant organisation of the proletarian class of all countries united in their common struggle against the capitalists and the landowners, against their class power organised in the state". (page 107)

"Just as in every new historical phase old mistakes reappear momentarily only to disappear forthwith, so within the International there followed a resurrection of sectarian sections, though in a less obvious form". (page 107)

The Conference, at which all shades of socialism were represented, unanimously acclaimed the resolution against sectarian sections, fully convinced that this resolution, bringing the International back to its true ground, would mark a new stage of its development. (page 107)

"Anarchy, then, is the great war-horse of their master Bakunin, who has taken nothing from the socialist systems except a set of labels. All socialists see anarchy as the following programme: once the aim of the proletarian movement, i.e., abolition of classes, is attained, the power of the State, which serves to keep the great majority of producers in bondage to a very small exploiter minority, disappears, and the functions of government become simple administrative functions. The Alliance reverses the whole process. It proclaims anarchy in proletarian ranks as the most infallible means of breaking the powerful concentration of social and political forces in the hands of the exploiters". (pages 121-122)

* * *

"We are therefore under the necessity of denouncing to all the members of the Association, and above all to the Spanish Internationals, the Spanish Federal Council as traitors towards the International Working Men's Association. Instead of faithfully fulfilling the mandate entrusted to them by the Spanish Internationals, they have made themselves the organ of a society not only foreign, but hostile to the International. Instead of obeying the General Rules and Regulations, and the resolutions of the General and Spanish Congresses, they obey to secret orders emanating from M. Bakounine. The very existence of a Federal Council composed, in its majority, of members of a secret society foreign to the International, is a flagrant violation of our General Rules." (MECWSH, Volume 23, page 209)

"To unveil the existence of this secret society of dupers, is to crush its power. The men of the Alliance themselves are not foolish enough to expect that the great mass of the Internationals would knowingly submit to an organisation like theirs, its existence once made known. Yet there is complete incompatibility between the dupers and those who are intended for the dupes, between the Alliance and the International.

Moreover, it is time once and for all to put a stop to those internal quarrels provoked every day afresh within our Association, by the presence of this parasite body. These quarrels only serve to squander forces which ought to be employed in fighting the present middle-class régime. The Alliance, in so far as it paralyses the action of the International against the enemies of the working class, serves admirably the middle class and the governments.

For these reasons, the General Council will call upon the Congress of The Hague to expel from the International all and every member of the Alliance and to give the Council such powers as shall enable it effectually to prevent the recurrence of similar conspiracies." (MECWSH, Volume 23, page 210)

* * *

"The Alliance is a secret society formed within the International itself, having a programme of its own differing widely from that of the International, a society which has as its aim the propaganda of that programme which it considers to be the only true revolutionary one. The society binds its members to act in such a way inside their local federation of the International as to prevent it from embarking on a reactionary or anti-revolutionary course, i.e., from the slightest deviation from the programme of the Alliance. In other words, the aim of the Alliance is to impose its sectarian programme on the whole International by means of its secret organisation. This can be most effectively achieved by taking over the local and Federal Councils and the General Council, using the power of a secret organisation to elect members of the Alliance to these bodies. This was precisely what the Alliance did in cases where it felt that it had a good chance of success". (MECWSH, Volume 23, page 231)

* * *

Marx and Engels wrote in

"The Alliance and the I.W.M.A.—VIII":

(MECWSH, Volume 23, page 526)

"What terrible revolutionaries! They want to annihilate and amorphise everything, "absolutely everything". They draw up lists of proscribed persons, doomed to die by their daggers, their poison, their ropes, by the bullets from their revolvers; they "will tear out the tongues" of many, but they will bow before the majesty of the tsar. Indeed, the tsar, the officials, the nobility, the bourgeoisie may sleep in peace. The Alliance does not make war on the established states, but on the revolutionaries who do not stoop to the role of supernumeraries in this tragicomedy. Peace to the palaces, war on the cottages! Chernyshevsky was libelled; the editors of The People's Cause were warned that they would be silenced "by various practical means at our disposal"; the Alliance threatened to assassinate all revolutionaries who were not with it.

This is the only part of their pan-destructive programme which they began to carry out".

 

* * *

RECORD OF MARX'S SPEECH ON SECRET SOCIETIES]

[FROM THE MINUTES OF THE SESSION OF THE LONDON CONFERENCE OF THE INTERNATIONAL WORKING MEN'S ASSOCIATION ON SEPTEMBER 22, 1871]

"Marx reads out the following motion.

In countries where the regular organisation of the International Association has become temporarily impracticable in consequence of government intervention, the Association and its local groups may reconstitute themselves under various designations, but any secret society in the strict sense is formally prohibited. (a)

By secret organisation we do not mean secret societies in the strict sense, which, on the contrary, must be fought against. In France and Italy, where the political situation is such that the right of assembly is an offence, there will be strong tendencies for men to become involved in secret societies, the results of which are always negative. Moreover, this type of organisation is opposed to the development of the proletarian movement because, instead of instructing the workers, these societies subject them to authoritarian, mystical laws which cramp their independence and distort their powers of reason (b) —He seeks acceptance of the motion".

(a) See this volume, pp. 427-28.— Ed.

(b) The rough notes by Martin continue as follows: "Secret societies would annihilate the spirit of the International Association. This is good for the carbonari. They cannot suit the proletarian movement."—Ed.

(MECWSH, Volume 22, page 621)

* * *

Friedrich Engels wrote an article on the "Programme of the Blanquist Commune refugees" in "Refugee Literature", in which he sharply criticized the conspiratorial character of Blanquism.

PROGRAMME OF THE BLANQUIST COMMUNE REFUGEES

 

 

COMMENT

OF THE COMINTERN (SH)

We Stalinist-Hoxhaists do not believe in conspiracies, and we are no conspirators.

And the Comintern (SH) is also not a secret organization of a conspirational group of conspirators.

Following the example of the First International, we are fighting against the old and new tactics of conspiracy as an anti-proletarian tactics that harms the world socialist revolution, which is directed against the world proletarian movement, which is unavoidably ending in capitalism, and therefore it is an impasse on the way to world communism.

The world socialist revolution must be led by the international revolutionary industrial proletariat, to win, and not by a group of conspirators, which confines itself in individual actions, which exclusively serve to provoke insurrections !

The struggle for smashing the rule of the world bourgeoisie cannot be led by individual groups of conspirators but only by the Comintern (SH), the world revolutionary party which centralizes the united forces of the whole world proletariat.

Today, it is often talked about "conspiracy theories", particularly of those that serve a political purpose, namely to maintain/overthrow the power of the ruling class. The old professional conspirators of the 19th century attempted assassinations on "dictators", "despots","kings" and "governments". Meanwhile, all the people all over the world are target of terrorism - the evil product of globalized capitalism.

We Stalinist-Hoxhaists consider the conspiracy "theories" critically, namely from the standpoint of dialectical and historical materialism. We have to expose the interests of those classes who create and spread conspiracy "theories", and as well those who "oppose" them with other lies. Conspiracy "theories" are incompatible with the scientific socialism. They are sensational dishes that are brewed in the rumor mill of oppressors and exploiters or of their lackeys, garnished with few half-truths as appetizer.
It is not surprising that some conspiracy "theories" have been fabricated in one and the same bourgeois camp. They serve the exchange of the one pigs through the other ones. Only the feeding troughs remain the same.

Still other conspiracy "theories" come from the ranks of the radicalized petty bourgeoisie, in particular from uprooted intellectual circles. These "anti-repressive theories" are often an expression of the powerlessness and dispair of the petty bourgeoisie in face of the omnipotence of the bourgeoisie. Conspiracy groups have therefore quite often a petty-bourgeois class background.
The history of human society is the history of class struggles, led by classes, today mainly by the world bourgeoisie and the world proletariat and not by isolated petty-bourgeois conspiracy groups. Revolutionary is only the world- proletarian ideology, and not the conspiracy ideology of some elements among the radicalized petty bourgeoisie. The proletarian world view has a critical stand to the conspiracy theorists. Conspiracy theories do not serve the liberation of the world proletariat, but contribute ultimately to the continuation of labour enslavement in some way or other.

Without revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement. And there is no conspiracy without conspiracy theory. That's true. The difference, however, is this that the ruling class can only be destroyed by the revolutionary world movement, while the conspiracy and their worshipers are doomed to failure because they do not believe in the revolutionary power of the masses. They dream of being the "liberators" who are called to lift the world off its hinges - in substitution of the exploited and oppressed masses. The revolutionary subjective factor for the elimination of class society, however, can be none other than the world proletariat.

In every class society there was and there will always be conspiracies with which a class is trying to overthrow the rule of another. Conspiracies are an unavoidable side effect in every class society. Only the proletariat is called to eliminate the inevitability of conspiracies forever, namely by means of the creation of conditions for a classless society.

The world bourgeoisie possesses the material world power, and thus the power over the spiritual world, too. Conspiracy theories serve as an instrument of her global rulership. The bourgeoisie starts rumors, in order to deceive the masses and to hide her criminal intentions and actions, whereas conspiracy "theories" are only a small part of bourgeois lies.

Against conspiracies in words and conspiracies in deeds - this is one of the tactics of the world bourgeoisie against the world proletariat.

The world bourgeoisie does not flinch from equating our political struggle with political conspiracy.

The world bourgeoisie does not flinch from equating our Communist organizations with "organizations of conspirators", namely to make it easier for her to take us into custody.

And the world bourgeoisie does not flinch from equating our whole proletarian ideology with a "conspiracy ideology".

And not only the proletarian ideology:

Certain brisant political revealments about the crimes of the bourgeoisie are covered with the mantle of conspiracy "theories" by means of her lackeys, just for the purpose to lend the truth more incredibility.

Conspiracy has a class character.

The conspiracy of the world proletariat serves to the overthrow of the world bourgeoisie, to the conquest or reconquest of the dictatorship of the proletariat, while the conspiracy of the world bourgeoisie serves to the maintaining or regaining of her class rule. Conspiratorial tactics against the bourgeoisie is used by the working class in regard of the liberation of the whole mankind from the class society, while the bourgeoisie uses the conspiracy for her own interests, in relation to the maintenance of her exploiters and suppression system.

It is the ruling class that tries to push us into illegality by means of her counter-revolutionary pressure. The bourgeoisie governs, not least through the help of her agencies within the working class and the communist movement. The spy network, intelligence Services and undercover agents are an inherent part of every bourgeois police state, both on a national and interconnected global scale. They are the true professional conspirators, and not those who they call "conspirators", like us communists! Vice versa, it is the ruling class that uses conspirative methods to penetrate into our communist organizations and to decompose us from the inside and to provoke conspiracies, or just to control us by infiltration.

It is the world bourgeoisie, who has world wide networked intelligence services and who instigates conspiracies against the peoples, against the working class, against the revolutionaries and their organizations. We are not a secret society, but vanguard of the world proletariat. We are the open and public Communist International.

For the working class we are as open as possible and in regard to the counter-revolution we are as conspiratorial as necessary. In contrast to the counter-revolution, we Communists do not conspire against the working class. We have nothing to hide from the workers. We would never deceive our own class, and we we would never betray our own class. And we always strive for acting as legal as possible - despite being banned, despite persecution, despite conspiracies against us communists. Despite all the counter-revolutionary terror we fight for our legal political activity. We strive for the long-term aim of the final abolition of all kinds of conspiracies. In the classless society there is no need for conspiracy anymore.

Our illegality has always the struggle for legality to the main goal. The illegality of the world revolutionaries is purely protective measure of the revolutionary proletariat, which neither raises the conspiracy to principle, nor accepts it as the one and only political tactics of its liberation struggle. We Communists have always opposed the narrowing of our political struggle through conspiracy and we will continue to oppose it. Not by means of instigating conspiracies, the capitalist exploitation and oppression will be eliminated, but only by the centralized organization of the class struggle of the entire world proletariat by the Bolshevik Party.

Our illegal activity is nothing else than the protection of the world proletariat and its organizations against criminal assaults of the counter-revolution. The world bourgeoisie knows very well that the spontaneous struggle of the world proletariat becomes dangerous for the maintenance of her power, only if it is led by a strong international organization of revolutionaries which prepares the world socialist revolution for the purpose to seize political power of the world proletariat, for the purpose of the construction of the world socialism and world communism.

The Comintern (SH) declines any dissociation from the international labor movement. Our world communist policy is closely connected to the international labor movement, and not confined to conspiracy actions. We follow the great communist principle of Marx and Engels:

The liberation of the international working class can only be the work of the international working class itself!

Long live comrade Engels, the 2nd Classic of Marxism-Leninism!

Long live the invincible teachings of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism: Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Enver Hoxha!

Long live violent world socialist proletarian revolution and world armed proletarian dictatorship!

Long live world socialism and world communism!

Long live the Comintern (SH)!

 

Wolfgang Eggers

Comintern (SH)

August 5, 2016

 

* * *

1895 

LENIN

Let us always honour the memory of Frederick Engels,

a great fighter and teacher of the proletariat!

(1895) 

[ in 16 different languages ]

 

* * *

 

Friedrich Engels -

Gallery

 

 

* * *

 

MARX-ENGELS ARCHIVE

now in 48 languages !!!

(Communist Manifesto in over 80 languages)

 

new:

Kurdish language

 

 

NEW PUBLICATIONS

of

Frederick Engels

on occasion of his

121st Day of Death

05. 08. 2016

in 5 different languages

 

 

 

in English language

 

Frederick Engels

PROGRAMME OF THE BLANQUIST COMMUNE REFUGEES

1874-1875

 


Frederick Engels

"The Mark"

appendix of

"Socialism: Utopian and Scientific"

 

 

Frederick Engels

Short Biography

by John Keracher

USA - 1946

 

Marx and Engels

On the United States

 

 

Marx and Engels on the Revolution in the USA

 

 

Marx and Engels

On Conspiracy

 

 

in German language

 

Friedrich Engels

Einführung in Engel's Schrift

Der Ursprung der Familie, des Privateigentums und des Staates

Joachim Herrmann

1984

 

 

 

Gesammelte Schriften von

Karl Marx und Friedrich Engels

1852 - 1862

 

 

Sein Leben, sein Wirken, seine Schriften

Kautsky - 1908

(1908 war der Renegat Kautsky noch halbwegs auf der richtigen Seite von Marx und Engels - siehe Lenin)

 

 

Karl Marx / Friedrich Engels

"Les Conspirateurs"

("Die Verschwörer")

Paris, 1850

 

 

in Yiddish language

 

1848

המניפסט הקומוניסטי

PDF-FORMAT

 

 

V. I. Lenin:

"Marx and Engels"

1948

 

Marx and Engels

1934

 

 

 

in Polish language

Fryderyk Engels

"Anty Dühring"

Przewrót w nauce dokonany przez pana Eugeniusza Dühringa

1876-1877

 

 

Fryderyk Engels

O zasadzie autorytetu

1873

 

 

Fryderyk Engels

Dialektyka przyrody

 

 

 

Fryderyk Engels

Pochodzenie rodziny, własności prywatnej i państwa

 

 

 

Fryderyk Engels

Ludwik Feuerbach

i zmierzch klasycznej filozofii niemieckiej

początek 1886 r.

 

 

 

special website

On Marx and Engels

 

Frederick Engels

- 121st Day of Death - 05. 08. 2016