Enver Hoxha

- the great pioneer of the correct Marxist-Leninist struggle against the Chinese revisionists and the revisionist "Mao Zedong Thought"

1962 - 1984

 

To defend Enver Hoxha means therefore:

continuation of the Marxist-Leninist struggle against all branches of the revisionist Maoist World Movement and its anti-Marxist ideology of Maoism - until its complete liquidation!

Enver Hoxha analyzed the deviations of Mao and the CP of China in continuation of comrade Stalin. It was also comrade Enver Hoxha who defended Stalin against Chinese revisionism and who struggled against the anti-Stalinism of Mao Tsetung. Enver Hoxha exposed the Chinese theory of the „Three Worlds“ and the anti-Marxist Mao Tsetung Ideas. Enver Hoxha rejected the Chinese revisionist general line by which the Chinese revisionists claimed to lead the Communist World Movement unjustly. Enver Hoxha draw the necessary demarcation line between Marxism-Leninism and Maoism and condemned any reconsiliation with Maoism. In his struggle against Maoism comrade Enver Hoxha distinguished himself as the outstanding leader of the Marxist-Leninist World Movement, as the defender of Socialist Albania as the center and lever of the world revolution, as the world center of the anti-imperialist and anti-socialimperialist class struggle of the world proletariat. China was never a socialist country, was never led by a genuine Marxist-Leninist party, and Marxism-Leninism was never the leading ideology of China. This is what Enver Hoxha indicated, verified and proved exellently in his works. The anti-Maoist orientation of the Communist World Movement was above all the merit of comrade Enver Hoxha. Enver Hoxha died before he could continue and complete his struggle against Maoism. After his death the revisionists in Albania paralyzed and thwarted the anti-Maoist line of comrade Enver Hoxha and stopped the anti-Maoist struggle which was then continued by the true Marxist-Leninists all over the world who defended futherhin Enver Hoxha. The present-day center of the defence of Enver Hoxha`s struggle against Maoism is the Comintern (SH).

Chinese revisionism was not easy to unmask because it appeared under the mask of „Bolshevism“, under the mask of „Marxism-Leninsm“ and „Socialism“, under the mask of the „participation“ of the Comintern , and last not least under the mask of the class struggle „against“ modern revisionism. The Chinese revisionists were successfully swimming in the stream of the Communist World Movement, but only for a whole. Earlier or later the truth came to day-light and no efforts of reconciliation are strong enough to get the revisionists out of a tight spot, to undo their betrayal. Rehabilitation of revisionism is a matter of neo-revisionism but not a matter of principled Marxist-Leninists as comrade Enver Hoxha was. We Marxist-Leninists do not fear the rancour of the Maoists because we call Maoism that what it is: Anti-Marxism-Leninism.

The Maoists were singing the same tune of the capitalists on occasion of Albania`s break with China. They wanted to take advantage of this event by demagogy. The Maoists still condemn this break as Enver Hoxha`s path „towards restoration of capitalism“ by opening the country. This was the course of Ramiz Alia but not the course of Enver Hoxha. In the contrary, the break with China was the breaking of the Chinese chain of social-imperialism was historically necessary to liberate Socialist Albania fromits imperialist and social-imperialist encirclement. The break with Maoism strengthens Marxism-Leninism while the Maoists aver just the contrary. The break with China was not a spontaneous decision but the result of a long difficult process of development in the relations of both the countries based on principled contradictions between a socialist and a revisionist country. In his meeting with Joao Amazonas (who became later a neo-revisionist renegade), on September 8, 1979 Enver Hoxha foretold:

Our Party was and is constantly careful not to give bourgeois-revisionist propaganda occasion and possibility to tell lies about our relations to them in the world`s publicity. And indeed, as I told before, all this propaganda took the same attitude in the moment of the breaking with China: With whom Albania shall cooperate after it has broken with China? Well, time will come, when the wire puller reject from this propaganda, when they – so to speak – shall resign.“

There were many corresponding attitudes between the PLA and the CP of China which were demonstrated by the many Albanian-Chinese Declarations mainly in the Sixties. However, it came out that Enver Hoxha and the PLA noticed waverings, contraventions and infringements of the Chinese friends. In a long term process of cooperation with the Chinese leaders Enver Hoxha and the PLA came to more and more critical estimations. Enver Hoxha wrote his famous political diary on the day to day changing actions of the Chinese revisionist leaders without exclusion of Mao and the Mao Tsetung Ideas. "Reflections on China" is a further proof of Enver Hoxha's unconciliatory, principled Marxist-Leninist struggle against modern revisionism. Although the Chinese leaders avoided insight into their internal and foreign policies, comrade Enver Hoxha succeeded to join together the facts dialectically and to draw the necessary conclusions which were later completely confirmed by history - namely that the alleged Chinese "anti-revisionism" was deep revisionism all along the line. Comrade Hoxha took up a principled critical stand on the "Mao Tsetung Ideas". In his lifetime Enver Hoxha could only write the two first volumes of „Reflections on China“ - published in 1979. So this was only his beginning of his demarcation line he draw to Maoism. It is the duty of the Marxist-Leninists to continue and to complete the work of Enver Hoxha until Maoism in theory and practioce will be completely exposed. Marxism-Leninism can only be developed on Anti-Maoism which is based on a solid Marxist-Leninist ground.

At first Enver Hoxha and the PLA were of the opinion that China would follow a correct line towards socialism and handled all the contradictions which appeared between both the parties in solidarity. However, more and more they found out that the question of China was not a question of weakness and mistakes which could be overcome, but a bourgeois-revisionist line masked by "anti-revisionism". In his works Enver Hoxha pointed out that the alleged non-antagonist contradictions with the Chinese leaders came out as true antagonist in theory and practice. Let us remember some examples which Enver Hoxhas gave in the beginning of his Reflections on China“ (Volume 1)::

 

 

The Chinese shake hands with Khrushtchev“ April 6, 1962;

To withdraw from the ideological-political struggle means to let the enemy make trouble“ - April 22, 1962;

China follows a centrist line“ June 13, 1962;

The Chinese go in direction of reconsiliation with the Khrushtchevites“, July 2, 1962;

The Chinese line demonstrates distinct tendencies of return, fear and passivity“ - June 10, 1962;

Concerning the tactics we have divergencies with the Chinese comrades and this we did not keep secret to them“ - December 23, 1962;

Today the Chinese speak about Khruchtchev like Khrushtchev spoke about Tito yesterday“ - July 11, 1963;

Not capitulation but struggle against revisionism“ - July 29, 1963;

The Chinese stand on national-chauvinist positions“ - August 21, 1964;

The Chinese make bad and inadmissible mistakes“ - September 4, 1964;

The Chinese opened a new campain of approaches towards the European revisionist in power“ - October 13, 1964:The Chinese idea of an anti-imperialist front under inclusion of the revisionists is anti-Leninist“ - October 15, 1964;

The Chinese want to force their views on us“ - November 3, 1964;

A strong dosis of opportunism is covered behind the tactics of `wait and see!`- November 4, 1964;

The new course od the Chinese comrades harms the communist movement“ - November 5, 1964;

The Chinese press keeps silence on our articles and publishes the speeches of the Soviet leaders“ - November 18, 1964;

Opportunist tactics of the Chinese comrades“ - February 3, 1965;

The Chinese publish the speeches of Khrushtchev“ February 27, 1965;

The cult around Mao Tsetung“ - August 9, 1966;

Ideological deviations“August 23, 1966;

Theses of the unity of the Marxist-Leninist world movement“ – October 10, 1966 and Our Party has to develop concrete connections to the Marxist-Leninist Movement“ - October 28, 1966 [concerning the „Chinese proposal of the General Line“ -published by Rinmin Ribao 1963 – annotation by the editor] ;

These and other numerous titles of articles speak volumes. However, Enver Hoxha - when writing down these notes into his diary - simultaneously uttered honest hopes and wishes that the Chinese comrades would overcome their waverings and that they would attain correct and genuine Marxist-Leninist positons.

The PLA - based on the principles of proletarian internationalism – had defended the CP of China and the People`s Republic of China in times when they were attacked by the Khrushtchevite, Titoite and other modern revisionists, as well in times of the Culture Revolution when the Chinese ultra-revisionists with Liu Schao-tschi and Deng Hsiao-ping earnestly threatened Mao Tsetung at the head of the CP of China. Simultaneously the PLA followed with sorrows the anti-Marxist attitude and activities of the Chinese leaders in many cases. The PLA has – as far as possible – uttered her critical opinions about what happened in China. We informed the Chinese leaders about our opinions whenever the opportunity presented itself. We did this in the hope that they would pave the way for a correct line. This wish is also reflected in my notes which are included in both of the volumes. Unfortunately revisionsm increased in China day by day“ (Enver Hoxha, Introduction of „Reflections on China“ , May 1979).

These hopes where written down in some articles as there were:

The Chinese comrades critisize the Soviet revisionists“ - April 10, 1962;

Painful for those who fall into the trap of the revisionists!“ - April 14, 1962;

The Chinese have opened the fire to modern revisionism“ - September 6, 1963;

The Chinese comrades return to their right position towards the Soviets“ - December 1, 1964;

Mao Tsetung prejudices a hard and right attitude against the revisionist Kossygin“ - February 13, 1965;

„Let us support the correct aims of the Culture Revolution in China“ - January 12, 1967;

The party in China will strenghten if she removes the mistakes in her line from the very ground“ - January 5, 1967;

Good news from China – the party shall be reorganized“ - January 19, 1968;

 

However, in the 2nd Volume of "Reflections on China" comrade Enver Hoxha came to clearer and clearer conclusions on the totally counter-revolutionary character of the "Mao Tsetung Ideas", thus the roots of Chinese revisionism. This can be studied in the following examples:

"A letter of Mao Tsetung to his wife" - May 18, 1973;

"The zigzags of the Chinese line" - January 1, 1976;

"Chinese puzzle, Maoist confusion" - February 25, 1976;

"Where has China been and where is it going? - April 1, 1976; "Mao Tsetung thought" - May 28, 1976;

"The tragedy of China" - October 12, 1976;

"This is what must have happened with «The Four»" - October 23, 1976;

"The agents of China are beginning to show up" - December 16, 1976;

"Espionage agency methods to split the world communist movement" - December 25, 1976;

"Some thoughts about the Ballist «decalogue» of Mao Tsetung - December 28, 1976;

"The Chinese strategy is suffering fiasco" - December 31, 1976;

"The Chinese revisionists are attacking the Party of Labour of Albania in an underhand way" - January 8, 1977;

"The «theory» of the «third world» ignores the class struggle" - January 25, 1977;

"The rallies of the Marxist-Leninist parties and the stand of China" - April 28, 1977;

"The «mother» party and its bastard «daughters»" - Agust 1, 1977;

"The echo of our article «The Theory and Practice of the Revolution» - August 3, 1977;

"A document which demonstrates our unwavering stand" [meeting with Tschou En-lai] - and: "Articles with stale «theorizing»" - August 15, 1977;

"The Chinese too, will try to maintain their «Marxist» disguise" - August 30, 1977;

"On the capital questions of Marxism-Leninism the Chinese leaders are outand-out revisionists" - September 1, 1977;

"What is the General Office in China?" - Sptember 7, 1977;

"Revisionist manoeuvres. Anti-Marxist structure" - September 8, 1977;

"Again on the Chinese article which speaks about the theory of «three worlds»" - November 3, 1977;

"Gloomy Chinese panorama" - December 8, 1977; "The incoherence of China's foreign policy - December 18, 1977;

"We must not lose hope in the proletariat and people of China" - December 24, 1977;

and last not least the most important article: "Can the Chinese revolution be called a proletarian revolution?" - December 26, 1977;

We take notice that Enver Hoxha did not mix up the principles of Marxism-Leninism and the tactics of Marxism-Leninism concerning the struggle against Chinese recisionism. Tactics concerning China were always based on Enver Hoxha`s Marxist-Leninist principles. Historically it was the merit of Enver Hoxha not to subordinate the Marxist-Leninist World Movement under Chinese revisionism.

The Chinese revisionists paralyzed the Marxist-Leninist World Movement for the purpose to split and liquidate it. Comrade Enver Hoxha wrote in "Reflections on China" (Volume 2):

The Foreign Directory of the Central Committee of the CP of China in Peking, which allegedly maintains the contacts with the international communist movement abroad, has in fact become a centre in which the plans are fabricated for splitting the genuine Marxist-Leninist parties and for the creation of new parties and groups which follow the new Chinese revisionist line. It is self-evident that these are not genuine Marxist-Leninist communist parties, but revisionist, pro-Chinese ones.(page 558) In the countries where there are genuine Marxist-Leninist parties China fabricates the so-called Marxist-Leninist communist parties to propagate the pro-imperialist, anti-Marxist, revisionist theses of Mao Tsetung's China against Marxism-Leninism, against our Party and all other genuine Marxist- Leninist parties. We Marxist-Leninists who militate in genuine Marxist-Leninist communist parties have to resist and expose this furious anti-Marxist current which uses all possible means to deceive the world proletariat.We must counterpose our revolutionary Marxist-Leninist strategy to the capitulationist, capitalist and social-imperialist strategy of Chinese revisionism. We must not nurture any hopes that the Chinese revisionists might correct themselves and, likewise, there must be no hesitation in regard to our attitude towards them. (page 559)

The Chinese revisionist party has turned, in practice, into a «mother» party and these others are its «daughters», its bastard offspring. Like «mother» like «daughter», therefore both «mother» and «daughters» must be exposed, must be routed, because all of them are united with the capitalist bourgeoisie of each individual country and the international bourgeoisie with which they hatch up villainous joint plans against the peoples, against the revolution, and in this way cause great damage. Our Party always bears in mind the example and the activity of the great Lenin, who was never an opportunist, but always had regard for the major interest of the world revolution. (page 563)

The pseudo-Marxist lackeys who have infiltrated into the ranks of some Marxist-Leninist communist parties are exalting the cult of Mao and giving him pride of place. The bourgeoisie also recognizes the value of China, of Mao and «Mao Tsetung thought», and propagates them.

Mao and «Maoism» have become one of the most serious obstacles to the unity of the world proletariat and the new Marxist-Leninist communist and workers' parties. Therefore, in everything we must counter this new disguised evil with our unerring Marxist-Leninist theory.

The Party of Labour of Albania will have to engage in open polemics with it in the interest of the proletarian revolution. (page 249 and 250).

On the platform of the struggle against our Party and against genuine Marxist-Leninist communist parties it has its sword drawn. It is gathering together and financing scabby elements everywhere, giving them the title of the «communist party», «workers' party», «liberation party», «Marxist-Leninist party». A l l these «parties» sing in harmony with China about the "third world" . (page 527)

By means of these so-called Marxist-Leninist parties and groups which beat the Chinese drum, China is infiltrating, planning, and adopting unity with the old revisionist parties of Western Europe as well as other continents, like Australia, etc. Indeed, the Communist Party of China has made contact with the Spanish revisionist party of Carrillo. It is said that it has made contact with the Italian revisionist party, too, and it will certainly do so with the French revisionist party. (page 514) With the Party of Labour of Albania, in reality, it does not maintain contacts. We have wanted to have contacts with the Communist Party of China but these contacts have not existed. Only diplomatic, friendship and trade relations have existed between us but not party relations. Even when our Party has sent delegations they have made visits and trips but have not been able to do the work and hold the talks, which we wanted. With the revisionists, however, the Communist Party of China is entering ever more deeply into working relations and ideological and organizational links. This is how the situation stands, this is the new tactic of the Communist Party of China on its road of revisionist degeneration. (page 515)

The Chinese do not want to reply to us directly, because they dare not enter into polemics with us. On the other hand, they use Trotskyite, inquisitorial methods, espionage agency methods, to fight our Party behind its back, to isolate us from the international communist movement and split it. This is an action which is carried out by a bourgeois, capitalist and imperialist great state. We shall fight them fiercely and triumph. (page 364 - 365)

Another «theory» is that which preaches that we must not open up a polemic at this time because this damages the international communist movement. A fine argument! Precisely like
those of the time of Khrushchev. This means that we should have ceased the polemic against Soviet revisionism and modern revisionism, because with this we split the international communist movement; hence we should have left Khrushchev in peace to go on with his work. By analogy, now, when we see a similar deviation of the Chinese, according to these Chinese
agents, we should not make this a world issue and should not engage in open polemics. (page 566)

«Mao Tsetung thought» is a counter-revolutionary, strikebreaking factor which has undertaken and is acting to split the revolutionary Marxist-Leninist movement, which emerged and consolidated itself in the struggle against Khrushchevite modern revisionism and other revisionist parties. The contradictions between the Khrushchevites and the Maoists are not over principles. They both are anti-Marxist, revisionist trends. The contradictions which flow from these views are based on the rivalry of two imperialist great powers, the one already formed, the other building up. We must expose the Maoists just as we exposed the Khrushchevite revisionists. (page 433)

The rallies held by the Marxist-Leninist communist parties are an encouragement to the revolutionaries, who, in the dangerous moments of the grave crisis of capitalism, see that there is the force which tells the proletariat of all countries and peoples oppressed by the superpowers, the big capitalist powers, etc., that they must always dare to fight these savage enemies of theirs fiercely, even with arms. These rallies assume an important character especially when the line of the Party of Labour of Albania is opposed to the line of the Communist Party of China on many main issues of principle. (page 479 - 480)

The defeat which the international communist movement has suffered is temporary. The mountain has to be climbed, but the proletariat will climb the mountain with the banner of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. (page 522)

Concerning Mao and the Chinese party Enver Hoxha wrote in Reflections on China (Volume 2):

Mao Tsetung was not a Marxist-Leninist. In regard to those political, ideological and organizational views and stands which we consider to have been mistaken and non-Marxist, we have not sat and will not sit idle without pointing them out and criticizing them. Leninism teaches us that we must always be correct and objective and not subjective or sentimental.

"The Chinese leaders headed by Mao Zedong, had had close contact with the American military and diplomatic missions attached to Chiang Kai-Shek. Facts and documents have been discovered which show that as early as at that time, when they were fighting against Japan and Chiang Kai-Shek, the Chinese leaders were pro the United States of America. Previously, when Mao Zedong thought had not yet been openly exposed by our parties, the social-imperialists and imperialists were rather tranquil, because they thought that this revisionist current was working within us like a worm in an apple. Now, after our exposure of it, we see that they have increased their attacks upon us." [ ONLY IN STRUGGLE CAN THE MARXIST-LENINIST PARTIES BE STRENGTHENED AND TEMPERED AND GAIN CAPABILITY - From the conversation with Joao Amazonas, First Secretary of the CC of the Communist Party of Brazil July 25, 1980 – in: Collected Works, Volume 6, page 53 ]

Even many years after liberation, Mao did not liquidate the bases of the wealthy exploiting capitalist classes. Who permitted this bourgeoisie to exist comfortably in the party ? Mao himself, with his ideas, permitted this, the lack of a correct Marxist-Leninist organizational, political, and ideological structure of the party has permitted it. Mao permitted the flourishing of many lines, of opportunism, practicism, and liberalism. (Reflections on China, Volume 2, page 280 and page 284).

Comrade Enver Hoxha taught that there was neither a proletarian revolution, nor socialism in China (page 794):

The views of Mao Tsetung should not be studied merely from the edited phrases in the four volumes which have been published, but must be studied in their practical application (795)

The ideas of Mao Tsetung developed in the present period of the decay of imperialism, the final stage of capitalism, hence, at a time when proletarian revolutions are on the order of the day and when the example and the great lessons of the Great October Socialist Revolution, the teachings of Marx and Lenin are an unerring guide for us. The theory of Mao Tsetung, «Mao Tsetung thought», which emerged in these new conditions, was bound to cloak itself with the most revolutionary and most scientific theory of the time — Marxism-Leninism, but in essence it remained an anti-Marxist theory, because it is opposed to proletarian revolutions and goes to the aid of imperialism in decay.

Therefore, in the ideology of Mao Tsetung we shall find reflected all the aspects of the ideas which capitalism and imperialism have invented during the many years of the period of their decline and decay. «Mao Tsetung thought» is an amalgam of ideologies, beginning from anarchism, Trotskyism, modern revisionism a la Tito, a la Khrushchev, «Eurocommunism» a la Marchais-Berlinguer-Carrillo, and finally down to the use of Marxist-Leninist formulas. In all this amalgam we must also discern the old ideas of Confucius, Mencius, and other Chinese philosophers, which had a very great influence on the formation of Mao Tsetung's ideas and his cultural-theoretical development.

Thus it is hard to define a single line or, so to say, a clear line of the Chinese ideology. Even those aspects of it which may be said to be a kind of distorted Marxism-Leninism, have an Asiatic seal and character, have the specific character of an «Asiatic communism», are a sort of «Asiacommunism» the same as «Eurocommunism», in which you cannot find the proletarian internationalism of Marx and Lenin in its full and true meaning. In the Chinese ideology we shall find heavy doses of nationalism, xenophobia, religion, Buddism, marked hangovers of the feudal ideology, not to mention many other hangovers which exist and were not systematically combated, not only during the period of the national liberation war, but especially during the period of the establishment of the state of people's democracy.

It must be admitted that the reactionary world bourgeoisie has followed and studied the development of the policy and ideology of Mao Tsetung, the development of political-ideological struggles in China, more carefully not only in the periods prior to the revolution, but also during the revolution.

Precisely because the reactionary world bourgeoisie saw that this policy and this ideology had its specific Chinese Asiatic character, was far removed from Marxism-Leninism, it has defended, supported and propagated it, moreover as Marxist-Leninist. In its own writings and publications, the bourgeoisie clearly sets out the orientation of the policy and ideology of Mao Tsetung and describes it not as Marxist, but as a revolutionary bourgeois ideology and, in fact, that is what it is. It was in the interests of imperialism, world capitalism, that China, a huge continent, you might say, should continue on this course, should follow the political and ideological orientation of Mao Tsetung, which one day would come into open opposition to scientific Marxism, because China would not follow the road of scientific Marxism. In the development of China, this became obvious. The ideological contradictions between Marxism-Leninism and «Mao Tsetung thought» became inevitable, not only now but even earlier.

All the differences and misunderstandings on the part of the Chinese with the Soviet Union, the Comintern, and Stalin were opposition over issues of principle, and for no other reason.

I think that when we analyse «Mao Tsetung thought», we must bear in mind all these factors, which have played a major role in the political-theoretical development of the Chinese leadership and the Communist Party of China and have been reflected in their orientations and actions. The present strategy of Maoism which, as we know, consists of its alliance with the United States of America and the whole of world capitalism in order to oppose the revisionist Soviet Union, flows from this.

This is not simply a policy of adaptation to the changing political developments, but a policy which has an ideological content and the Maoists have an ideological conviction about it. The Chinese leaders think in virtually the same way as the American imperialists and the leaders of the other developed capitalist «democracies». They are at one ideologically, especially in their aims of domination, because, China, too, as a big state, does not want to put itself under the leadership and under the heel of any of these imperialists and capitalists, but wants to dominate, or at least, to have its own big say which must be listened to throughout the world.

It is for this reason that, in one way or another, Maoist China advocates the alliance of the world proletariat with the capitalist bourgeoisie and American imperialism. By putting itself on this course, China in fact is hindering the world revolution and distorting the Marxist-Leninist theory just as the other revisionists are doing. Its policy and activity serve imperialism and capitalism, which is giving up the ghost, as a fresh injection to revive it and prolong its life.

The basis of the opposition which Maoist China has with Soviet revisionism is simply that Maoist China considers the Soviet Union a weaker imperialist power than the United States of America and thinks that, in alliance with American imperialism, it will realize its expansionist dreams — the occupation of Siberia and other eastern regions of the Soviet Union.

This is the basis of the contradiction between China and the Soviet Union, and this contradiction does not have an ideological character, as it is presented, that is, that China is allegedly Marxist-Leninist and the Soviet Union revisionist. No, both these countries are revisionist, have a bourgeois ideology which guides them and they are fighting against the revolution precisely in the conditions of the decay of imperialism.

Therefore, it seems to me that all these notes must be deepened and backed up more thoroughly with a richer documentation, a documentation which must be searched for, because it exists in one way or another, either in the newspapers or books which, from time to time, are published in China or abroad. However, these must be studied in a critical manner, and must be compared with the Chinese reality and the fundamental principles and theses of our great revolutionary ideology — Marxism-Leninism. (page 797 - 798)

Enver Hoxha wrote his important article Theory and Practice of the Revolution“ which was published in „Zëri i popullit“ on July 7, 1977. This article dealt mainly with the exposure of the Maoist theory of the „Three Worlds“ - a new revisionist deviation of the Marxist-Leninist theory of only two worlds – the capitalist and the socialist one. Enver Hoxha wrote:

"On a daily base the main features of our epoch are sharpened and appear more and more clearly as the epoch of transition from capitalism to socialism, the struggle of two opposed social systems, as the epoch of the proletarian and national liberation revolutions, the downfall of imperialism and the liquidation of the colonial system, as the epoch of the triumph of socialism and communism on a global scale." (Enver Hoxha, Report to the 5th Party Congress of the PLA)

The Marxist-Leninists always based the definition of the present epoch and the revolutionary strategy on the analysis of the great social contradictions which characterise this epoch. Which contradictions are these?

After the triumph of the socialist revolution in Russia, Lenin and Stalin were speaking about four contradictions:

- the contradiction between the two opposed systems — the socialist and the capitalist system

- the contradiction between capital and labour in the capitalist countries

- the contradiction between the oppressed peoples and nations on the one hand and imperialism on the other hand

- the contradiction between the imperialist powers

Exactly these contradictions build the objective foundation of the development of today's revolutionary movement, which in their collectivity form the great process of the world revolution in our epoch. The complete current situation world wide proves that since Lenin's times the contradictions have neither been moderated nor disappeared but on the contrary, haven been further sharpened and have come to the surface like never before. Therefore the knowledge and acknowledgement of these contradictions is the basis for defining a correct revolutionary strategy. The denial of these contradictions, concealing them, ignoring one or another of these contradictions, distorting their true meaning — like the revisionists and the various opportunists do — leads to confusion and disorder within the revolutionary movement and serves as foundation to construct and preach a distorted, pseudo-revolutionary strategy and tactic."

Enver Hoxha commented his article Theory and Practice of the Revolution“ as follows:

The theory of «three worlds», which we criticized at the 7th Congress, was not new. In building a «new, pro- American strategy», the Chinese needed to adopt this creation of others, the «three worlds». Mao Tsetung did not create this theory, as the Chinese claim, and neither did Teng Hsiao-ping, who spoke at the UNO in 1974 and placed China within this world. This is an old term coined by American imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism and the Khrushchevites. Our Party publicly opposed this thesis long ago. (page 569)

If China were a socialist country it would have to fight the two great imperialist powers, to exploit and deepen the contradictions between them, struggle to neutralize the efforts which the two superpowers are making for a world war and prepare its friends and comrades all over the world to cope with the storm of another war of extermination. China is not doing this, therefore it was essential that our article, «The Theory and Practice of the Revolution», should come out at these moments. I believe that our article, «The Theory and Practice of the Revolution», which came out today in the newspaper «Zëri i popullit», will have a great impact on the Marxist-Leninists abroad and also on other progressive bourgeois thinkers, while the Chinese and their hangers-on, against whom the article is aimed in fact, will certainly be furious. It was necessary, indeed very necessary and essential, that we should prepare and publish this article, because the Chinese revisionists were doing increasing harm, stepping up the struggle against Marxism- Leninism and especially against the Party of Labour of Albania. (Pages 544, 545, 546)

The „Three world theory" was created in the interests of world imperialism in general, and in the interest of the Chinese social imperialists in particular. It denies the class character of the world's society with the main contradiction of labour and capital, the contradictions between the surpressed peoples and world imperialism as well as the existence of socialism. The "Three world theory" contradicts with Marxism-Leninism, with world communism, with international class struggle and dictatorship of the proletariat. It is a bourgeois "theory" of class-conciliation and denies the worl- proletarian revolution.

Terms like „Three Worlds“, „non-aligned (bloc-free)“ countries, and „developing“ countries suggerate the illusions that they could resist the exploitations and oppressions of both the superpowers in collaboration with the „Second world“. But not enough: The „Three Worlds“ theory is absed upon the Alliance of the US-imperialists with all the other imperialist countries and with the countries of the „Third World“ to struggle against the Soviet social-imperialism. These anti-Leninist theories ignore the fact, that all these countries are dependent of the new colonialist world system and that the peoples` struggle against the whole imperialist world system cannot be mixed up with the struggle of world hegemony which is caused by the contraditions among different imperialist powers. It is neither in the interest of the exploited and oppressed classes to support the class enemies in their own country, nor to support them somewhere else in the world. All capitalist countries belong to the capitalist world, no matter whether they are "large" or "small", "weak" or "strong", "bloodthirsty fascist" or "democratic and civilized", etc. Marxism- Leninism teaches the revolutionary overthrow of the exploiting classes both in the world and in every country. The exploiting classes and their states are all together enemies of the revolution and socialism, enemies of the liberation struggle of the peoples. Enver Hoxha taught us that the "Theory of the Three Worlds" uses the contradictions of the capitalist world only for the hegemony of the Chinese superpower and not for the proletarian world revolution and for world socialism.

In his "Reflections on China" (Vol. 2) Enver Hoxha comes to the conclusion:

The theses that «the third world is the greatest and most powerful force which drives the revolution forward», etc., are anti-Marxist, counterrevolutionary theses presented by Mao Tsetung and his Chinese disciples (all so-called Marxists)», are a serious restraint on the world revolution and the national revolutions. China with its theory of the «third world», Tito with his theory of the «non-aligned world», and Carrillo and company with «Eurocommunism» have marked tendencies towards an alleged re-examination of the analysis of the situation in the world. They want to form another revisionist ideological bloc, separate from Soviet modern revisionism. As to Marxism- Leninism, this does not come into the question at all, and is disregarded by both the new revisionist bloc and the old Soviet bloc. (page 598)

All this stagnation, all this confusion, is created to prolong the existence of capital and to combat the ideas of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. In other words, the revisionists are striving in various ways to ensure that the communist parties, the world proletariat and the proletariat of each country abandon the ideas of Marxism-Leninism, abandon the true science of the revolution, of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the class struggle, which lead to socialism. They are also striving to create certain pseudo-Marxist, pseudo-socialist and pseudo-democratic views, allegedly suitable for the period through which mankind is passing. To all these anti-Marxists, the phenomena of the present period are not like the phenomena of the period in which Marx, Engels and Lenin lived and wrote, and allegedly the forecasts and discoveries of the laws of the revolution and society on their part are not being confirmed in the development of human society today. This is the general essence of the anti-Marxist theory. Thus, on the basis of this pseudo-Marxist theory, it is possible that a hundred and one different theories can be built up, and the aim of each of them will be to fight against the proletarian revolution, while at the same time, posing as if it is proletarian ideology. This is the aim of all these anti-Marxist groupings that call themselves communist, from Titoism, Khrushchevite revisionism, «Eurocommunism» down to Chinese revisionism. (page 600

In "Reflections on China, Volume 2, Enver Hoxha defended Marxism-Leninism against all Pseu-Communists:

Marxism-Leninism has not died, neither has it grown old, it is always revolutionary, it is young and is the motive force of the world today. The revolution, led by the proletariat, is that great force which will transform the world and not that nondescript «third world» which Mao and the Maoists are boosting. (Page 521)

Regardless of the temporary defeats we have suffered, we must fight against this situation with the greatest severity, must defend Marxism-Leninism, defend the theory of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin, which always remains strong, pure, and triumphant. The peoples and the world proletariat have lost neither their courage nor their hope in victory. They are fighting and will fight harder yet. They will recognize the betrayal of these pseudo-communists more and more clearly each day, and will see that this betrayal makes the yoke of world capital and internal capital even heavier on their backs. Thus, they will come to the conclusion that Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin reached, that the peoples and the proletariat must create those revolutionary situations, must create those Marxist-Leninist parties, which will carry out the revolution and seize power in order to build a socialist society, their own society, through a state of the dictatorship of the proletariat. (page 641)

Comrade Enver Hoxha, at the head of the PLA, had unmasked and exposed the Chinese revisionism and its anti-Marxist, anti-proletarian, counter-revolutionary, bourgeois and imperialist character in many docuemnts and speeches.

However, the greatest contribution in the struggle against Maoism that is

Enver Hoxha's famous book:

 

"Imperialism and Revolution".

 

It is a further in-depth criticism at the dangerous "Mao Tsetung-Ideas". This book confirms excellently that comrade Enver Hoxha is the genuine 5th Classic of Marxism-Leninism. This book proves that comrade Enver Hoxha is the greatest theorizer who developed Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism further to Hoxhaism.

In this book, the Marxist-Ieninistische strategy of revolution is opposed against the counter-revolutionary policies of the U.S. and world imperialism, Soviet social-imperialism and the Chinese and the various currents of modern revisionism.
«Imperialism and Revolution" was published at a time when the tide of the revolutionary movement has intensified, caused by the crisis of world capitalism. The bourgeoisie, imperialism, social-imperialism and the modern revisionists, from the Yugoslav and the Khrushchevite to the "Euro-communists" and the Chinese revisionists, increased their efforts to confuse ideologically the proletariat and the freedom-loving peoples. They tried to dissuade them from the path of class struggle to undermine the revolution and perpetuate capitalism.
All these forces of retrogression and reaction, despite the violent contradictions that they have with each other, are all striving, the revolutionary and liberation movement through force and terror to stifle or prevent the revolution for the purpose to continue the exploitation and oppression of peoples. In particular, exerts Comrade Enver a scathing critique of the political and ideological line of Chinese revisionism, of the so-called "Mao Zedong Thoughts", against the aspirations of the Chinese revisionist leadership to create their superpower. This has found its expression in the notorious theory of "three worlds".

The profound scientific Marxist-Leninist analysis of Comrade Enver about the developments and features of imperialism and the great contradictions of our time in the current phase, confirms the correctness and vitality of the Marxist-Leninist conclusion that the revolution and national liberation of the peoples is on the agenda. Comrade Enver shows that the Leninist analysis of imperialism has retained its full validity in our days, namely the Leninist determination of our epoch as the epoch of imperialism and proletarian revolutions. The epoch of the destruction of the old capitalist system, colonialism and imperialism the seizure of power by the proletariat and the liberation of oppressed peoples is the unshakable period of the victory of socialism on a world scale. Life and facts confirm the scientific Marxist-Leninist conclusions of Comrade Enver Hoxha, that today the situation in the world is in general revolutionary. This situation matured in many countries or is maturing rapidly. In other countries this process is in development. The world of today is a world like a "eruptions of a volcano, like a scorching fire, a fire that will burn out the upper ruling class with all its oppressors and exploiters. Comrade Enver underlines:

"It is an imperative task to dispel the mist, which the revisionists have spread over the revolution, to expose the maneuvering and speculating over the revolution, and to unmask their counter-revolutionary, chauvinist, hegemonistic goals."

Comrade Enver argues that the decisive irreconcilable struggle against all forms of both the imperialist domination and the local reactionary pro-imperialist forces is the only possible way to achieve national and social liberation of the peoples. Of great importance are the Marxist-Leninist conclusions of Comrade Enver that the anti-imperialist, national liberation movements of the peoples are integral part of a single revolutionary process of the proletarian world revolution in the present world epoch of the revolutionary transition from capitalism to socialism. They are a powerful support for the proletariat in its struggle against capitalism. The liberation struggle of the oppressed peoples can only be victorious, if it is closely connected with the cause of the proletariat and socialism.

On the basis of Marxism-Leninism and the generalization of the experience of the revolutionary and communist movement, Enver Hoxha specified the basic problems of the development of Marxist-Leninist parties, their tempering in the fire of revolutionary action, their activities to mobilize the masses in the class struggle and in the revolution, and their internationalist unity. Comrade Enver Hoxha expressed his unshakable conviction that these parties will have a great future in fulfilling historic and glorious tasks as the standard bearer of the proletarian revolution and the liberation of the peoples, which the modern revisionists have dropped and kicked in the dirt.

«These parties», writes Enver, "carry the burden of the global Leninist strategy against the imperialists who wage their counter-revolution against the world revolution and the great theory of Marxism-Leninism. They carry the burden to make the masses conscious about the unavoidable sacrifices. It is their task to unite, organize, guide and lead the masses to victory."

Particularly, comrade Enver criticized comprisingly the present-day Chinese revisionism, the anti-Marxist and anti-proletarian content of its ideology and its sermons, its chauvinistic and social-imperialist strategy, its profoundly counter-revolutionary role.

Comrade Enver Hoxha wrote:

"Mao Tsetung's ideas" were developed at the time of the decay of capitalism, that is, at the time when proletarian revolutions are on the agenda and when the example of the great October Socialist Revolution, the great teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin have become an unerring guide for the proletariat and the revolutionary peoples of the world. The theory of Mao Tsetung, <<Mao Tsetung thought>>, which was born in these new conditions, had to try to deck itself out, as it did, in the garb of the most revolutionary and scientific theory of the time, Marxism-Leninism, but in essence it remained a <<theory>> opposed to the cause of the proletarian revolution and which comes to the rescue of imperialism in crisis and decay. Therefore, we say that Mao Tsetung and <<Mao Tsetung thought>> are anti-Marxist."

Comrade Enver Hoxha proved convincingly by numerous facts that contemporary Chinese revisionism is not a phenomenon of recent years, and certainly not just of the period after Mao Zedong's death, as some mistakenly assume. Its ideological and theoretical roots lie rather in the so-called "Mao Zedong Thought", which had already begun to take shape before the Second World War, especially after 1935, when the disreputable 7th World Congress of the Comintern took place and which helped Mao Zedong to come to power in the Communist Party 'China. In his book, comrade Enver Hoxha defended the Comintern against the betrayal of Mao Zedong:

"Mao Zedong and other Chinese leaders accuse the Comintern of having allegedly impeded and complicated things for them in the waging of a consistent struggle for the seizure of power and the construction of socialism in China.But the facts of the past and especially the present Chinese reality confirm that the Comintern's decisions and directives about China were correct in general, and that the Communist Party of China did not act on the basis and in the spirit of the principles of Marxism-Leninism."

The special significance of the book of Comrade Enver Hoxha - regarding the exposure of Chinese revisionism - is the fact that for the first time a detailed Marxist-Leninist analysis was worked out and presented about the so called "Mao Zedong Thought". Enver Hoxha detected that Maoism is never a further development of Marxism-Leninism, and that Mao was never a Classic of Marxism-Leninism. The so called "Marxism-Leninism-Maoism" is - through and through - a revisionist ideology:

Mao Tsetung used the criticisms against Stalin in order to justify his deviation from the Marxist-Leninist principles which Stalin consistently defended and further enriched. With their attack against Stalin, the Chinese revisionists intended to disparage his work and authority, to raise Mao Tsetung's authority to the rank of a world leader, a classic of Marxism-Leninism, who allegedly has a ways pursued a correct and infallible line! These criticisms also expressed their accumulated discontent against Stalin over the censure and criticisms he and the Comintern made of the leadership of the Communist Party of China and Mao Tsetung over their failure to implement the principles of Marxism-Leninism consistently on the leading role of the proletariat in the revolution, proletarian internationalism, the strategy and tactics of the revolutionary struggle etc."

As Comrade Enver has defined the "Mao Zedong thought":

<<Mao Tsetung thought>> is an amalgam of views in which ideas and theses borrowed from Marxism are mixed up with idealist, pragmatic and revisionist principles from other philosophies. It has its roots in ancient Chinese philosophy, and in the political and ideological past, in the state and militarist practice of China. All the Chinese leaders, those who have taken power at present as well as those who have been in and who have fallen from power, but who have manoeuvred to put their counterrevolutionary plans into practice, have had and have <<Mao Tsetung thought>> as their ideological basis. Mao Tsetung himself has admitted that his thoughts can be exploited by all, both by the leftists and the rightists, as he calls the various groups that comprise the Chinese leadership

In "Imperialism and the Revolution» Comrade Enver Hoxha points out convincingly that there was a direct consequence of the application of "Mao Zedong thought" that the Communist Party of China - from the ideological, political, organizational standpoint and from the standpoint of their class composition - was never a truly revolutionary, Marxist-Leninist party of the proletariat. It was a consequence of "Mao Zedong Thought" that the Chinese revolution was not developed in accordance with the teachings of Marxism-Leninism, that it was a bourgeois-democratic revolution which was not transferred into the socialist revolution, and which could not lead to the establishment of a true dictatorship of the proletariat, and therefore the floodgates were opened for the free development of capitalism in China.

It is also a fact that the "Mao Zedong Thought" have replaced proletarian internationalism through racist ideas and the great power chauvinism. Comrade Enver subjects the notorious theory of "three worlds" a comprehensive and Marxist-Leninist justified criticism and proves that it is rooted in the "Mao Zedong Thought."

Enver Hoxha also wrote:

"We are against the revisionist theorists who preach that the whole revolutionary struggle should be reduced by the struggle for national independence. They deny the social liberation. Lenin teaches us that the revolution must be crowned through the complete liquidation of the bourgeoisie and her power. Only on this basis one can talk of true freedom, independence and souvereignty."

Of particular importance is that Comrade Enver unmasked with great tenacity the dangerous warmongering policies of the Chinese social-imperialist leadership clique. They have abandoned the Marxist-Leninist doctrines and attitudes in regard of the question of war, peace and revolution.

"The great addiction of the Chinese leaders to transform their country as soon as possible into a superpower, and establish their hegemony, especially in the so-called third world," wrote Comrade Enver Hoxha in "Imperlalismus and Revolution," "forced them to a strategy and foreign policy of inciting imperialist wars."

They try to instigate a frontal confrontation between the U.S. and the Soviet Union in Europe, while China hands would warm up by the atomic fire from a distance. According to the plans of the Chinese leadership, the two main rivals would be destroyed mutually, and China would remain as the sole Almighty ruler of the world.

The Marxist-Leninists and the revolutionaries throughout the world see that the Party of Labour of Albania defends Marxism-Leninism when the others attack it, that it defends the principles of proletarian internationalism when the various revisionists have thrown these principles overboard. They see that in its stands the Party of Labour of Albania not only proceeds from the interests of its own country, but also expresses and represents very great interests, near and dear to the entire proletariat, the interests of genuine socialism, the interests of all those who base themselves on and are guided by Marxism-Leninism for the revolutionary transformation of the world. At the same time, we notice that the policy China is following in its relations with US imperialism as well as with Soviet social-imperialism, is arousing doubts, discontent and constant criticism everywhere, especially in the countries of the so-called third world. This is natural, because the honest people in these countries see that the Chinese policy is not correct, that it is a policy which supports an imperialism which is oppres sing them, that much of what the Chinese leaders preach does not conform to their deeds and the concrete reality. The peoples see that China is following a socialimperialist policy which threatens their interests.

The Party of Labour of Albania has fought, is fighting and will always fight resolutely in defence of the purity of Marxist-Leninist ideas. it is and will always be against all those who strive to distort them and replace them with bourgeois, revisionist, counterrevolutionary ideas. Our Party is a proletarian party, a Marxist-Leninist party, an active participant in the world revolution, for which it is determined to make any sacrifice, just as it has done up till now. There is no, force that can make our Party deviate from this fully internationalist, glorious and honourable course. There is no force which can intimidate or conquer it. Our Party cannot reconcile itself to any kind of opportunism, to any kind of deviation from Marxism-Leninism, to any distortion of it. It will fight with determination against Chinese revisionism, too, just as against revisionism of any other kind.

And the book ends with the following sentences:

Now for our Party, as well as for all the Marxist-Leninist parties in the world, the struggle against Chinese revisionism should be given the greatest attention. This is an important question, but this does not mean that while dealing with it, we are permitted to forget Soviet revisionism, Titoite revisionism, or <<Eurocommunism>>, which are very dangerous variants of modern revisionism. In regard to their tactics and strategy, all these anti-Marxist trends, regardless of the differences in their forms of struggle, are on the one course, have the same objective, and are same struggle.

For all these reasons, we must never divert our attention either from the struggle which must be waged against American imperialism and all the reactionary capitalist bourgeoisie of the world or from the struggle against the Soviet, Yugoslav, Chinese, and other shades of revisionism. Despite all the contradictions they have among themselves, all these enemies are linked by the one cord - the fight against the revolution, against the Marxist-Leninist parties and their unity, against the general organization of the proletariat and the entire working masses in order to launch themselves into revolution.

The struggle against modern revisionism, and especially against Soviet, Titoite and Chinese revisionism, is not an easy matter. On the contrary, this struggle is and will be stern and protracted. For it to be waged successfully, for victories to be gained step by step, the communists, the cadres, the intelligentsia and all the working masses of our country must be imbued with the ideology of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin and must also study the rich experience of our Party in the struggle against modern revisionism. Only in this way will we be able to overcome the obstacles and emerge unscathed from the great hostile forest with all its thorns. As always, our Party of Labour must main tain clear, resolute, bold stands on the correct Marxist-Leninist line. This line of our Party, with its clearly defined objectives, will. help to expose American imperialism, Soviet social-imperialism, as well as Chinese social-imperialism, and to wage the merciless struggle against them successfully. The task of our Party, and of all the genuine communists of the world, is to fight with dedication to defend our Marxist-Leninist theory and cleanse it of all the distortions which the bourgeoisie, the modern revisionists and all opportunists and traitors make of it. Marxism-Leninism is the triumphant ideology. He who embraces, defends and develops it, is a member of the glorious army of the revolution, of that great and invincible army of genuine communists, who are leading the proletariat and all the oppressed to transform the world, to destroy capitalism and to build the new world, the socialist world.

It is self-evident that every Stalinist-Hoxhaist fighter must study and spread this great book of comrade Enver Hoxha.

 

The truth about the relations between China and Albania

1. Contacts between our two parties and countries were established after the triumph of the revolution in China, after the founding of the People‘s Republic of China. They became closer and stronger especially after 1960, when the open struggle against Khrushchevite revisionism began. The struggle against imperialism and modern revisionism brought our parties together, but with China‘s departure from this struggle their roads parted. The struggle of the Party of Labour of Albania against modern revisionism had begun even prior to the condemnation of Titoism by the Inform bureau. It continued more fiercely after Stalin‘s death, when the Khrushchevite variant of revisionism began to show up. Our Party extended and intensified this struggle more and more, rising in opposition against the anti Marxist attitudes and actions of Khrushchev and his gang, both in their foreign policy and in their relations with the communist parties, with our Party in particular.

The Khrushchevite deviation represented the revision of the Marxist Leninist theory in all fields and on all questions. The Khrushchevite strategy was aimed at undermining the dictator ship of the proletariat and restoring capitalism in the Soviet Union, transforming this country into an imperialist superpower, for the division and domination of the world together with American imperialism. In order to realize this strategy, Khrushchev attacked Stalin and bolshevism, he advocated extinction of class struggle both within the Soviet Union and outside it. On the pretext that the ratio of forces in the world today had changed, that the imperialism and the international reactionary bourgeoisie had become reasonable, he justified his abandonment of the key thesis of Marxism Leninism on the violent revolution and spread illusions about the so-called peaceful road. In their relations with the communist and workers‘ parties, the Khrushchevites acted according to their concept of the "mother party" and "conductor‘s baton". They wanted the other parties to submit to their dictate and adopt their views, to transform them into tools of their foreign policy. On this road, Khrushchev, Brezhnev and others reconciled themselves to the Yugoslav revisionists and made common cause with them in the struggle against Marxism Leninism and the revolution. To this traitorous and counter-revolutionary line of Khrushchevism the Party of Labour of Albania responded with its determined and unyielding fight. In particular, it opposed and denounced the ideological rehabilitation of Titoism by Khrushchev, who with this act of his was clearly showing that he had completely sunk in the quagmire of opportunism and betrayal. Documents prove that, despite its waverings in its stand towards Yugoslav revisionism, at the beginning of 1960, the Communist Party of China, also, influenced by nobody, condemned the rehabilitation of Tito and his group by Khrushchev. In June 1960, as is known, the Bucharest Meeting was held. There, the counter-revolutionary line of Khrushchev and the Khrushchevites was still better confirmed. They not only attacked Marxism Leninism in all directions, but also attacked the Communist Party of China directly. At that meeting, the Party of Labour of Albania openly went to the aid of the Communist Party of China and defended it to the end, thus drawing upon itself the fire of the anger and the weight of the pressures of all the Khrushchevite revisionists.

Whereas our Party initiated and carried on the fight against Khrushchevite revisionism with consistency and resolve, the Chinese leadership wavered and failed to adopt clear-cut anti Khrushchevite stands. In the initial stage of the fierce polemics between the Party of Labour of Albania and the Khrushchevite revisionists, China was in agreement with Albania, but this only on the surface, because, in reality, as was proved later, it was seeking a reconciliation with the Soviets and the extinction of polemics with them. This was evident also in Chou En-lai‘s speech at the 22nd Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, where in fact, he did not defend our Party, but demanded that polemics should cease instead. The Chinese leadership called this colourless stand assistance to Albania, but the demand to cease polemics was neither to the interest of socialist Albania, nor to the interest of China itself. It benefited Khrushchev and his fight against socialism and Marxism Leninism.

2. The wavering stand of the Communist Party of China in the struggle against revisionism became clearly manifest in June 1962. At that time the Party of Labour of Albania sent a delegation to Peking to conduct talks with the leadership of the Communist Party of China on important questions which had to do with the tactics and strategy of the common struggle of our two parties in the international arena. The Chinese leadership argued its line of reconciliation with the Soviet revisionists with the need to unite "with everybody" against US imperialism, which, in its words, was the main enemy.

3. In Summer 1964 Chinese propaganda took up the Sino-Soviet border problem. According to the view of our Party, the Chinese leadership was making two gross mistakes. In the first place, the raising of the border problem at that moment did not assist the ideological struggle against Khrushchevism. On the contrary, it provided the Soviet leadership with a powerful weapon against China and the Marxist Leninists in order to neutralize the effect of the ideological struggle they were waging to expose the Khrushchevite betrayal and to present our struggle as a border dispute or territorial claims. On the other hand, by calling into question the rectification of the borders of the Soviet Union with some European countries following the Second World War, J. V. Stalin was unjustly attacked, and the accusation levelled by international reaction against him for creating "spheres of influence" was backed up. The Chinese leadership agreed with Tito, who, when it came to redress the injustices Yugoslavia had suffered in the past at the hands of the victorious powers, upheld this thesis.

4. In October 1964 N. Khrushchev was overthrown. This event again revealed the wavering stand of the Chinese leaders towards the Soviet revisionists. The hopes for a reconciliation with, and rapprochement to, them were revived. This event has only put off the decay of revisionism, has pushed revisionism closer to its grave, while Khrushchev‘s successors are trying to prevent revisionism from falling into this grave, by implementing the policy of Khrushchevism without Khrushchev.

5. Our Party supported the Cultural Revolution at the personal request of Mao Tsetung, who declared to our Party that China was facing a colossal danger, and that no one knew who would win in China, the socialist forces or the revisionists (From minutes of the talk with the delegation of the Albanian Party and Government, May 1966). The Party of Labour of Albania assisted China at a very critical moment, when it was going through great upheavals and was being savagely attacked by the united imperialist revisionist front. The Cultural Revolution, more often than not, preserved the spirit and actions of an unprincipled struggle, which was not led by a genuine party of the working class which should strive for the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Thus, these clashes among factionalist groups ended in the establishment in China of a state power dominated by bourgeois and revisionist elements. The present Chinese leadership wanted and wants the Party of Labour of Albania to denounce the Cultural Revolution according to the will and the reasons of the Chinese leadership. The Party of Labour of Albania will never accept such a dictate. Together with all the world revolutionaries it is expecting the Communist Party of China to make the true analysis of this Cultural Revolution.

6. The Party of Labour of Albania has made allround, powerful and open efforts to defend China in the international arena, though on many issues it held opposite views on principle. But your leadership found this wish of Albania‘s unreasonable and preferred its own isolation, excusing itself with various pretexts before all the states which expressed their wish to establish relations with it.

7. In 1968, a Party and Government delegation of Albania went to China.This delegation was also charged with the task of presenting to the Chinese leadership our requests for aid to strengthen the defence potential of Albania. Chou En-lai openly put forth: Albania, as a small country, had no need of heavy armament and that it was not at all in a position to defend itself alone from foreign aggression, particularly from Soviet social imperialism and US imperialism, no matter how much military aid it would receive from China. Therefore, according to Chou En-lai, the only road for Albania to cope with foreign aggression was that of applying the tactics of partisan warfare in the country and concluding a military alliance with Yugoslavia and with Rumania. The Political Bureau of the Central Committee of our Party unanimously condemned and rejected Chou En-lai‘s anti Albanian and counter-revolutionary proposal to drive socialist Albania into the trap of warmongering plots through military alliances, with the final aim of turning the Balkan area into a powder keg, as the Soviet social imperialists and the US imperialists are seeking to do. These acts of the Chinese leadership and the opposition of our Party to these reactionary acts had, later, very serious consequences in the relations between our two countries. Our Party has never meddled with the internal affairs of China. But the Chinese leadership, at certain moments, has criminally interfered in the internal affairs of Albania. If these condemnable acts undertaken by the Chinese leadership in collusion with the Albanian traitors were realized, the People‘s Socialist Republic of Albania, its independence and sovereignty would have been liquidated.

8. While our Party was working to strengthen fraternal co-operation with China, while it wanted to correctly wage and intensify the struggle against imperialism, modern revisionism and reaction on a joint front also with all the Marxist Leninist parties and forces, China saw everything only from its own angle, it wanted to dominate others, so that the latter would follow its strategy and tactics. Nixon‘s visit to Peking was laying the foundations of a new policy on the part of China. The axis of the Chinese policy has changed three times over ten years, from 1962 to 1972. First, the Communist Party of China abided by the strategy formula of a "united front with the Soviet and other revisionists against US imperialism and its allies". Later on, the Communist Party of China came forward with the slogan of a "very broad united front of the proletariat and the revolutionary peoples of all countries against US imperialism, Soviet revisionism and reaction of various countries". After Nixon‘s visit to China, the Chinese strategy again speaks of a "broad united front", but this time it includes "all those who can be united", incorporating in it even the United States of America against Soviet social imperialism.

9. After its rapprochement with US imperialism and overtures to the United States of America and its allies, the leadership of the Communist Party of China proclaimed the anti Marxist and counterrevolutionary theory of the "three worlds", which it presented as a strategy of the revolution, and made efforts to impose it on the Marxist Leninist communist movement and all the peoples of the world as the general line of their struggle. At present, the Chinese plan to become a superpower has found its concentrated expression in the infamous theory of "three worlds". The theory of "three worlds" seeks to replace Marxism Leninism with an eclectic amalgamation of opportunist, revisionist and anarchic syndicalist ideas and theses, it seeks to dampen the revolutionary spirit of the proletariat and its class struggle, advocating an alliance with the bourgeoisie and imperialism. Alleging that time is not ripe for revolution, the theory of "three worlds" seeks to preserve the status quo, the present situation of capitalist, colonialist and neo-colonialist oppression and exploitation. The implementation of the theory of "three worlds" led the Chinese leadership to unite even with the "devil", to unite with the US imperialists and the monopolists of Europe, with fascists and racists, kings and feudal lords, most rabid militarists and warmongers, Pinochet and Franco, former nazi generals of the German Wehrmacht and the Japanese imperial army, dyed-in-the-wool criminals like Mobutu and bloodthirsty kings, American bosses and presidents of multinational companies, became its allies.

10. The Party of Labour of Albania has made every effort to solve the differences arisen between the two Parties and which were becoming pronounced with the passage of time, on the Marxist Leninist road. Proceeding from this desire, seeing that the Chinese leadership systematically failed to answer its letters and refused to send official delegations to Albania, seeing that ideological differences with the Chinese leadership were assuming broad proportions, the Central Committee of the Party of Labour of Albania did not stay aloof, but made other efforts to engage in comradely talks with it. The Chinese leadership did not agree to our delegation going to Peking, thus barring the way to talks, at a time when kings and princes, reactionaries and fascists were welcomed with great pomp in Peking. It was clear that the Chinese leadership was persistently treading its anti Marxist road, that in relations with our Party and country, it was guided by the concepts of great power chauvinism, that it was trying to have its line and dictate accepted unconditionally and indisputably.

11. The Party of Labour of Albania never tramples on the Marxist Leninist principles, and has never been, nor will it ever be anybody's tool. In the ideological and political differences and contradictions with the Party of Labour of Albania, in the failure of the attempts of the Chinese leadership to impose its views and line on the Party of Labour of Albania lies the real reason of the Chinese decision to cease aid to Albania: Having failed to subdue socialist Albania, the Chinese leadership is now seeking to avenge itself and harm the construction of socialism in Albania. In so doing, it is revealing its anti Marxist and counter-revolutionary countenance even more clearly.

For its selfish aims, to make China a central world power, the Chinese leadership is publicizing itself as a "defender of small and middle-sized countries", that it is fighting against "the unfair division of the world economy", that it is against "economic discrimination against the developing countries by the imperialist powers", that it stands for the "development of their national economy", for "the strengthening of their independence and sovereignty", that it is fighting "against bullying of the small by the big", etc. But when the Chinese leadership behaves like an enemy towards Albania, when it ceases aid and credits because the Party of Labour of Albania does not submit to its conductor‘s baton, all the falsity of the Chinese line is seen through, the not in the least good intentioned aims and lies that the Chinese leadership wants to peddle to the peoples of the "third world" in order to suppress and enslave them, to impose its will and that of the old and new colonialists on them, are also clearly understood.

We want to say to the Chinese leaders: You extended the ideological differences and disagreements also to the field of state relations with our country. With this you dealt a heavy blow at the Albanian Chinese friendship for which the Albanian people and the Chinese people have fought so hard. You made public the disagreements and differences and began open polemics. We accept this challenge and are not afraid of polemics. But you are fully responsible for all your hostile, anti Marxist and anti Albanian acts before the Chinese people and the Albanian people, before all world public opinion.

The People‘s Socialist Republic of Albania and the Albanian people, under the consistent leadership of the Party of Labour of Albania, with Comrade Enver Hoxha at the head, will thoroughly and honourably fulfil their historic mission for the construction of socialism by relying on their own forces, further proving to the proletariat and all the peoples of the world the inexhaustible and indomitable vitality of the Marxist Leninist ideology, which enables even a small country, encircled by imperialism and revisionism, as Albania is, to build socialism successfully, to defend and carry it always ahead. Albania will never submit to anybody, it will stand to the end loyal to Marxism Leninism and proletarian internationalism. I will march non-stop on the road of socialism and communism illuminated by the immortal teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. The Albanian people, with the Party of Labour at the head, will resolutely and consistently support the revolutionary and liberation struggles of the peoples, their efforts for freedom, independence and social progress. They will fight uncompromisingly through to the very end against US imperialism, Soviet social imperialism, modern revisionism and world reaction. Albania has never bowed its back or its head, either in the past or today, nor will it ever do so in the future. The Chinese leadership will fall both in its sermons and in its intrigues. The reactionary act it committed against Albania is revolting to the conscience of every honest man and woman in the world. Though encircled, socialist Albania is not isolated because it enjoys the respect and love of the world proletariat, the freedom loving peoples and the honest men and women throughout the world. This respect and love will grow even more in the future. Our cause is just! Socialist Albania will triumph! (excerpts of the letter of the CC of the PLA and the goverment of Albania to the CC of the CP China and the government of China, on July 29, 1978)

On August 6, 1971 Enver Hoxha sent a letter to the Chinese leaders in which he criticized Nixon`s visit in Peking. This criticism was not yet openly but with the 6th Congress of the PLA everybody could recognize the different attitude concerning the strategy and tactics on the main enemy of the peoples. From the 6 th Congress of the PLA onward the CP of China didn't send any delegations which was against the custom between two friendly brotherparties. The Chinese revisionist leaders wanted to force comrade Enver Hoxha to give up his revolutionary standpoint of view and to subordinate Albania under the new course of the Chinese foreign policy. Enver Hoxha emphasized that any support of one superpower against the other is anti-Marxist, that the support of the European allies of the American imperialism against the Soviet social-imperialism is anti-Marxist, that the devision of three worlds is anti-Marxist. The Chinese leaders considered Albania not any more as their ally whereas the Yugoslav revisionists were rehabilitated and supported in the struggle against Albania.

In May 1966 China and Albania declared both the superpowers - the American imperialism as well as the Soviet social-imperialism - the main enemies of the peoples. But after that the Chinese leaders had changed their attitude and declared the Soviet social-imperialism as the most dangerous enemy and began to collaborate with the American imperialists („normalization of the Chinese-American relationship“.

It has to be mentioned that the Chinese revisionists did never answer to Albania, let alone holding talks with the PLA.

Enver Hoxha dicussed the struggle against Chinese revisionism on the 2nd and 3rd plenum of the CC of the PLA in June, 1977 and has profoundly analyzed the anti-Marxist attitude and the counter-revolutionary activities of the revisionist Chinese leaders without leaving out under consideration the responsibility of Mao Tsetung. Later, these discussions of the 2nd and 3rd plenum of the CC of the PLA were worked out in his famous book: "Imperialism and Revolution" which was published in 1979.

Of course, Enver Hoxha didn't go down on the knees before Tito and Khrushchev - knowing full well that they reacted with economical punishments, sanctions and predatory extortions.

The Marxism-Leninism gives us the right to say our word and this law can take nobody away from us neither by political and economic pressure nor by threats or etiquettes which one fastens to us " ( quoted from Enver Hoxha`s speech on the Meeting of 81 Communist and Workers' parties in Moscow on November 16, 1960 ).

And Enver Hoxha had also forseen the same consequences of the worsening of the relationship with the Chinese revisionist leaders. After the Chinese leaders had ideologically broken with Albania, they proceeded to withdrawing their economical support officially on July 7, 1978. All economic and military aid and loans were terminated with immediate effect, and all Chinese specialists removed from Albania. In a letter of the CC of the PLA and the goverment of Albania to the CC of the CP China and the government of China, on July 29, 1978, the Chinese action was condemned as a brutal violation of the elementary rules and norms in international relations, an action which expresses the heavy blow of an imperialist "great" power against socialism in Albania, in particular, and against Marxism-Leninism, in general:

The unilateral breach of the agreements on economic and military co-operation with Albania by the Chinese Government, the arbitrary violation on its part of the contracts officially concluded between the two countries, the Suspension of work on many projects important to our socialist economy, the ordering back of its experts, and so on, reflect a definite political and ideological line of the Chinese leadership. They are the outcome of the departure of the Chinese leadership from Marxism Leninism and the principles of proletarian internationalism, of its rapprochement to and collaboration with American imperialism, the international bourgeoisie and reaction, of its renunciation of aid to and support for the revolutionary and liberation forces in the international arena, of China‘s intentions to become an imperialist superpower. This course of the Chinese leadership, which went through a zigzag process, has come up against the constant Opposition of the Party of Labour of Albania which cherishes the cause of socialism, the revolution and the liberation of the peoples above everything else. This accounts for the emergence of serious ideological and political contradictions which have been gradually growing between the Party of Labour of Albania and the Communist Party of China. Precisely because our Party and the Albanian people did not accept and did not submit to the Chinese line and views of a great power, the leadership of the Communist Party of China and the Chinese Government went to such lengths as to cut all aid to socialist Albania, and extended ideological disagreements to interstate relations.

And this provocation of the Chinese revisionist leaders caused the further poralization of the Marxist-Leninist World Movement in followers of Maoism, on the one hand, and followers of Hoxhaism, on the other hand. More than that: this was the final historical act in which the genuine Marxist-Leninists separated completely from the last bastion of modern revisionism, thus from Chinese revisionism. These events were expression of the fact that Hoxhaism and Maoism are hostile ideologies which are impossible to be reconciliated. The significance of the split between Marxism-Leninism and Maoism was for the time being the last liberation act from the influence of modern revisionism in the ranks of the Communist World Movement.

The Comintern (SH) commented this historical Albanian letter in our Declaration of July 29, 2003:

"This letter is an unshakable milestone in the history of the defense of the dictatorship of the proletariat under the conditions of the imperialist- revisionist encirclement. It is a milestone in the revolutionary process of the revolutionary supersession of the capitalist society by the socialist society. It is a proof of the always young lasting Marxism-Leninism. It documents the inexhaustible source of the Proletarian Internationalism from which the strength of the proletarian world revolution unstoppably grows. This letter is a milestone on the revolutionary way to the complete national and social liberation of the people from imperialism, socialimperialism, fascism and socialfascism and the complete world reaction simultaneously. And the letter is last not least a milestone on the way to remove the exploitation of people by people. The Proletarian Internationalism reached a high level 25 years ago, when the world proletariat and the Marxist-Leninist world movement struggled at the side of Albania -- which embodied the socialist world center under the leadership of the PLA -- for the breakthrough of the imperialist-revisionist blockade and encirclement. By this historical act not only the socialist Albania was defended but also the international conditions for the possibility to organize victorious socialist revolutions in other countries and to ease the unfolding for the Anti-imperialist-Antirevisionist liberation struggle of the peoples, exploited and oppressed by the imperialist nations.

The solidarity of the Marxis-Leninist world movement in 1978 triggered an enormous enthusiasm wave among the Albanian people, and was an important contribution for mobilizing the forces of resistance against Chinese revisionism. The other way round the enthusiasm of the principled and determined struggle of the Albanian people against Chinese revisionism encouraged the strength of the Marxist-Leninist world movement to raise this anti-revisionist struggle on an international stage and to lead this struggle in every single country. This was the greatest highlight of the unity of the Marxist-Leninist world movement. Nothing else had increased more the mobilization of the strengths of Albania against Chinese revisionism then the internationalist solidarity."

In his letter to comrade Hysni Kapo, comrade Enver Hoxha wrote in distinct words:

The correct Marxist-Leninist line of our party will not only today but also in the future be supported by the revolutionary Marxist-Leninists worldwide, it will be supported by the world proletariat and the peoples. The daily, struggle-filled routine of our party confirms this.

One must not label Mao Zedong as a "prophet" of the revolution but as a "prophet of the counter-revolution". He represented the type of the Anarchist in whose blood runs confusion, chaos, the undermining of the dictatorship of the proletariat and socialism, but under the condition that this permanent anarchy was led by him or by his typical Chinese anarchist ideology. Mao Zedong is a Chinese Bakunin. The Cultural Revolution was an expression of the ideas and action of this Chinese Bakunin.

( ENVER HOXHA : Letter to Comrade Hysni Kapo) from 31st of July 1978.

Comrade Enver Hoxha commented the split in a couple of Marxist-Leninist parties after the demarcation line was openly drawn against Chinese revisionism:

At present there are difficulties and dangers for the new Marxist-Leninist parties which emerged after the 1960s, and especially for some that were created under the influence of the Chinese cultural revolution. In some of these new “Marxist-Leninist” parties, especially in certain countries of Europe and Latin-America, their emergence on the scene, the organization and uniting of their ranks was done not by sound elements of the working class, but by isolated elements, who had the experience of the weak, anti-Marxist, reformist work of revisionist parties. On top of this, these parties were formed and developed, so to say, in complete legality, and together with others, many elements who posed as Marxist-Leninists but were not such, entered their ranks.
Some leaders of these parties took the problem very lightly, a thing which, naturally, was reflected in their work. They considered the breaking away from the revisionist parties as a very important act. In fact this really was an important act, but the course they were to follow, the forms and methods of organization of their work, especially the political and the organizational line which were adopted and applied, were to have greater importance. As was seen, on certain international problems and theoretical issues they took more or less correct stands, but still, in some aspects, their political line was developed in the same forms as the line of the revisionist parties were unable to make a proper judgement of the situations within their own countries and in the international field. This was so over major events in the international communist movement, for example, over the struggle against Soviet revisionism and, later, in the analyses which should have been made of the development of the situation in China, the factional struggle which was developing there and the Chinese cultural revolution. In many instances it was clear that they lacked Marxist-Leninist depth in their judgements and opinions, but had sufficient arrogance to consider their actions as indisputable. In Europe after the exposure of the Communist Party of China and the ideas of Mao Zedong, splits occurred, anti-Marxist ideas and opinions emerged, which in some cases were embraced even by their leaders. That explains why some of those small, still unconsolidated parties, which began their activity with correct aims on the Marxist-Leninist road and were for revolutionary actions, deviated. This is what happened with the Communist (Marxist-Leninist) Parties of France, Belgium, Holland, the Scandinavian countries and recently with the Communist Party of Italy (Marxist-Leninist), etc.

[ The Marxist – Leninist Movement and the World Crisis of Capitalism – Tirana, August 1979 ]

All this showed that the struggle against Chinese revisionism had to be continued with undamped relentlessness and resoluteness with the aim to totally purify the Marxist-Leninist World Movement from remainders of Maoist influence. In this regard, the 8th Party Congress of the PLA was of great importance. In his report comrade Enver Hoxha emphasized:

Our Party has waged a great, open, principled struggle against Chinese revisionism, the ideology, policy, stands and actions of the Communist Party of China. Chinese revisionism is an opportunist current in the world communist movement, and its foundation — Mao Zedong thought, is an ideology with archaic features, an amalgam of ancient Chinese theories of Confucius and Mencius and new paraphrased theories without any organic structural connection, painted up with a Marxist phraseology. Mao Zedong thought represents a hegemonic ideology of world domination, based on a heterogeneous collection of contradictory and pragmatic theorems and ideas. When China began the construction of the new Chinese state, which emerged from the liberation war, the Chinese ship wallowed confusedly, sometimes to the right, sometimes to the left, in the waters of this ideology. This was the source of those vacillations of China and that lack of definition of the character of its political and economic system.

The theory which guided the new China was not Marxism-Leninism. The Marxist slogans in Chinese characters painted on the facade gave the false impression that some features of scientific socialism existed. They prevented the continual deviations from being clearly discerned.

While the role of the dictatorship of the proletariat was being stressed in China, the dictatorship of rival groups and personalities was concealed and developed under it. While the leading role of the party was stressed, this concealed a chaotic organization and the non-existent leadership of the party. While there was talk about the hegemony of the working class, the leading role, in fact, was left to the peasantry, because it was its petty-bourgeois ideology which predominated in China. While there was talk about the alteration of class structures, in essence, nothing changed from what it was.

The Chinese economy went on limping badly, lacking any clear directive or perspective, irrespective of the existence of the so-called plan which did not have the remotest resemblance to a scientific plan, let alone a plan based on a centralized system. Indeed, it did not have even the features of a decentralized plan. The Chinese economy carried on by its own momentum. In this flabby organization and in this ideology with no backbone, the predominant idea was that of the hegemony of the great Chinese state which «had been called upon by history» to represent the new model of socialist society, to represent the «Marxism-Leninism of the new era», which was Mao Zedong thought.

In this development of China we had to discern that under the cloak of «revolution» lurked counter-revolution, that under the cloak of Mao Zedong thought lurked anti-Marxism, a trend of modern revisionism which was seeking political, ideological, organizational and state forms and structures appropriate for the «Chinese continent» and for its capitalist-imperialist aspirations.

The «anti-imperialism», «anti-Sovietism», and «anti-Americanism», which were alternately stressed in Mao Zedong's China, were temporary manoeuvres. They were not ideological convictions, were not principled stands, but were manoeuvres to balance the powerful states of the world, a game on the world chess-board with the imperialist political-military powers for the strengthening of China.

It was with these world outlooks, with these eclectic, opportunist stands, both on the internal plane of China and on the external plane, that the «Proletarian Cultural Revolution» of the Red Guards was carried out and that the revanchist «revolution» of reactionary old men and all the remnants of the old China is taking place today. These were the foundations on which the ill-fated theory of «three worlds» and of «alliances of these three worlds» was worked out and the big switches were made in Chinese international policy with very dangerous consequences for world peace.

It took our Party a fairly long time to discern thisanti-Marxist course of the Communist Party of China and the Chinese state, with which we had good friendly relations. For our Party the theoretical-political essence of this friendship was very important, the question of the struggle to preserve the purity of Marxism-Leninism and the question of socialism and the revolution were important.

At first we waged a principled struggle through debates, as between comrades, but gradually it became embittered because of the anti-Marxist attitude of China. On the part of the Party of Labour of Albania, this was a struggle with no concessions, but also an unequal and difficult struggle. Had not this struggle been waged the construction of socialism in Albania would have been endangered.

The importance of the struggle of the Party of Labour of Albania lies in the fact that it destroyed two myths: that of China as a country in which socialism was being built, and that of Mao Zedong thought as the Marxism-Leninism of our time. In this struggle to defend principles our Party took account of all the economic difficulties which might be created for the country.

Mao Zedong thought, publicized as the «further scientific development of Marxism-Leninism», might have had an influence, as it did in fact on the international communist movement and on certain Marxist-Leninist parties in particular. Because of many circumstances, these parties, being quite unable to make a profound analysis of this revisionist ideological trend, thought that in great China and in Mao Zedong they had the leaders of the proletarian revolution, resolute supporters in the struggle against American imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism, natural defenders of the just national liberation wars of the peoples.

Hence, a principled and determined struggle had to be waged in order to undeceive the deceived. The Party of Labour of Albania undertook this struggle. This is an experience we have lived through and proved, both in the time when Mao Zedong himself was alive and after his death. Socialist Albania did not become isolated in the world on account of this struggle, as the Yugoslav revisionists claim. The opposite occurred. The Party of Labour of Albania and the People's Socialist Republic of Albania made their internal and international positions even stronger.

In this struggle to defend Marxism-Leninism and the revolution and to oppose the pseudo-Marxist ideology of Mao Zedong thought, other sister Marxist-Leninist parties, too, fought with wisdom and revolutionary determination and made a valuable contribution.

The exposure of China as a non-socialist country and of Mao Zedong thought as an anti-Marxist theory wiped out a dangerous illusion in the international Marxist-Leninist movement, just as had occurred with Soviet and Yugoslav revisionism and the other reactionary revisionist currents.

Any disguise, any falsification, any deviation from the scientific theory of Marxism Leninism cannot be kept up for long. Sooner or later it is exposed, because it runs counter to the ideals of the working class and the peoples who fight for freedom, for genuine democracy, for socialism, for a society without exploiters and exploited.

The present developments in China, the whole home and foreign policy of the Chinese leadership, prove that the analyses and conclusions of the Party of Labour of Albania were absolutely accurate and correct. The Chinese leadership left the field free for the development of the capitalist economy, opened the doors to the in flow of enslaving foreign capital, united in close alliance with American imperialism and the blackest international reaction. China came out openly as an aggressive imperialist power with pretensions to world hegemony. It has become one of the main centres of world counter-revolution, which fights with all means to hinder the liberation of peoples and strangle the revolution. Today Chinese revisionism has emerged openly as a reactionary current, has broken off any connection, not only with the revolutionary and liberation movements, but also with any democratic and progressive movement. In every case it takes the side of the most sinister, most obscurantist and fascist forces in the world.

The disorder, corruption, confusion and clashes, which have occurred and are occurring in China, are direct consequences of Mao Zedong thought. The criticism which the Chinese leaders today make of Mao Zedong has nothing at all in common with the Marxist criticism which we make. It has no connection with the content of his ideas which the present Chinese leaders retain and apply in practice. Their criticism is an expression of the struggle for power between different rival Maoist groups. These groups cannot reject Mao Zedong, because all of them find support and justification for their actions in his ideas. Without freeing themselves from Mao Zedong thought the Chinese proletariat and the Chinese people will be unable to find the right road which leads to socialism.

In the future, too, the Party of Labour of Albania will continue its consistent principled struggle for the complete exposure of Chinese revisionism, for the establishment of a clear-cut dividing line between Marxism-Leninism and the anti-Marxist ideas of Mao Zedong.

Without denouncing and rejecting Mao Zedong thought, without combating and eradicating any influence of it in the revolutionary movement, there can be no serious talk about the struggle against Chinese revisionism or against modern revisionism as a whole, the Marxist-Leninist movement cannot be properly consolidated and developed and the cause of the revolution carried forward successfully.

( this is the complete excerpt of the report of the 8th Congress of the PLA concerning the issue of the Chinese revisionism )

Only one year after the death of Enver Hoxha, in his report to the 9th Congress in 1986, the renegade Ramiz Alia addressed himself to the issue of the Chinese revisionism only with 4 (!) short sentences though, on the previous (!) Party Congress, comrade Enver Hoxha had insisted on this:

In the future, the Party of Labour of Albania will continue its consistent principled struggle for the complete exposure of Chinese revisionism, for the establishment of a clear-cut dividing line between Marxism-Leninism and the anti-Marxist ideas of Mao Zedong.

Comrade Enver Hoxha wrote in his Diary on December 30, 1984, shortly before his death, the following paragraph on the situation in China:

Today I want to dwell a little on the development of events in China, on the evolution of this country towards capitalism and its links with the world capitalist system, and on the deals between the two imperialist superpowers.

Our Party's forecasts about the road on which the Deng Xiaoping clique and company would lead China and its people is being confirmed to the hilt.

China has ended up completely in the orbit of world capitalism. Its links with the United States of America, in particular, are all-sided, they extend into all fields. Political, economic and military delegations are shuttling back and forth. Time and again, for the sake of making some demagogic noise, there is the odd word about some «disagreement» and «discordance», whereas, in fact, there is only agreement and accord between them.

The western capitalist-monopoly world is fully satisfied with the internal developments in China. Why should it not be satisfied? By decision of the plenum of the Central Committee of the Chinese revisionist party, it was officially decided to change the existing economic structure with the main objective of opening China up to the outside world, that is, to foreign capital; Titoite self-administration has been established in factories and plants; private property and even the use of hired labour has been restored in the rural areas; the private market and trade and the right of the private exercise of handicrafts have been revived; political rights have been recognized to 20 million Chinese, former rich peasants, landowners, counter-revolutionaries and evil elements; special economic regions, foreign capitalist enclaves, have been created in almost all the big coastal cities; the international banks and the big monopolies have been given the right of opening their agencies in Beijing and in the main Chinese cities, and many many other things.

In November of this year, Dalian, one of the big cities of China, was the venue of the «International conference on foreign investments and their legal aspects in China», with the participation of 250 Chinese and American experts, firm managers, legal experts and bankers, among them there was also the former American secretary of State, Cyrus Vance.

From 1979 until today, purchasers' loan credits from foreign governments and international organizations have reached to 12 billion and 500 million dollars, and direct foreign investments to 8 billion dollars. The Chinese minister of Finance, as the HSINHUA news agency reports, at a meeting with a delegation of the commission of the American Senate for banking, housing and town-planning, declared that «China will continue to open its doors to all countries, big and small», and that «measures have been taken and will continue to be taken to protect the interests of foreign investors.» According to him, «until the end of 1984 the foreign trade companies have invested up to 3-4 billion dollars for the setting up of enterprises with joint or separate capital in China.»

That is how the counter-revolutionary clique of Deng Xiaoping flung open not only both doors, but all the four doors of China to international monopoly capital and, in the first place, to American capital.

What are the consequences of such a situation?

About the internal situation in China we hear today the same things as those we hear about the United States of America and some other capitalist countries: the youth are going down the road of full degeneration, and violence, hooliganism, rape, etc., etc., are becoming widespread.

Deng Xiaoping and his followers, who have apparently eliminated their rivals for power, are trying under sundry disguises, including here even some theses of scientific Marxism and Mao Zedong's thought grafted on Buddhism, to find and apply a «socialism with Chinese features», that is, a monstrous socialism originating from the grafting of classical capitalism on Titoite modern revisionism.

The West describes these efforts, changes and decisions of Deng Xiaoping and his clique in China as «victories of the course of Deng Xiaoping», whereas the Titoite revisionists, in their newspaper Politika, appraise them as China's entry «into the epoch of the most revolutionary changes in its socialist history»!

The turn in the capitalist direction in China, just as occurred in Yugoslavia, the Soviet Union and the other former socialist countries, leads to the deepening of the polarization in policy and in the economy between the ruling class of the new bourgeoisie, which is growing ever richer, on the one hand, and the working masses, which are becoming ever poorer, on the other. Deng Xiaoping says that in China there is no room for the «emergence of a new bourgeoisie and for millionaries». Nonsense! The example of Yugoslavia, which he has as his guide, shows not only that a new bourgeoisie, just as oppressive and savage towards the peoples as the capitalist bourgeoisie in any other country, is emerging and fattening, but also that millionaires who make the law in every field are emerging, too. We have this example in the Soviet Union, where a new revisionist bourgeoisie has emerged which is fattening at the expense of the glorious peoples of this country which formerly was the cradle of the proletarian socialist revolution. China has been ruled by a cunning bourgeoisie and by internal and external millionaries. This rule today is expanding and growing ever stronger.

In the case of China we have to do also with a specific characteristic due to its very great geographical extension, its huge population and its colossal natural wealth. The imposition of capitalism and its mercilessly enslaving laws on the Chinese working masses will create much greater problems there than in Yugoslavia. The Titoite capitalist economy, for instance, until now has needed 20 billion dollars in order to remain on its feet. The Chinese economy will need several hundred billion dollars, which, just as in Yugoslavia, will bring along the shackles of capitalist enslavement, the ruthless plunder of the national wealth and political subjugation up to the loss of national independence.

Will the hundreds of millions of Chinese, the Chinese working class, the proletariat and the long-suffering peasantry, tolerate this subjugation? Will Deng's rivals for power in the Chinese leadership allow him to go in this career?

Our Party has never made unfounded allusions and forecasts. The analyses it has made hitherto have been based on concrete events and facts about China or any other country, relying on historical and dialectical materialism, on Marxism-Leninism. As I have written above, they have never proved to be false, but have been confirmed fully for the overwhelming part of them. We are convinced that the ideas expressed here in connection with the future course of events in China, after the rapid career of Deng Xiaoping towards the restoration of capitalism, which Deng calls «socialism with Chinese features», will find their confirmation in practice. [ Panorama ]

 

In his report the traitor Ramiz Alia alleged that the Chinese revisionism "has lost all its influence." This neo-revisionist thesis was a capitulation all along the line. In truth, Ramiz Alia had burried the anti-Maoist struggle of comrade Enver Hoxha and the entire Marxist-Leninist World Movement. This betrayal was a disservice to the world bourgeoisie in general, and to the Chinese bourgeoisie in particular, a heavy blow against Marxism-Leninism, against the world proletariat and the socialist world revolution. This encouraged the Maoist world movement, to continue its fight against Marxism-Leninism and the split within the world revolutionary movement. The Maoists consolidated their position and even attempted to reconciliate Maoism with Hoxhaism, with the intention to get control over the Hoxhaist World Movement. However, the Stalinist-Hoxhaists defended the revolutionary legacy of Comrade Enver Hoxha and gave never up fighting against Maoism. The Comintern (SH) defended the anti-Maoist banner of Comrade Enver Hoxha and moved on to the counterattack (see: Declaration of War on Maoism). The struggle goes on until the total destruction of Maoism on a world scale.

 

 

On

Comrade

Enver Hoxha