PROLETARIAN DEMOCRACY IS GENUINE DEMOCRACY
Speech delivered at the meeting of the General Council of the Democratic Front of Albania
September 20, 1978
As you have been informed, the Presidium of the People's Assembly has issued the decree on the election of the deputies to the 9th Legislature of the People's Assembly, to be held on November 12, this year. At this meeting of the General Council of the Democratic Front, we shall take up the tasks facing our organization over the election campaign and its successful conclusion. Elections to the People's Assembly are a great political event directly concerning all the citizens of our Republic, because they will elect the deputies to the supreme state organ which represents and expresses the will and sovereignty of the people.
In our country, elections to the People's Assembly have always been a powerful manifestation of the unity of the people rallied around the Party, of their determination to defend the Homeland and promote the cause of socialism in Albania. These outstanding characteristics will be expressed even more powerfully in the forthcoming elections, too.
It is the duty of the Democratic Front, under the leadership of the Party, to turn this campaign into an all-round political, economic and cultural action of the broad working masses. The election campaign must inspire an even greater enthusiasm and more vigorous drive at work of the working class, the cooperativist peasantry and the people's intelligentsia, in order to fulfil their tasks in all fields, especially to conclude this year's state plan with success and to make the best possible preparations for next year.
The Albanian people come to the new elections more than ever united around the Marxist-Leninist line of the Party, firmly convinced of its correctness and determined to carry it out to the letter. Our people are characterized by their healthy patriotic spirit, boundless love for their socialist Homeland and unflinching determination to safeguard its freedom, independence and sovereignty.
The entire Albanian people's unanimous endorsement of and support for the stand of our Party and Government towards the counter-revolutionary and anti-Albanian acts of the Chinese revisionist leadership once again demonstrated their close ties with the Party, their determination to cope with any difficulty and to break any imperialist-revisionist blockade and encirclement.
The November elections find our country with a strong economy, a stable and dynamic economy which develops harmoniously and uninterruptedly. This is a result of the correct line pursued by the Party for the all-round development and progress of the country.
The People's Socialist Republic of Albania and our socialist society are radically different from the capitalist and revisionist states and societies in the various countries of the world. In what does this difference consist?
In the first place, it consists in the economic base, the social structure and superstructure which reflects this base. In capitalist and revisionist societies, the base and the superstructure have an antagonistic internal structure whereas in our socialist society they are free from class antagonisms and, as such, they are constantly perfected.
In our conception of the base and the superstructure, which characterize every socio-economic formation, we are guided by the theoretical principles inherited from Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. Our Party has correctly mastered and implemented these principles in theory and practice, that is why our country, once economically poor and culturally and educationally backward, has been transformed into a free, independent and sovereign country with a developed socialist economy, an advanced culture, educational system and science, a powerful defence potential and a correct and principled foreign policy.
The connection and interaction between the base and the superstructure, in which the principal role is played by the economic base, as well as the continuous revolutionization of our socialist superstructure, have convinced our people about the correct road of progress of our socialist society. The working class, its Marxist-Leninist vanguard, have led us on the course of the construction of socialism, and that is why great successes have been achieved on this road.
In the People's Socialist Republic of Albania, the working class, the cooperativist peasantry and other working people exercise power through the representative organs as well as directly. In Albania the masses of the people actively participate in governing the country, in managing the economy, in discussing laws and economic plans, in checking up on the activity of the organs of power, and so on. They have the right to air their views freely on all problems of social or personal interest.
They have been given this right by the Party under the Constitution, therefore, in socialist Albania alone can there be talk of genuine democracy in the full meaning of the word, which is not only proclaimed in words but guaranteed in deeds as well. These rights are formally proclaimed by the bourgeois and revisionist Constitutions, too, but in reality, they do not guarantee the premises for the implementation of the rights proclaimed.
Attacking the bourgeois deception of the so-called equality of rights in the capitalist state, Stalin wrote that they «Talk of equality of citizens, but they forget that there can be no genuine equality between boss and worker, between landowner and peasant so long as the former are in possession of wealth and political power in society and the latter are deprived of both, so long as the former are the exploiters and the latter the exploited.»*
* J. V. Stalin. Works, vol. 14, p. 61, Alb. ed.
In our country socialism is being built successfully in the economic, cultural, educational, scientific, defence and other fields, in the interest of the broad masses of the people. Albania is steadily forging ahead towards an advanced socialist society and preserving the sovereignty of the people intact. Our Constitution reads: «All state power in the People's Socialist Republic of Albania emanates from and belongs to the working people.»
Our Party has worked constantly to ensure that our country is liberated from foreigners in every respect, that it is completely independent of the outside world and never endangered by the classes which our revolution has deprived of their economic, political and moral power.
Our Marxist-Leninist Party is inspired and nourished by the Marxist-Leninist ideology and its only aim is to raise the wellbeing of the people, to complete the construction of socialism under the dictatorship of the proletariat.
The socialist socio-economic system cannot survive without true proletarian democracy, without close and sincere co-operation between the various strata of the working masses which the Party makes conscious. Our society is distinctive because it is governed by the laws of the dictatorship of the proletariat and socialist democracy, and is conscious that the rights and duties of citizens are built up on the basis of reconciling the interests of society and the individual, giving priority to the general interests. The priority of the general interest must guide everybody's thoughts and aspirations. For the general interest to take precedence and the blessings of our socialist system be realized, broad participation of the working masses in running the state of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the economy is an absolute necessity.
We can say proudly that our country is truly socialist.
There is no other country in the world where citizens are so equal before the law, where differentials between workers' wages and officials' salaries are so small as in our country. The ratio of remuneration between the worker and the highest ranking functionary is one to two.
Foreigners ask: How is it possible that the difference between salaries of high ranking functionaries and workers' wages, is so small? The answer to this question is not difficult. This is so in our country because the state of the dictatorship of the proletariat, with its just laws, has sanctioned the Marxist-Leninist principles in regard to remuneration. Referring to this problem, Lenin wrote that the turn from bourgeois democracy to proletarian democracy is
«... the abolition... of all monetary privileges to officials, the reduction of the remuneration of all servants of the state to the level of workmen's wages'».*
* V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 25, p. 496, A l b . ed.
One of the measures taken by the Paris Commune which Marx laid stress on was the reduction of the pay of officials. We allow no distortion in the implementation of the principle of remuneration according to the amount of work done, hence there is not, nor will there ever be, any stratum of working people placing itself above the others and taking decisions according to its desires and interests.
In the People's Socialist Republic of Albania, not only has the way been barred by law to revisionist tendencies, but great educative work is being done to make people increasingly conscious so that every worker is paid according to the quantity and quality of work accomplished.
Except for some degenerate elements the bulk of the members of our society regard purifying their conscience of capitalist hangovers as a major duty. In our country love and respect of man for man has been strengthened.
Everyone does patient work to help his comrade correct his mistakes and condemns any violation of the laws regulating the juridical relations and socialist norms of our society.
This revolutionary situation has been achieved because there is complete freedom of speech in our country, with thorough and extensive discussions of most varied problems by the masses, and because true proletarian democracy is implemented in a consistent manner.
This accounts for our situation.
Let those who think that there is no freedom for citizens and no democracy, because there is no plurality of parties and no endless talking in parliament in Albania, say what they will. The most complete freedom for the working masses in the most appropriate and democratic forms, exists here, otherwise the country would not have flourished as it has and the monolithic unity of the people around the Party could not have been achieved. Our Party-people unity is the key to our victories, and it is precisely with the intention of corroding this golden key that the capitalist and revisionist enemies resort to the most cynical calumnies.
If some bourgeois or revisionist foreigner were to listen to discussions by the representatives of the people in our People's Assembly, he might say: There is no debate here as in our parliaments. This is not normal.
It is true that there is no debate for debate's sake in the People's Assembly, but this does not mean that there is no debate. Political or economic problems taken to the People's Assembly for discussion have previously been fiery and constructively debated, subjected to discussion and suggestions in the ranks of the working masses and their organizations, and the deputies have to attend them in order to listen to the voice of the masses and actively contribute to the discussion. Nothing has been achieved smoothly in peace and quiet as this or that person may wish, or through dictate from above; but everything has been viewed f r om the angle of the general interest. So long as problems have been discussed and thrashed out before being taken to the highest organ of the people's power for endorsement, why should we engage in debate for debate's sake, shout and scream at each other in our Assembly, just «to make a show of democracy», as in the bourgeois parliaments.
It is not true that there is no debate in our organs of state power, either in the People's Assembly or in the people's councils at all levels. Not only in the organs of state power, but also at workers' meetings, when a plan or law is under discussion there are many contributions in the spirit of a broad popular debate, which brings to light the most unexpected things in order to find the most rational solution. Such debates are not encountered in any country of the capitalist and revisionist world.
Hence, in these directions, too, the great superiority of the new, socialist society is evident, and we must always work for its development, strengthening and defence, as the Marxist-Leninist ideology teaches us. It is this society and this ideology which make possible the development of the virtues of the people, which create the most appropriate conditions for the development of the economy in the general interest, and not in the interest of a class of exploiters. Socialist society and Marxism-Leninism teach us how to always find the most perfect methods of administration of the people's material and moral values and place them in the service of the Homeland.
In all non-socialist socio-economic formations, in all capitalist and revisionist states, society is not led by the working class, and, consequently, not by its revolutionary party nurtured with the theory of Marx and Lenin.
Various antagonistic classes exist there, led by their parties, which do not represent the true interests of the masses of the people but those of the worker aristocracy or the big aristocracy of the bourgeoisie. In their political activity, these parties pretend to do battle with one another, and wage an allegedly «democratic» parliamentary struggle, but the bourgeois parliament
«... is given up to talk for the special purpose of fooling the 'common people'».*
* V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 25, p. 501, Alb. ed.
No matter how they try to pass themselves as «democratic» the states ruled by the political parties of the bourgeoisie have, in fact, not even a shred of true democracy or freedom, whether individual or social, in their activity.
In some of the non-socialist countries the «democracy» is expressed formally in the organization of many parties which, in the course of campaigns for parliamentary elections, through their powerful influence on the working masses, by deceiving them and rigging the elections and manipulating their results, manage to send a group of their deputies to parliament. The deputies of these parties are nothing but deceitful politicians specialized in defending the order in power, and strengthening the capitalist state positions of the trusts and monopolies.
In parliament, they pretend to have given «freedom» and «democracy» to their country and people. No matter how much the bourgeois deputies engage in idle talk about «human rights», in the final analysis, it is capitalism, the big bourgeoisie, which rules there, and now and then shares power with the middle bourgeoisie and keeps under its domination the proletariat, the poor peasantry and the rest of the working people, such as the artisans and the poor intellectuals, a social stratum whose revolutionary spirit has been weakened by unemployment and hunger. As Marx says, these wretched electors decide
«...each three or six years... which member of the ruling class is to misrepresent and oppress the people in parliament...»*
* K. Marx — F. Engels. Selected Works, vol. 1, Tirana 1975, p. 546, Alb. ed.
Political parties, whether in power or in the opposition, have set up their own trade unions which they direct in allegedly democratic forms to make protests or claims. All the protests and claims encouraged by these parties have no political character, they are not intended to overthrow the capitalist order which ruthlessly exploits the working people, but are aimed at insignificant economic reforms which do no great harm to the bourgeoisie (therefore, at times, it accepts them) and bring no substantial gains to the proletariat and the other oppressed and exploited strata. But these «claims» are important for the defenders of the bourgeois order, because, through them, they aim to create the false impression that the working class and the other labouring people are «free» to have their say under capitalism. In order to be convinced of the deceptive nature of these actions, it is enough to mention that, when the masses of the people go beyond the guidelines set by political parties, in their demands and insist on really securing the true freedoms and rights that belong to them, then the forces of capitalist law and order step in and drown their protests in blood. World history has innumerable facts of this kind.
The capitalists try to prove their false thesis that there is «democracy» in their social system with the stale argument that the political parties there have their own press in which they can express their views on the problems of the country, the state, and its personages. Exposing the «freedom of the press» the bourgeoisie speaks about, Lenin wrote:
«The capitalists... call 'freedom of the press' the situation in which censorship has been abolished and all parties freely publish all kinds of papers.
«In reality it is not freedom of the press but freedom for the rich, for the bourgeoisie to deceive the oppressed and exploited masses of the people».*
* V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 25, p. 444, Alb. ed.
But what is bourgeois democracy in reality? It is a form of the domination by the bourgeoisie, while the rights and freedoms, though proclaimed «for everybody», have an utterly formal and deceptive character, because in the conditions of the existence of private property, the socio-economic means which would ensure the actual implementation of these rights and freedoms do not exist.
This bourgeois democracy allows you to criticize this or that person in the papers, at meetings, or in parliament, you are allowed to criticize the party in office or the government in power, you can talk on and on, but you can change nothing, you must confine yourself to words only, because the capitalist economic and political power with its apparatus, is ready to hurl itself brutally upon anyone who opposes the ruling class, the financial oligarchy, in deeds. Recalling the severity of the French bourgeoisie in its onslaught against the workers, after the June 1848 uprising, F. Engels wrote:
«It was the first time that the bourgeoisie showed to what insane cruelties of revenge it will be goaded the moment the proletariat dares to take its stand against the bourgeoisie as a separate class, with its own interests and demands.»**
** K. Marx — F. Engels. Selected Works, vol. 1, Tirana 1975, p. 496, A l b . ed.
Can we call the form of bourgeois power which relies on the principle that the majority must submit to the minority «democracy»? Absolutely not. This is democracy in name only, it does not bring the masses of the people any benefit. This «democracy» does not ensure any true freedom for the people, does not make a country independent of other states more powerful politically, economically or militarily. This is because this kind of democracy is connected with other more powerful capitalist «democracies» which impose their will . Capital, national or international, imposes its own will , desires and views on the broad working masses. In the capitalist or revisionist countries, when something is presented as the «will of the working masses», it must be understood that what really lurks behind it is the will of the worker aristocracy.
The laws which are approved in bourgeois and revisionist parliaments express the will of the ruling class and defend its interests. The parties of capital which make up the parliamentary majority benefit from these laws. But the other parties, those which are allegedly in the opposition and often represent the interests of the worker aristocracy and the rich peasants, do not fail to benefit either. These «opposition» parties, which are allegedly opposed to the parties of the parliamentary majority, which support big capital, clamour, «criticize», and so on, yet all their clamouring does nothing to end unemployment, emigration, or inflation. However much the opposition may shout in parliament, prices go up, degeneration and dissipation increase, crimes, killings, hold-ups and kidnappings, go on day and night in the streets, becoming more and more alarming. And the capitalists and revisionists call this chaos and confusion, this freedom for evil-doers to perpetrate crimes, «genuine democracy»!
This is the complex of immorality in which the notorious bourgeois-democratic power is wallowing, dominated by a number of bourgeois parties in the capitalist countries, or by one anti-Marxist party in the Soviet Union, Titoite Yugoslavia and some former countries of people's democracy which have turned capitalist. Up till the time of the spread of Titoite and Khrushchevite modern revisionism, the so-called pluralism was confined to the participation of such pseudo-democratic parties — radical, socialist, social-democratic and many other parties with such names — in the oppressive capitalist power. When the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin was demolished by Khrushchevite revisionism, when Titoism laid the foundations of a capitalist regime in Yugoslavia, the other communist parties, with the exception of the Party of Labour of Albania, degenerated and turned into revisionist, reformist parties which sought close collaboration with the parties of capital, in running the bourgeois-capitalist society. Today the revisionist parties of France, Italy, Spain, Belgium, etc., have openly proclaimed this aim.
There is no need for explanation to prove that the participation in the state of many bourgeois, capitalist, revisionist and fascist parties of such capitalist and imperialist countries as the United States of America and others, has not in the least transformed their societies from reactionary into progressive societies. On the contrary, under imperialism, the turn is made from democracy to reaction. A society which defends and is based on the exploiting order is neither progressive nor democratic.
Likewise, when state power is in the hands of a single party, which does not pursue a Marxist-Leninist line, which is not a party of the proletariat, it can never lead to the construction of socialism. On the contrary, no matter what such a party calls itself, whether «Marxist » or «Marxist-Leninist», it is in reality a party of the bourgeoisie or a fascist party, which has the task of financing the private or state capitalist property in order to nurture a new class of rulers.
Such a party is obliged to preserve some allegedly Marxist forms; it seeks to give the power it wields socialist forms and labels but its essence and intentions, as well as those of its state are anti-socialist, because its objective is to realize a regressive turn of the country and re-establish capitalism. In this case, the new bourgeoisie gradually assumes power to the detriment of the proletariat and its natural allies. This process has been proved in Yugoslavia, the Soviet Union and in many other countries of former people's democracy, where party pluralism does not exist. In these countries capitalism has been re-established in various forms, and a class of new exploiters is emerging and growing strong. If the country which goes through this regressive process is big in territory, population, or economic potential, the state of this country turns social-imperialist, and if, on the contrary, the country is small, its state becomes a satellite of world capitalism, dominated by foreign capital and neo-colonialism, which exploit the wealth of this country and the toil of its people. Thus, none of the so-called democratic states, whether with a system of pluralism, or one in which a single non-Marxist-Leninist party rules, wants to replace the old exploitative capitalist society with the new socialist society. In the old society where private ownership and capitalist exploitation exist there can be no genuine freedom, democracy, independence or sovereignty for the people.
«The dictatorship of the proletariat alone,» Lenin teaches us, «emancipate humanity from the oppression of capital, from the lies, falsehood and hypocrisy of bourgeois democracy — democracy for the rich — and establish democracy for the poor, that is, make the blessings of democracy really Capitalist exploitation cannot be carried out without intensive political propaganda to befuddle people's minds or without a number of drastic laws which place maximum restrictions on workers' rights.
* V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 28, pp. 424-425, Alb. ed.
accessible to the workers and poor peasants...
The colossal propaganda apparatus at the disposal of the bourgeoisie is at work every minute of the day against the proletariat and its dictatorship, against the people who have thrown themselves into struggle to defend their rights. The entire economic and political potential of the capitalist-revisionist societies is in the hands of a handful of magnates, wealthy people, who have set up an extensive and strong network of state mechanisms in order to maintain their power through violence. The army, the police, agents, courts and other means of class coercion, which clamp down hard on any opposition, individual or collective, on the part of the proletariat and other working people, and suppress the people's revolts, serve this goal.
The bourgeois and revisionist champions of the capitalist state present nationalization of some sectors of the economy, transport, etc., as a symptom of the «transformation» of the capitalist system. In their opinion, this process of «transformation» can go further, provided the proletariat becomes «reasonable» and «moderate» in its claims and obeys the traitorous political parties and the trade unions which they manipulate. These «theoreticians» are reformists, as they hold that the capitalist state can be transformed into a socialist state through reforms.
Structural reforms have been carried out by capital in various capitalist, revisionist, or imperialist countries, but all these reforms have not brought about the victory of the revolution and the revolutionaries. On the contrary they have created a situation which has rescued capital from its overthrow, and the exploiting class from its grave-diggers.
What modern revisionism has on its agenda is reformism, which constitutes the essence of its views, theories and practices. Reformism is opposed to the Marxist- Leninist ideology and the over-throw of capitalism through the violent revolution. The driving force of the proletarian revolution is the merciless class struggle by the proletariat and its allies, the poor peasantry and the other oppressed strata, against the bourgeoisie, state monopoly capital and finance capital, whereas reformism negates the necessity for the class struggle, the socialist revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat.
Hence reformism is the grave-digger of the revolution, it is the antithesis of Marxism-Leninism; that is why it has been adopted by the revisionist parties of such countries as the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, China and the former socialist countries as well as all revisionist parties throughout the world. In order to put down the revolution and to distort the basic theses of Marxism-Leninism, some parties, which call themselves «Eurocommunist», have openly rejected the Marxist-Leninist theory. These parties, with the «Communist» Party of Spain in the lead, have abandoned Leninism. The «Communist» Party of Spain has gone so far as to drop the name «Leninist» so that the bourgeoisie w i l l understand that now the period of the violent overthrow of capitalism and the seizure of power by the proletariat is supposedly over, that the revisionist parties are being transformed into parties of the bourgeoisie and are ready to give any other proof in order to win the trust of national and international capital.
Likewise, the question of technological and scientific progress cannot be confused with the revolutionary transformation of society, with the liberation of the proletariat and all working people from the old exploiting system, and the establishment of the new socialist order.
Advanced technology and science are the fruit of the mind of the people, of workers and intellectuals, but under exploiting social orders, technology and science are used to strengthen the economic, political and ideological positions of ruling classes inside and outside their countries. The development of science and technology, and the increase in the number of specialists, cannot eliminate the evils of capitalism, as the bourgeois and revisionist ideologists make out. Experience shows that the productive forces may be developed and science and technology may progress, but for the transition from capitalism to socialism the violent socialist revolution remains irreplaceable.
Our Marxist-Leninist theory has made it quite clear that there can be no transition to socialist society while remaining within the framework of the capitalist order, but only by overthrowing this order and its institutions from their foundations, by setting up the state power of the proletariat, which is led by its vanguard — the Marxist-Leninist communist party.
The policy of our Party and state defends the oppressed who rise in revolution, and fights the oppressors who are doomed to disappear as a class. Our Party states openly that the wiping out of the exploiters can be achieved with no other means than through fighting, violent revolution, and not through reforms of the structure or the superstructure. To achieve the complete and genuine liberation of the workin g class and all the working people of the world, it is necessary to overthrow the old power to its foundations and establish the new state of the proletariat in its place.
We are against decentralization of the socialist economy and in irreconcilable struggle against the capitalistrevisionist theory of «self-administration», «self-government of enterprises», which Titoism and its supporters sought to smuggle into our country through the traitors Beqir Balluku, Abdyl Këllezi, Koço Theodhosi and others.
The socialist economy of our country is developing on a scientific basis, according to a unified general plan, with the aim of satisfying the material and cultural needs of our society. Our Constitution says: «The state organizes, manages, and develops all economic and social life by a unified general plan...»
It is the right and duty of our state to supervise the implementation of this plan at all links and in all indices.
This is realized through worker and peasant control, through control by the state, the Party and the organizations of the masses, which are forms of proletarian control.
Of course, this effective control is based on complete freedom of criticism and on a high level of self-critical consciousness, which serve to ensure the smooth running of the work, a correct understanding of tasks, and the communist education of people. Checking up on the fulfilment of the tasks of the plan is a complex problem of the state of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the policy of the Party, our Marxist-Leninist ideology, which is part and parcel of the great work which the Party leads.
The capitalist bourgeoisie and the revisionists attack us because we base ourselves firmly on the dictatorship of the proletariat. They level the accusation at us communists that in our society the individual allegedly counts for nothing! This is a gross slander designed to cover up the brutal oppression of the proletariat and the working people by capital. The existence of antagonistic classes is the source of the suppression of the personality of man and the working masses. On the contrary, if there ever exists a social system which really frees man from anguish, worries, mean feelings of jealousy and the old idealist hangovers, this is the socialist social system which is the only system that brings about the elimination of exploiting classes, private property and puts an end to the exploitation of man by man.
The demolition of the power of exploiting classes, which impose barbarous domination over the working people, and the establishment of the power of the working class liberates man and elevates h im to a high pedestal, enables h im to work with a will, to run things with a clear conscience, to criticize and praise when he should.
Socialism puts man in such a position that he feels and sees for himself that he is not isolated from the world, but is a member of a new society, which has as its aim the advance of the individual within the framework of the development of the society. In this society man is raised to his rightful place, on the basis of his abilities and the work he does, he is free to work and enjoy the fruit of his toil. Neither the bourgeois, the capitalist, nor the revisionist can understand the freedom of the individual in our society because they measure individuality with their own yardstick of the standardization and manipulation of people.
By accepting the independence of the individual from society, the exploiting classes aimed to ensure privileges for people of their own class, to give them knowledge, freedom and authority to rule others, order them about.
Our regime has struck at the roots of bourgeois individualism and created unlimited possibilities for the individual and society to develop their abilities and enjoy all the constitutional rights and freedoms.
Naturally capitalism and its propaganda have to combat our socialist reality, our dictatorship of the proletariat, because they cannot reconcile themselves to our morality which does not permit man to be exploited economically, politically and morally and his freedoms to be trampled underfoot. But our socialist reality cannot be overshadowed by any idealist propaganda and «theory », whether capitalist or revisionist.
The capitalist world has plunged into a great crisis.
The advocates of the bourgeois order, the bourgeois economists and sociologists, compelled by reality, see that the theses of Marx and Lenin on capitalism and imperialism have not grown outdated, that in present-day capitalist society capitalism and imperialism are in a process of decay just as Marx and Lenin predicted, but, in order to emerge from the crisis, these champions of the old order are clamouring about the «fight against terrorism», the prevention of the revolts and the revolution of the masses of the working people against the capitalist order, or the fight against «disturbances», as they call them.
Otherwise, cry these sociologists and economists of the bourgeoisie in despair, capitalism cannot emerge from the crisis and «stabilize» its system.
The capitalist and revisionist countries, where it is claimed that man allegedly enjoys democratic freedoms and every other «blessing», are seething with protests of the masses. If there is real freedom and the masses enjoy all material blessings, as claimed, then why are millions of people continually turning out in the streets and clashing with the police of the bourgeoisie? It is plain that the masses are protesting because their life is far from good, that they are suffering economically, politically and in many other directions, and that is why they try to overthrow the state which is against genuine democracy.
The bourgeois state of the period of the domination of state monopoly capitalism seeks to give the impression that parliament in which various parties, allegedly elected by universal suffrage, are represented, makes the law there. But it is common knowledge that the system of elections and the many restrictions imposed by law ensure that those political parties which are the strongest pillars of capital always gain the majority in parliament.
The parliamentary game in these countries is a mere masquerade, a means which serves the state power of the bourgeoisie to give the false impression that «democracy» exists there and to present this false democracy as real.
The top organs of the capitalist and revisionist state power and administration there are in the hands of the «delegates» of that power which is not sanctioned by law, which formally stands outside the government, but which in fact is in power. This is the power of the big capitalists who, through the power of their money, have placed their factotums in the government or parliament to defend their interests from the «trouble-makers», from those who rise in revolt and want to gain the rights which the capitalists have seized. To this whole complex the champions of capitalism and revisionism have attached the name «genuine democracy».
Lenin said that, at given moments, the tribune of the bourgeois parliament may be utilized by the revolutionaries as one of the forms of their legal work in order to expose the capitalist system. However, at the same time he stressed that this should not create the illusion among the communists and the masses that power can be seized through the parliamentary road.
In bourgeois-capitalist and revisionist society «parliamentary cretinism» is that form of «democracy» which the bourgeoisie uses to conceal the oppressive nature of its state power, which it wields through the majority of seats it secures in elections. But, in addition to the state power, the bourgeoisie also dominates that mighty extrastate power, that is, the monopolies, trusts, joint comparries and their investments inside and outside its own country. This power of big private property constitutes the economic force which appropriates the toil of the working people inside or outside the country and is in a position to buttress the superstructure to adapt it better to the savage capitalist rule. The bourgeois superstructure is a means for the implementation of a policy of enslavement of the peoples, a military, ideological and political force against the proletariat, the poor peasantry and working intelligentsia. It also endeavours to bring about the degeneration and destruction of the norms of proletarian morality in order to spread bourgeois morality which is rotten in the true sense of the word.
The bourgeois parliament opens its doors to the «elected», but the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie does its own work. There they hold endless discussions and voting after voting, and things still go on according to the desires of those who make the law, the rich, the owners of trusts, monopolies, and the banks, whose power, the second capitalist state, manipulates parliament and the government, in spite of the fact that such manipulation is not envisaged in the Constitution in force. Proceeding from these reasons. Lenin wrote:
«... in any parliamentary country... the real business of 'state' is performed behind the scenes and is carried on by the departments, chancelleries and General Staffs.»*
* V. I. Lenin, Selected Works, vol. 2, Tirana, 1958, p. 174. Alb. ed.
In Albania, the national liberation councils which were created under the leadership of the Party at the time of the Anti-fascist National Liberation War and strengthened after Liberation and during the period of the construction of socialism, are organs of the dictatorship of the proletariat, elected by the people and representing the will and desires of working people. The representative organs of the people in the state power are the People's Assembly and people's councils. Under the Constitution of the People's Socialist Republic of Albania «the representative organs direct and control the activity of all other state organs, which are responsible before them and render account to them.»
With us democracy is not a trick to mislead the people, but is put into practice. Here, there is no dual power, one recognized by the law and the other existing de facto, but only the unified state power, which stems from the people and belongs to them. Our state is the state of the dictatorship of the proletariat, which has made the laws and created its own revolutionary apparatus, its new method and style at work, which expresses and defends the interests of the working people.
In our country it is not violence which makes people observe the laws of the state of the dictatorship of the proletariat, but their full conviction that the observance of laws benefits them and society. Our people implement the laws in a conscious manner, because they play a large part in drafting them.
In the capitalist and revisionist countries the law is enforced through the savage violence of the bourgeoisie.
There can be no pretence of voluntary implementation of the laws by the people as long as their content is in open contradiction with the interests of the people there.
Speaking of the injustice of the bourgeois law, Marx says:
«Each paragraph of the Constitution contains its own antithesis... liberty in the general phrase, abrogation of liberty in the marginal note.»*
* K. Marx — F. Engels, Selected Works, vol. 1, Tirana
1975, p. 265, A l b . ed.
In those countries the citizen is a commodity and is treated precisely as a commodity, whereas in our country, each citizen of the Republic is valued highly and plays a great role in society. For the citizen to play this role in a more active manner, it is necessary that he must be raised to a still higher level ideo-politically, culturally, and scientifically, and become conscious of his own role.
It is the task of the Democratic Front to fight ceaselessly for the defence and development of our democracy, this major victory of the Party and the people, and for the implementation of the laws and norms which regulate our socialist life.
It must work unceasingly to solicit the opinion of the broad working masses ever better, to help them have their say on all state and social problems, so that the workers and peasants exercise their control over the state, economic and other organs.
Our Democratic Front is not an amorphous, lifeless organization. On the contrary, it is an organization with such political dynamism as to see every problem from the revolutionary angle and find the most suitable forms for its solution in a revolutionary manner.
The Democratic Front is led by the Party of Labour of Albania, that is, by the vanguard of the working class and expresses those ideas, those aspirations, and that policy which bring benefit to the Albanian people, while it exposes and fights everything which may harm our socialist Homeland. Thus, the policy of the Front is a monolithic, consistent policy, because in the Front there are no antagonistic political trends, no various parties defending the interests of different classes. The political struggle of the Front conforms completely with the policy of the Party, with the policy of our socialist state. The policy of the Democratic Front of Albania reflects and supports the revolutionary laws of our People's Socialist Republic.
The enemies of our country abroad think that the policy of the Democratic Front of Albania is an inert, stereotyped policy devoid of content. They want the policy of our Front to be a confused and contradictory policy, a product of various tendencies, of contending views and aims, because this alone, they claim, is democracy.
These opponents of our Front, our revolutionary organization, are not in a position to understand that when the people are united, as our people are, they can and do hold correct, clear and unified political views on principles and objectives, and, when we say unified, we mean not a lifeless and stereotyped policy, but a policy which is in a position to supply answers and solutions to all problems, whether complicated internal problems or very intricate external ones, through debate and discussion.
Where does the Democratic Front find such strength and maturity? Precisely from the fact that the composition of this organization is really democratic, because our Front is an organization of the broad masses led by a Marxist-Leninist Party, which represents the most perfect democracy, the genuine democracy of the proletariat. The proletariat and its Party are always in struggle and revolution for the construction of a happy society for the people, a free society, a democratic society, a society which day by day rises higher and higher from the standpoint of its economic and intellectual development, its knowledge and sound proletarian morality. And this is brought about through a continuous creative struggle which calls for efforts and democratic debate.
Our Democratic Front pursues this policy and fights to achieve these objectives. The implementation of such a policy cannot be the work of an organization created merely for the sake of appearances, to mislead the masses of the people at home and abroad that allegedly a political organization exists at a time when such a thing is non-existent.
How does our Democratic Front see world developments?
Our Front sees them with a realistic eye. This means that it is orientated by materialistic dialectics, by historical materialism, it bases itself on our scientific ideology, on Marxism-Leninism. It is precisely this which ensures that the policy of the Party, which is pursued by the Front, too, is not a baseless, wavering, pragmatic and unprincipled policy. The policy of the Democratic Front is, therefore, a policy of a class character, and when we say of a class character we mean that it has always had in mind the class struggle being waged within the country and in the international arena, and bases itself on this.
Our Democratic Front encourages sincere love for the peoples of the world and, in the first place, the peoples seeking liberation, the peoples languishing in enslavement under the heel of capital. This policy of the Front gives all-out support to the aspirations of these peoples. With its consistently correct, humanitarian and revolutionary word, our Democratic Front never hides the truth about the materialist development of history from the oppressed and exploited peoples and classes of the world, who aspire to freedom, genuine democracy and sovereignty, it never hides from them the fact that their victory cannot be achieved without fierce class struggles, without battles, at times even bloody battles, against the capitalist oppressors and exploiters. This is the basis of the Marxist-Leninist policy of the Democratic Front, which is also the basis of the policy of our Party of Labour.
The policy of the Front is a policy which supports and complies with the interests of the struggle which the world proletariat and the suffering and oppressed peasantry of any country are waging; it supports the struggle of the urban poor, the progressive intelligentsia, youth, all those who want to build a dignified, worthy and decent life, a life in which everything is earned with toil which must not serve to fill the pockets of thieves and capitalists.
In our policy we do not budge from these principles.
Our Democratic Front cherishes feelings of love for the peoples of the world and they love the Albanian people.
Albania is a typical example of a small country which enjoys great sympathy everywhere in the world, which is building socialism by relying on its own forces, «raising itself by its own bootstraps» as the saying goes. Its aim is not to instigate wars, to conquer countries and peoples. On the contrary, its people desire to live on terms of friendship with other peoples and that is why their sympathy for the Albanian people is great, obvious and tangible.
However, the various peoples of the world live in countries with regimes different from ours. They are not governed by such a regime as the dictatorship of the proletariat established in our country. The governments of these countries do not pursue the same policy as ours.
Therefore, without budging from its basic principles, our state of the dictatorship of the proletariat and consequently, our Democratic Front, led and correctly inspired by the Party is able to make the necessary analyses of the evolving situations in the world, the individual characteristics of the various states, the aims and objectives of these states towards their own peoples, other peoples, and especially our people. This permits us to build a correct and sound policy, and not a policy based on passing circumstances. On the basis of these universal principles, our Party and the Democratic Front are able to differentiate between the level of friendship of one or the other bourgeois state for Albania and the small states in general, they can assess the danger posed by one big capitalist power in comparison with another big capitalist power, as well as the danger it poses to other smaller capitalist states, they know how to distinguish the great danger posed by the imperialist and social imperialist superpowers, in general, and to adopt the proper stand towards all of them. The stand adopted by our Party, our socialist state and the Democratic Front of Albania, are not opportunist and unfounded, nor dictated by somebody else, but are principled, well-wishing and sincere stands. They are stern and irreconcilable towards enemies, but friendly and correct towards those bourgeois states which pursue a policy of friendship with socialist Albania and adhere to certain democratic principles, allow some reforms, and so on, within their own countries. We have our own views on the «democracy» that exists in these countries as well as on these kinds of «reforms», their content and the aim they are instituted for. This is a right of ours which nobody can deny us, just as nobody can prevent us from expressing our views freely. This is precisely what we do when we explain to the peoples theoretically and politically the content of the «democracy » and «reforms», their limitations, character, and so on, in a bourgeois state. But we do this without interfering in others' internal affairs, because, after all, the peoples of various countries are capable of deciding for themselves the value of these phenomena in their own states.
Nevertheless, our Party and Democratic Front make distinction and they do this to defend the interests not only of their own people and country, but also those of the other peoples, for they never separate the general interests of their country and people from those of the peoples of the world and the world proletariat. Herein lies the great and mighty truth expressed in the policy of our Party and the Democratic Front, herein lies the source of the support the policy of our state enjoys in the world.
Our policy is not like the policies of the bourgeois and revisionist capitalist states which twists and turns like the yellow leaves in the autumn breeze. No, our policy has not wavered nor will it ever waver from the principle that we must and will be brothers with the peoples, united with them for the same aims: true freedom, democracy, sovereignty and independence; we are linked with the peoples in the struggle against the oppressors and exploiters of the peoples, in the struggle against those who instigate and prepare predatory imperialist wars, which are waged at the expense of the peoples. We will never shift from this policy, which will remain unchanged on our part whatever the form of government this or that people are under.
Therefore, when socialist Albania declares that it wishes to live in good friendship, especially with the neighbouring countries, and that it regards their peoples as brothers, this is a permanent truth. We are pleased to see that some leaderships of these and other countries, though they have social orders different from ours, pursue a friendly policy towards our country. For its part, the Albanian proletarian state, too, pursues a friendly policy of mutual interest, that is, it makes the proper distinction in regard to those various bourgeois states which are progressive and well-disposed to it. We want to have similar relations with all those states, big or small, which respect the People's Socialist Republic of Albania and desire to maintain friendly economic and cultural relations with our country, in spite of the fact that they may be opposed to it on a series of issues, just as we are in opposition to them on a series of questions of principle.
We declare that ill-intentioned relations are always harmful and fraught with danger, and it is difficult to conceal them. Life itself and the history of mankind have taught our people to be always on their guard against relations behind which lurks perifidy. There are already many individuals or official circles abroad, who know that the Albanian people have always condemned perfidy, for it has never been in their character. We condemned the perfidy and betrayal of Marxism-Leninism committed by the Titoites, the Soviet revisionists as well as the Chinese revisionist leaders. Our rupture with these reactionary revisionist groups came about because of profound ideological and political reasons and not over minor issues. They were not simply of a national character, because they affected not only Albania's economic interests. No, they had and have a more international character, because they violate those great principles for which the peoples, the world proletariat and progressive mankind are fighting.
The policy of our Party and Front has been and is known to young and old at home and abroad, therefore it is not necessary to go into detail about it in this speech. I merely wish to stress to certain circles abroad that the policy of our Party and the Democratic Front of Albania will not vacillate or depart, in the least, from its correct, defined and permanent principles based on Marxism-Leninism. Our policy will always be a principled class policy complying with the lofty interests of our country, socialism and the liberation struggle of the peoples. Our people will always fight unwaveringly against US imperialism, Soviet social-imperialism and all reactionaries: nobody should cherish the slightest illusion that socialist Albania will change its stand towards them.
Likewise, the Party of Labour of Alabania and the Albanianian state will fight and expose Chinese social-imperialism which has taken sides with US imperialism and world reaction in its struggle against the peoples, especially against socialism in Albania.
On the other hand the People's Socialist Republic of Albania has always pursued a friendly policy towards all those states which wish our state well, and do not seek to harm it just as we never try or intend to harm their peoples, but always wish to be in harmony and cooperation for the sake of the lofty aims and ardent desires of all the peoples of the world who aspire to liberation, freedom, democracy, independence, sovereignty and socialism.
The campaign for the election of deputies to the People's Assembly is a great political action of our organization of the Democratic Front. Let us, together with all the other mass organizations, do our utmost to go to the elections of the deputies to the People's Assembly with still greater results at work. With unshakeable confidence in the correct line of the Party, and the brilliant prospects opened to our people, let the political enthusiasm and mobilization of the workers, peasants, youth, the women, our entire working people, burst out powerfully in this campaign in order to crown these elections with full success.
Long live our heroic people!
Long live the Party!
Long live the Democratic Front!
«On the People's Power»
Collection of Works