Fascists and Sozialfascists are twins !


The working class must destroy both of them !!

This is the historical lesson of the February struggles in Austria, February 1934.


Down with the bourgeois ideology of Austro-"Marxism"

- the ideology of paving the way towards fascism !!


* * *


In the following text the ideological roots of the defeat of the Austrian working class against fascism have been worked out:


(in German language)


A. Rubinstein

source: "Under the Banner of Marxism"

Magazin of the Communist International

1934, No. 3 - 4 / October





23 July 1934


Fascism is a reactionary force which is trying to preserve the old system by means of violence. What will you do with the fascists? Argue with them? Try to convince them? But this will have no effect upon them at all. Communists do not in the least idealise the methods of violence. But they, the Communists, do not want to be taken by surprise, they cannot count on the old world voluntarily departing from the stage, they see that the old system is violently defending itself, and that is why the Communists say to the working class : Answer violence with violence; do all you can to prevent the old dying order from crushing you, do not permit it to put manacles on your hands, on the hands with which you will overthrow the old system. As you see, the Communists regard the substitution of one social system for another, not simply as a spontaneous and peaceful process, but as a complicated, long and violent process. Communists cannot ignore facts.


'The events in Austria are a brilliant confirmation of Stalin's thesis that the idea of revolt was ripening in the consciousness of the masses.'





The Communist International:

Vienna had never been socialist because the social-democrats had a bourgeois policy.

Austrian social-democracy put an end to itself politically by revealing its anti-democratic and social-fascist nature to the masses.




Fighting for the red front of the working class !

"More and more clearly everyone can see that the Social Democratic Party is the last levee of capitalism before the dawn of the revolutionary tide . And by all means the Social Democratic leaders try to prevent the collapsing capitalism (...) , and recklessly endorsing the victims of the masses .

If workers want to take power and get rid of capitalism , then the bonds between social-democratism and masses must be cut off. It is a lie , if the Social Democratic leaders say that we communists would shatter the unity of the working class. Conversely, it is true that the Social Democratic leaders make a pact with the bourgeoisie to save her class rule of the capitalist class enemies and so to split the working class and the working people ! (...)

We Communists call for the establishment of the unity of the working class in the red front of the revolutionary struggle against the capitalist class and its lackeys."

From : "Where is the way out? Program of the Communist Party for social and national liberation of the working people of Austria " (1931 )

[ Today the "Communist Party of Austria" (KPÖ) is a social-fascist party ]




Maidemonstration 1933 - Wien



Meeting of 10 000 Anti-Fascists in Wien - 1932 !








Gegen Sozialfaschismus !!!!








Verbot der KPÖ am 26. Mai 1933





illegal post card of the CP Austria























Die Arbeiterverräter !

Die Anti-Kommunisten !

Die Sozialfaschisten !!!


















Protest March (USA) - Solidarity with the workers in Vienna

































The Austrian Government, attempting to maintain itself against the growth of the Austrian Nazi movement, and unwilling to offend its right-wing supporters by conciliating the social-democrats, was coming to rely more and more on the paramilitary right-wing Heimwehr. On 11 February 1934 the socialist mayor of Vienna was forced to hand over his powers for maintenance of security in the capital to a Public Safety Commissioner; on the 12th the socialists in Linz resisted the Heimwehr auxiliary police who attempted to search their premises and fighting broke out, and on the following day the socialists in Vienna called a general strike.

This was followed by severe fighting between the social-democrats entrenched in the municipal apartment houses and regular army and police forces, as well as the Heimwehr. Fighting in Vienna, Linz, Graz, and elsewhere lasted until the evening of the 15th. Government figures gave the casualties as 102 killed on the government side, and 193 among the socialists. The socialist party put their losses in killed alone at 1,500, and this figure is generally taken as nearer the truth. The government's charge that the socialist Schutzbund had been preparing to revolt was not substantiated. The socialist party and trade unions were prohibited. The Austrian CP had been declared illegal earlier. Eight socialists were executed, and about 2,000 arrested. The Vienna municipal Council, with its overwhelming socialist majority, was dissolved.

In an article in Rundschau immediately after these events, Gruber wrote that 'social-democracy led the uprising to defeat', and another article in the same issue said: 'Austro-Marxism lived in shame and died in shame.' It was now up to the Austrian Communist Party to see that the social-democrats could no longer wield influence: "Working-class unity must be established within the CP.

Pravda wrote that 'The events in Austria are a brilliant confirmation of Stalin's thesis that the idea of revolt was ripening in the consciousness of the masses.'

And comrade Gottwald wrote that the Austrian proletariat would soon rise again, this time under revolutionary communist leadership. An unsigned article in Rundschau early in March said all the objective conditions for victory were present, but the revolt lacked a strong revolutionary party to lead it. Historically, February 1934 in Austria could be compared to 1905 in Russia; its 1917 would come not in 12 years, but perhaps in 12 months. In New York, communists broke up a socialist meeting called in honour of the Austrian socialists who had died in the fighting. When Doriot's paper Emancipation, in dealing with the Austrian events, referred to Vienna as 'a socialist city', and spoke of Dollfuss's campaign to put an end to socialdemocracy, the Communist International wrote that Vienna never had been socialist because the social-democrats had a bourgeois policy. 'Austrian social-democracy put an end to itself politically by revealing its anti-democratic and social-fascist nature to the masses.' Dollfuss had attacked the social-democratic organizations because they might have been used by the workers against the wishes of the socialist leaders. In the same journal, at the beginning of June, Lenski wrote that 'it would be a mistake to underestimate the fact that the social-fascists have earned a certain moral capital from the struggle of the Austrian workers'.






3 March 1934 Rundschau, iii, 19, p. 711, 8 March 1934

After the fascist coup in Germany the bourgeoisie in France made an attempt to mobilize the fascist forces, and in Austria set out to deal a decisive blow against the working class. In France the proletariat replied with mass demonstrations and a general strike; in Austria with a general strike and armed insurrection.

Tormented by hunger and unemployment, the Austrian workers lost their belief in democracy; they rose to the only just war, the war against their oppressors. For four days they fought courageously against Austrian fascism. . . .

Thousands of the boldest and most devoted working-class fighters fell, weapon in hand, among them women and children. Thousands fell into the hands of the fascist executioners; many have met their death on the gallows, others await court-martial. But neither the difficulties of the fight nor the immense sacrifices can break the militancy of the Austrian proletarians. The temporary victory of fascism and its atrocities will only draw the working class closer together, increase their hatred of the bourgeoisie and their determination to overthrow the rule of capital, will spur them on in their inexorable struggle against the bourgeoisie.

Responsibility for the shedding of the workers' blood in Austria lies not only on Dollfuss, Fey, and the Austrian bourgeoisie. It rests in equal measure on the German fascists. . . .

German fascism is the pacemaker of reaction throughout Europe, the most rabid executioner of the European working class, the spiritual origin of the bloody sadism which now rages in the capitalist world.

Austrian proletarians! The world working class and the Communist International give full recognition to your heroism, and lower their banners at the bier of the fallen. Betrayed by social-democracy, you fought like lions for the cause of socialism. . . .

You gave the first example in Europe of armed insurrection against fascism. By your insurrection you have strengthened the belief of the working class in its own power, and demonstrated how to fight fascism with deeds, not words. . . .

You did not break fascism, but severely shook its confidence. Inspired by your rising, tens and hundreds of thousands of workers in other capitalist countries are rising against fascist reaction. Your rising marked an extremely important stage in the movement of the social-democratic working masses towards communism. Out of the blood shed by Dollfuss and Fey new and stronger cohorts of proletarian fighters will arise, who will not let themselves be betrayed as before by social-democracy. And that is why your fight and your heavy sacrifice were not in vain. . . .

More than once the social-democratic workers broke out in a storm of indignation against the treacherous policy of their leaders, and in the end they lost patience. In answer to the Dollfuss Government's provocative actions in Linz, the Austrian proletariat called for a general strike and took to arms. Social-democracy later agreed in words to the general strike which was already in operation, but it did not want to fight. It only wanted to intimidate the Dollfuss Government and reach a peaceful settlement of the conflict. The rising flared up against its will, for the Austrian proletariat, having learnt from the bitter experience of the German workers betrayed by social-democracy, did not want to submit to fascism.

But were the Austrian workers as well equipped for this armed struggle as the situation demanded ? No. The social-democratic leaders prevented them from seizing the initiative in the struggle. The Schutzbund did not start by occupying the central bourgeois areas of the city, they did not make them the arena of the fight.

They did not occupy the railway stations or the important strategic buildings. The rebels limited themselves to defence in the working-class apartment houses of Floridsdorf, Simmering, etc. without going over to the offensive against the armed enemy. But to keep to the defensive is fatal to armed insurrection. . . .

The Schutzbund fighters had no central leadership. Some of the Austrian socialdemocratic leaders . . . from the outset went over openly to the fascists, the others shamefully ran away at the height of the struggle or capitulated at the very beginning. They allowed themselves to be arrested by the police in order to evade responsibility for the further course of events. The trade union bosses betrayed the workers on the very first day by failing to call out the railway workers and sending workers who were on strike back to the factories. . . .

But the Austrian proletariat could have been victorious in its insurrection in February 1934, if the rising had taken place under the bolshevik slogan of the seizure of power and the establishment of workers' Soviets. Only the communists, who fought shoulder to shoulder with the social democratic workers, put forward clear and unambiguous fighting slogans. Two days before the events in Linz the Austrian CP called on the Austrian workers to arm and to begin a general strike. It was the misfortune of the Austrian proletariat that the CP was still too weak to place itself independently at the head of the insurrection. . . .

Merely by resorting to arms in the fight against the bourgeoisie, the socialdemocratic workers have broken with the ideology, policy, and tactics of socialdemocracy.

Whoever takes the road of armed insurrection thereby places himself at the side of the world communist party, thereby turns his back on the Second International. . . .

The bolshevik road is the road to victory, the reformist road is the road to defeat....

Proletarians of all countries, the Austrian and French workers who came out on the streets against growing fascist reaction, fought and are fighting for your common cause, for liberation from the yoke of capitalism. By their actions they are destroying everything taught by international social-democracy since the imperialist war of 1914-18. In doing so they are creating the conditions for a real united front from below. This united front can be welded only in ruthless struggle to destroy that treacherous Second International which has brought the workers of the capitalist countries to their present position, has surrendered them to the insolent offensive of capital and the terror of fascist reaction. Today, when millions of proletarians in all countries are ready to support the fight of the Austrian and German workers against fascism, the agents of Hitler and Starhemberg in Spain, the Spanish socialists and anarchists, are breaking the solidarity strike of the Spanish proletariat.

In all capitalist countries the social-democrats frustrate the fight against fascism, the cause for which the revolutionary Austrian workers gave their lives.

Down with the henchmen of Hitler and Dollfuss in the working class.

Otherwise, workers, your victory, success in your fight against capital and fascism, is impossible.



( excerpt )

What is the difference between the bourgeois and proletarian concept of anti-fascism?

Only the dictatorship of the world proletariat will abolish the inevitabilty of world fascism.

The bourgeois-democratic "anti-fascism" is at best the elimination of fascism "on time" because it is based on the unity with the capitalist class. Repeatedly, capitalism, gives birth to fascism according to the immanent capitalist law of the brutal capitalist system of exploitation and oppression.

In this form of "anti-fascism" the class of the proletariat is in the position of subordination under the class of the bourgeoisie. The social democratic and revisionist forces (which consist mainly of the upper shifts of the proletariat, the labour aristocracy, intelectuals and other petty-bourgeois elements) enter into alliance with the liberal bourgeoisie against the most reactionary and fascist elements of the monopoly-bourgeoisie. For short: This kind of so called "anti-fascism" is necessary for the regeneration of the collapsing capitalism - caused/accelerated by the law of maximization of profit. By means of this so called "anti-fascism" the world bourgeoisie takes the carrot-and-stick approach of class-reconciliation for the purpose to buck the unavoidable transition from world capitalism to world socialism.

The aim of the proletarian anti-fascism is the revolutionary destruction of capitalism and thus eliminating the cause of fascism. The proletarian anti-fascism bases on the inevitable demise of world capitalism and the inevitable victory of the world communist revolution.

The proletarian anti-fascism is the way towards elimination of the inevitability of fascism through the socialist world revolution, the global overthrow of the whole class of the world bourgeoisie, through the establishment of the dictatorship of the world proletariat upon the ruins of the imperialist world system, through the establishment of the world socialist system.

There is no interstage between both these kinds of anti-fascism. You can only decide either in favor or against the bourgeois or proletarian anti-fascism. Any centrist position, in between, is in the service of the bourgeoisie and therefore harmful for the proletariat.

The result of the opportunistic united front policy, ie this "deal" with the liberal bourgeoisie, ends up as follows:

- common shaking off the yoke of fascism at the price that the bourgeoisie retains the power;

- demagogic phrase: the proletariat and the bourgeoisie supposedly "share" their power temporarily;

empty promises: holding out the perspective of an allegedly "peaceful road to socialism".

Every Marxist knows:
Anyone who tries to propagate the bourgeois anti-fascism behind the mask of alleged "socialist" anti-fascism, is not a Marxist, but a traitor to Marxism, is a revisionist.

The exploiters and oppressors will never renounce or share their power. Voluntarily, they will never subordinate themselves under the exploited and oppressed classes. Therefore, the proletarian anti-fascist concept can be nothing else than the revolutionary removal of capitalism, the complete destruction of fascism and social-fascism through the hegemonial power of the revolutionary world proletariat.

Proletarian anti-fascism means nothing more than anti-fascism under the leadership of the world proletariat.



The globally united front of all anti-Fascists and anti-Social-Fascists tackles

9 tasks:



The global united front of the anti-Fascists and anti-Social-Fascists opposes all attempts of the world bourgeoisie and her agencies within the workers' and communist world movement, to uncouple the anti-social-fascist struggle from the anti-fascist struggle, respectively, to drive a wedge between anti-fascism and anti-social-fascism.


The global united front of the anti-Fascists and anti-Social-Fascists opposes all attempts of the world bourgeoisie and her agencies within the workers' and communist world movement, to fool the anti-Fascists and anti-Social-Fascists about the truth, that capitalism (inclusively state capitalism) is the source of fascism and social-fascism.


The global united front of the anti-Fascists and anti-Social-Fascists unmasks and combats all attempts of the modern revisionist, to disarm the world proletariat and all toilers by means of the ideology and politics of the "peaceful transition". This makes the masses defenseless in their struggle against the fascist and social-fascist terror. The tasks of the united front of the anti-Fascists and anti-Social-Fascists can only be fulfilled by organizing the globally armed struggle against the organized armed struggle of the fascist/social-fascist world front.


The global united front of the anti-Fascists and anti-Social-Fascists unmasks and combats all the attempts of the neo-revisionists to misuse the teachings of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism in the anti-fascist and anti-social-fascist struggle, especially to "justify" the terror of social-fascism.


The global united front of the anti-Fascists and anti-Social-Fascists insists on the indispensability of revolutionary violence against fascist and social-fascist terror.


The global united front of the anti-Fascists and anti-Social-Fascists struggles for democratic rights of all exploited and oppressed classes, for proletarian socialist democracy but not for the exploiting "democratic" system of the bourgeoisie which leads back to fascism inevitably . Therefore, the struggle for democratic rights is inseparably part of the overthrow of world capitalism and its imperialist state system.



The global united front of the anti-Fascists and anti-Social-Fascists struggles for the abolition of the inevitableness of fascism and social-fascism by means of the establishment of the dictatorship of the world proletariat, the global System of Soviets and the socialist world republic.


The global united front of the anti-Fascists and anti-Social-Fascists struggles for the eradication of the leftovers of all fascist and social-fascist forces within the period of world socialism.


The Comintern (SH) is the global center of the international anti-fascist and anti-social-fascist movement. The Comintern (SH) unifies and leads the anti-fascist and anti-social-fascist forces of all countries towards the socialist world revolution.


[general-line of the Comintern (SH)]