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The Eighteenth Congress of the C.P.S.U.(B.)

XVIII. Congress of the CPSU (B)

The 18th Congress of the Bolshevik Party was held during 10–21 March 1939 in Moscow. It elected the 18th Central Committee.

This is the first Congress after the Great Purge. This was the last one held for over a decade.

1569 delegates with decisive and 466 with advisory vote

Agenda:

  1. Stalin: Report of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks)

  2. Mikhail Fedorovich Vladimirski: Report of the Central Revision Committee

  3. Dmitry Zakharovich Manuilski: Report of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) Delegation to the Executive Committee of the Communist International

  4. Vyacheslav Mikhailovich Molotov: Report on the Third Five-Years Plan for the Development of the National Economy of the USSR for 1938-1942

  5. Andrey Aleksandrovich Zhdanov: Changes in the Statutes of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks)

  6. Election of the Commission in Charge of Changes in the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) Program

  7. Election to the Central Organs of the Party

 

 

 

J. Stalin gives the Report on the Work of the Central Committee of the CPSU (B)

J. W. STALIN

Report to the Eighteenth Congress of the C.P.S.U. [B]

(March 10, 1939)

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The XVIII Congress

- the congress in preparation for the conquest of the proletarian world domination

 

The report of Comrade Stalin on the XVIII. Party Congress of the CPSU (B) is a programmatic document of communism, another step forward in the development of Marxist-Leninist theory. Stalin developed further Lenin's theory of socialist revolution. He concretized the theory of the possibility of establishing socialism in one country and came to the conclusion that the establishment of communism in the Soviet Union is possible even when the capitalist encirclement still exists. Comrade Stalin's conclusion enriches Leninism, it equips the working class with a new ideological weapon, it opens up to the party the tremendous perspective of the global struggle for the victory of communism and advances the Marxist-Leninist theory.

Supported by the gigantic experiences of the socialist Soviet state, which had existed for more than twenty years, Comrade Stalin developed a unified and closed doctrine of the socialist state. Stalin gave a comprehensive analysis of the stages of development of the socialist state, the change of its functions in the context of changed circumstances, he generalized the entire construction experience of the Soviet state and came to the conclusion that the state must be preserved in communism, as long as the capitalist encirclement still consists.

And the XVIII congress focused on the ideological-political and economic-military preparation for smashing the capitalist encirclement of the Soviet Union. This meant nothing else than Stalin's goal of finally defeating world imperialism in the impending imperialist war. The Nazis were warned by Stalin:

"If there really are such lunatics in Germany, rest assured that we shall find enough strait jackets for them in our country. (Thunderous applause.)

From the mutual weakening of the imperialist great powers, the Soviet Union will emerge victorious. This frightened the world bourgeoisie, and so it hastily painted the world domination of the proletariat as "red world imperialism" on her anti-communist wall.

In 1939, the imperialists were concerned with the redivision of the world, the spheres of influence, the colonies by acts of war (Japan, Italy, etc.) through intensification of exploitation and oppression. In 1939 Stalin was also concerned with the redivision of the world, with spheres of proletarian influence, thus spheres of elimination of exploitation and oppression. Stalin was concerned with a redivision between the capitalist and the socialist world. The Great Patriotic War was not a defensive war of the Soviet Union, but a socialist war against world imperialism for the conquest of world socialism.

We must finish what Stalin has begun, the revolutionary overthrow of world imperialism and the establishment of the dictatorship of the world proletariat!

Let's transform the capitalist encirclement into the socialist encirclement!

Let's turn the capitalist world into a communist world!

The 18th Party Congress of the CPSU (B) under Stalin's leadership had prepared itself for this great leap.

Have paved the way to the change of the world after the Second World War in favor of the world communism - that is the world-historical meaning of the 18th party congress. But the threads of the modern revisionists have been already drawn to thwart Stalin's plans to establish proletarian world domination.

There can be no illusions about revisionism. We can only defend the 18th Party Congress of the CPSU (B) and establish the proletarian world domination only if we defeat the neo-revisionists!

Wolfgang Eggers

 

 

Stalin's dialectic of the socialist state is valid globally, too.

"As you see, we now have an entirely new, socialist statc, one without precedent in history and differing considerably in form and functions from the socialist state of the first phase.

    But development cannot stop there. We are moving ahead, towards communism. Will our state remain in the period of communism also?

    Yes, it will, if the capitalist encirclement is not liquidated, and if the danger of foreign military attack is not eliminated, although naturally, the forms of our state will again change in conformity with the change in the situation at home and abroad.

    No, it will not remain and will wither away if the capitalist encirclement is liquidated and is replaced by a socialist encirclement.

page 936

    That is how the question stands with regard to the socialist state."

(excerpt of the report of comrade Stalin)

 

 

 

 

Comrade Stalin closed his report like this:

Comrades, I am now about to conclude my report.

    I have sketched in broad outline the path traversed by our Party during the period under review. The results of the work of the Party and of its Central Committee during this period are well known. There have been mistakes and shortcomings in our work. The Party and the Central Committee did not conceal them and strove to correct them. There have also been important successes and big achievements, which must not however be allowed to turn our heads.

    The main outcome is that the working class of our country, having abolished the exploitation of man by man and firmly established the socialist system, has proved to the world the truth of its cause. That is the main outcome; for it strengthens confidence in the power of the working class and in the inevitability of its ultimate victory.

    The bourgeoisie of all countries asserts that the people cannot get along without capitalists and landlords, without merchants and kulaks. The working class of our country has proved in practice that the people can get along perfectly well with out exploiters.

    The bourgeoisie of all countries asserts that the working class, having destroyed the old bourgeois system, will be incapable of building anything new to replace the old. The working class of our country has proved in practice that it is quite capable not only of destroying the old system but of building a new and better system, a socialist system, a system, moreover, to which crises and unemployment are unknown.

    The bourgeoisie of all countries asserts that the peasantry is incapable of taking the path of socialism. The collective-farm peasants of our country have proved in practice that they can do so quite successfully.

    The chief endeavour of the bourgeoisie of all countries and of its reformist hangers-on is to kill in the working class faith in its own strength, faith in the possibility and inevitability of its victory, and thus to perpetuate capitalist slavery. For the bourgeoisie knows that if capitalism has not yet been overthrown and still continues to exist, it owes this not to its own merits, but to the fact that the proletariat still has not enough faith in the possibility of its victory. It cannot be said that the efforts of the bourgeoisie in this respect have been altogether unsuccessful. It must be confessed that the bourgeoisie and its agents among the working class have to some extent succeeded in poisoning the minds of the working class with the virus of doubt and disbelief. If the successes of the working class of our country, if its fight and victory serve to rouse the spirit of the working class in the capitalist countries and to strengthen its faith in its own power and in its victory, then our Party may say that its work has not been in vain. And there need be no doubt that this will be the case.

(Loud and prolonged applause.)