19 de noviembre de 1875 3 de junio de 1946

Mijaíl Ivánovich Kalinin


Mijaíl Ivánovich Kalinin (ruso: Михаи́л Ива́нович Кали́нин) (Tver, 7 de noviembrejul./ 19 de noviembre de 1875greg. - Moscú, 3 de junio de 1946) fue un revolucionario bolchevique y político soviético, fundador de la Unión Soviética en representación de la República Socialista Federativa Soviética de Rusia, que se desempeñó como presidente del Presidium del Soviet Supremo de la URSS entre 1937 y 1946.

Nació en el seno de una familia campesina en la provincia de Tver (Rusia), trasladándose en 1893 a San Petersburgo a trabajar como obrero industrial. En esta ciudad se unió al Partido Obrero Socialdemócrata de Rusia en 1898, y fue uno de los primeros partidarios de Lenin, dentro del partido, siendo uno de los fundadores de la corriente interna que luego sería conocida como bolchevique (mayoría). Se involucró de manera importante en las acciones revolucionarias del partido siendo arrestado en 1899 y en 1903 por la policía zarista, por lo que fue condenado al exilio en Siberia por un año. Al regresar a San Petersburgo participó en la Revolución de 1905.

En 1912 ingresó al Comité Central del Partido Obrero Socialdemócrata de Rusia (bolchevique), participando activamente en la Revolución rusa en 1917. Fue también cofundador del periódico Pravda.

En 1917, antes de la instauración del poder de los soviets fue elegido alcalde de Petrogrado, ciudad en la que se desarrollaron los hechos principales de la Revolución rusa. En 1919 integró el Comité Central del Partido Obrero Socialdemócrata y fue uno de los tres miembros candidatos (suplentes) del Politburó, u órgano máximo ejecutivo creado ese año. También en 1919 fue elegido presidente del Comité Ejecutivo Central de los Soviets de Rusia.

En 1922 fue uno de los cuatro fundadores de la Unión de Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas (URSS) en representación de la República Socialista Federativa Soviética de Rusia.

En la década de 1920, Kalinin se caracterizó por apoyar las posiciones de Stalin en las votaciones decisivas. Esto lo llevó a mantener una relación cercana con aquél, sobre todo a partir de los años 1930, en los que Stalin eliminó a sus rivales políticos y obtuvo el control completo del Estado soviético.

En 1926 fue designado miembro del Politburó del Partido Comunista y en 1937, Presidente del Presidium del Soviet Supremo de la URSS, cargo que mantuvo hasta marzo de 1946, poco antes de su fallecimiento. Fue uno de los principales dirigentes soviéticos que sustentó todo el periodo y práctica política del estalinismo.

La ciudad de Tver llevó el nombre de Kalinin entre 1931 y 1990 en su honor. Asimismo, la antigua ciudad prusiana de Königsberg, conquistada en 1945 por el Ejército Rojo e incorporada a la URSS, fue renombrada Kaliningrado en su honor, nombre que se mantiene actualmente.



Sobre la Educación Comunista

(2 de Octubre de 1940)




































































































































































Файл:Ворошилов Подвойский Чудов Калинин на Ходынке 1927 IMG 8341.JPG






















































V. I. Lenin

On The Candidacy Of M. I. Kalinin

For The Post Of Chairman

Of The All-Russia Central Executive Committee

Speech At The Twelfth Session Of The All-Russia Central Executive Committee March 30, 1919

Delivered: 30 March, 1919 First Published: Brief report published in the newspaper Izvestia No. 70, April 1, 1919; First published in run In 1932; Published according to the verbatim report
Source: Lenin’s Collected Works, Volume 29, pages 233-236




Comrades! To find a person who could take the place of Comrade Yakov Mildiailovich Sverdlov in full is an exceedingly difficult task, for it is next to impossible for any one man to he at once a leading Party worker, moreover one who knows the history of the Party, and an excellent judge of people capable of choosing leading functionaries for the Soviets. It would be impossible to expect any one comrade to assume all the functions that Comrade Sverdlov took care of alone—on this all were agreed when candidacies were discussed in the Party—and hence we shall have to entrust the various functions to whole collegiums that will meet daily and direct the different spheres of work. As far as the chairman is concerned, we must ensure that he expresses the Party line in respect of the peasantry.

You know that our approach to the middle peasants as set forth at the Party Congress introduces no change in our general policy. The tasks we have outlined in regard to the middle peasants must be carried out once our primary problem—the suppression of the bourgeoisie—has been solved. The question of the attitude to the middle peasants is a more acute problem for us than for our comrades in Europe, and we must make sure that we have at the head of the Soviet state a comrade who can demonstrate that our decision in this matter will really be carried out.

I believe that we can and must find a comrade who will devote himself wholly to carrying out the line of the leading Party in respect of the middle peasants. We know that at present the problem of gathering and transmitting information is particularly acute. We know that the break-down of transport facilities and the existence of civil war, which at times interrupts communications between the centre and entire regions, not to speak of separate gubernias—we know that under the circumstances this problem requires special attention.

We know that we can solve this problem if we find a comrade with the necessary experience and knowledge of the life of the middle peasants, and I believe that the candidacy of which you read in today’s papers meets all these requirements. This is the candidacy of Comrade Kalinin.

Here we have a comrade who has been engaged in Party work for nearly twenty years. He is a peasant from Tver Gubernia, who has close connections with peasant farming which he constantly renews and freshens. Petrograd workers have witnessed his ability to approach wide sections of the working masses who had had no Party experience; where other propagandists and agitators failed to find the right, comradely approach to them, Comrade Kalinin succeeded. All this is especially important at the present time. Of course, the middle peasantry as a whole, all the best elements among them, are giving us the resolute support that will overcome all difficulties and put down the revolt of the rural kulaks and that insignificant minority of the rural masses who follow them. We know that our main task in a country of small peasants is to ensure an indestructible alliance of the workers and the middle peasants. Our agrarian measures—complete abolition of landed proprietorship and determined assistance to the middle peasants—have already produced results, and in the course of the past year have led to an increase in the number of middle peasants. But in the localities people have frequently been appointed to administrative posts who were not up to the job.

There have been cases of abuses, but we are not to blame for them. We know that we have (lone everything we could to enlist the intelligentsia, but there were political differences that kept us apart. We know that the epoch of bourgeois parliamentarism has ended, that the sympathy of the workers of the whole world is with Soviet power, and that the victory of Soviet power is inevitable, no matter how many proletarian leaders the bourgeoisie may kill, as they are doing in Germany. The sum total of their experience will, in the long run, inevitably bring the intelligentsia into our ranks, and we shall acquire the material with which we can govern. We shall see to it that alien elements who have attached themselves to Soviet power are removed—indeed, they are one cause of dissatisfaction which we are not afraid to admit is legitimate. We must pay maximum attention to the fight against this evil. At the Party Congress we decided firmly to make this line of conduct obligatory for all functionaries.

We must say that we see no way of introducing socialist farming other than through a series of comradely agreements with the middle peasants, to whom we must turn more and more often.

We know also that comrades who bore the brunt of the work in the period of the revolution and were completely engrossed in this work, were unable to approach the middle peasants as they should have, they could not avoid making mistakes, each of which was seized upon by our enemies, each of which gave rise to certain doubts and complicated the middle peasant’s attitude toward us.

That is why it is very important for this purpose to find a comrade possessing the qualities I have mentioned. We must help him with our organisational experience, so that the middle peasants should see that they have one of their own as the highest functionary in the whole Soviet Republic, so that the decision of our Party calling for a proper approach to the middle peasant and declaring our resolve to examine, study every step we make and test it in the light of the experience we have gained will not remain on paper.

We know that the numbers of our allies are growing, that they will increase many times over in the next few months, but for the time being the burden rests wholly on our country, which is greatly ruined and impoverished. The load is more than the middle peasant can carry. We must go to him and do everything we can, we must make him understand and show him in practice that we are firmly resolved to carry out the decisions of our Party Congress.

That is why the candidacy of a man like Comrade Kalinin ought to have the unanimous support of us all. His candidacy will enable us to organise practically a series of direct contacts between the highest representative of Soviet power and the middle peasants; it will help to bring us closer to them.

This aim cannot be achieved at once, but we have no doubt that the decision we propose to make will be the correct one, though we know that we have little practical experience in this respect. Let the highest representative of the Soviet Republic himself be the first, with our joint assistance, to begin acquiring this experience, gather the full sum of knowledge, and check up; then we can be certain that we shall solve the task facing us, that Russia will become not only the model of a country where the dictatorship of the proletariat has been firmly established and the bourgeoisie ruthlessly suppressed—this has already been done-but also the model of a country where the relations between the urban workers and the middle peasants are satisfactorily arranged oil the basis of comradely support and new experience; this is one of the main guarantees of the complete victory of the proletarian revolution.

That is why I take it upon myself to recommend to you this candidacy—the candidacy of Comrade Kalinin.





V. I. Lenin

Insertions for V. Kalinin’s Article “The Peasant Congress”

Published: Proletary No. 25, November 16 (3), 1905. Printed from the Proletary text verified with the original.
Lenin Collected Works, , Volume 41, pages 177.2-178.1.
Translated: Yuri Sdobnikov


No. 25 of Proletary on November 16 (3), 1905, carried V. A. Karpinsky’s article “The Peasant Congress”, signed V. Kalinin. Lenin edited the article and made two insertions. p. 177




Wesee, consequently, that class-conscious socialists must unconditionally support the revolutionary struggle of all, even the prosperous, peasants against the officials and landowners, but class-conscious socialists must make the clear and straightforward statement that the “general redistribution” [1] the peasants want falls very far short of socialism. Socialism demands the abolition of the power of money, the power of capital, the abolition of all private ownership of the means of production, the abolition of the commodity economy. Socialism demands that the land and the factories should be handed over to the working people organising large-scale (instead of scattered small-scale) production under a general plan.

Thepeasant struggle for land and liberty is a great step towards socialism, but it is still a very far cry from socialism itself.



Thetactical resolution adopted by the Congress is truly astounding by its meagreness. We are inclined to think that there some of the peasant well-wishers (liberals) must have done some more “explaining”.

Hereis the resolution:

“Theactivity of the Peasant Union, depending on local conditions, may be either open or secret (conspiratorial). All members of the   Union must spread their views and seek to realise their demands in every possible way, being undeterred by the resistance on the part of the Zemstvo chiefs, the police and other authorities. Among other things, they are insistently advised to make use of their right to draw up public decisions at village and volost meetings and private gatherings concerning improvements in state amenities and improvement of the people’s welfare.”

Thatkind of resolution is extremely unsatisfactory. Instead of a revolutionary call for an uprising, it merely gives liberal advice of a general sort. Instead of organising a revolutionary party, the resolution only organises an annex to the liberal party. The progress of the movement itself will inevitably and inescapably split up the liberal landowners and the revolutionary peasants, and we Social-Democrats will try to accelerate this split.






[1] General redistribution—a slogan expressing the peasants’ striving for a general redistribution of the land and the elimination of landed estates.

Inhis article “The Agrarian Programme of Russian Social-Democracy”, Lenin said that the demand for a general redistribution, together with the reactionary utopian idea of perpetuating small-scale peasant production, also had its revolutionary side, namely, “the desire to sweep away by means of a peasant revolt all the remnants of the serf-owning system” (present edition, Vol. 6, p. 139).

Later,at the Second Congress of the R.S.D.L.P., Lenin said: = “We are told that the peasants will not be satisfied with our programme and will go further. But we are not afraid of that; we have our socialist programme for that eventuality, and consequently are not afraid even of a redistribution of the land” (present edition, Vol. 6, p. 497). p. 177




V. I.   Lenin



Written: Written on November 12, 1920
Published: First published in 1945 in Lenin Miscellany XXXV. Printed from the original.
Source: Lenin Collected Works, Volume 45, page 49b.
Translated: Yuri Sdobnikov


The Siberian Concessions Committee was set up by a C.P.C. decision of October 30, 1920, and on November 16 it submitted its   draft decree to the C.P.C. The latter appointed an ad hoc committee (V. I. Lenin, D. I. Kursky, A. M. Lezhava, V. P. Milyutin and S. P. Sereda) to rework and edit the draft decree within a week. On November 23, the C.P.C. adopted a decree on concessions and approved the committee’s proposal to publish a pamphlet on concessions. At the end of 1920, it appeared under the title 0 kontsessiyakh. Dekret Soveta. Narodnykh Komissarov ot 23 noyabrya 1920 g. Tekst dekreta. Obyekty kontsessii. Karty. (On Concessions. Decree of the Council of People’s Commissars of November 23, 1920. Text of the Decree. Concessions’ Objects. Maps.)


Comrade Kalinin:

I am sending you the draft resolutions on the Siberian concessions which have been passed by the committee (these drafts will be submitted to the Council of People’s Commissars for approval possibly next week). One other question, namely, that of food concessions, has still to be worked out in sufficient detail.

Will you press forward with this matter on the lines we discussed today.








V. I. Lenin

Motion for the Politbureau of the C.C., R.C.P.(B.) on
M. I. Kalinin’s Trip to the Ukraine

Dictated: Dictated over the telephone January 27, 1922
Published: First published in 1945 in Lenin Miscellany XXXV. Printed from the secretary’s notes.
Source: Lenin Collected Works, Volume 42, page 389.2.
Translated: Bernard Isaacs


Lenin’s proposal on Kalinin’s trip to the Ukraine was adopted by the Politbureau on January 28. Kalinin made the trip on February 7-18 and March 5-18, 1922, with the agittrain “October Revolution” along the route: Poltava— Mirgorod— Kiev— Belaya Tserkov— Kremenchug— Odessa— Zhmerinka—- Kamenets Podolsk— Vinnitsa— Berdichev— Zhitomir.




To Comrade Molotov for all the members of the Politbureau

Pleaseput to the vote of the Politbureau the following motion: that Comrade Kalinin be directed immediately to make a round of the richer grain gubernias of the Ukraine to collect aid for the victims of the famine. The expedition to be fitted out with great thoroughness to enable it to carry out effective agitation for relief collections by means of photographs, films, demonstration of witnesses and sufferers from the famine-stricken areas, etc. Personal responsibility for the practical organisation of the expedition to be imposed upon

1.Kalinin for the political side of the business

2.a specially appointed practical worker endorsed by the Politbureau who would really be capable of putting through and organising the business properly.

Kalinintogether with the whole expedition shall leave within 3 days.




Lenin said:

“Here we have a comrade who has been engaged in party work for nearly 20 years. He is a peasant from Tver’ Province, who has close connections with peasant farming…. Petrograd workers have witnessed his ability to approach wide sections of the working masses” (Poln. sobr. soch., 5th ed., vol. 38, p. 224).





Burial in Kremlin

- 1946 -


Mikhail Kalinin

- 1932 -

Joseph Stalin and Mikhail Kalinin


Kalinin in Kharkov


Kalinin: On October Revolution


Kalinin speech about the success of collective farms


Kalinin: Speech on new Constitution 1936


Kalinin speech in elections to the Supreme Soviet 1937


Mikhail Kalinin


Mikhail Kalinin


Kalinin December 1943


Song about Kalinin






You must remember that we persecute nobody for religion. We regard religion as an error and fight it with education.



The national question is purely a peasant question...the best way to eliminate nationality is a massive factory with thousands of workers..., which like a millstone grinds up all nationalities and forges a new nationality. This nationality is the universal proletariat.



For thousands of years humankind's finest minds have been struggling with the theoretical problem of finding the forms that would give peoples the possibility, without the greatest of torment, without internecine strife, of living side by side in friendship and brotherhood. Practically speaking, the first step in this direction is only being taken now, today.



But even now, after the greatest victory known to history we cannot for one minute forget the basic fact that our country remains the one socialist state in the world. You will speak frankly about this to the collective farmers...Only the most concrete, most immediate danger, which threatened us from Hitlerite Germany, has disappeared.