Mikhaïl Kalinine

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Mikhaïl Kalinine

né à Vierkhniaïa Troïtsa (ru) le 19 novembre (7 novembre) 1875

et décédé à Moscou le 3 juin 1946

Président du Præsidium du Soviet suprême, et donc dirigeant de jure de la RSFSR, puis de l'URSS de 1919 à 1946. Issu d'une famille russe paysanne pauvre de la région de Tver, Kalinine travaille avec son père dans l'agriculture puis en usine à Saint-Pétersbourg en 1889, dans le Caucase, puis à Reval (Tallinn), au gré de ses arrestations et de ses exils. Ouvrier métallurgiste ― il est à partir de 1896 tourneur aux usines Poutilov ― il adhère au Parti ouvrier social-démocrate de Russie dès sa fondation en 1898 dans la faction bolchévique partisane des théories de Lénine. Arrêté et exilé pour la première fois en 1899, il fait la connaissance de Staline l'année suivante à Tiflis, ville où ils militent ensemble. Peu après, il participe aux actions révolutionnaires du parti lors de la Révolution russe de 1905 dans la capitale. Quelques années plus tard, il retrouve Staline en 1912 au bureau russe du comité central et collabore alors à la fondation du journal la Pravda. Arrêté à Petrograd en 1916, exilé en Sibérie orientale, il est libéré par la Révolution de Février.

 

 

 

M. KALININE


L’EDUCATION COMMUNISTE

Discours et articles choisis

 

« LES PRINCIPES COMMUNISTES, PRIS SOUS LEURS FORMES LES PLUS SIMPLES, SONT LES
PRINCIPES DE L'HOMME AVANCÉ, HONNÊTE, HAUTEMENT INSTRUIT ; C'EST L'AMOUR DE LA
PATRIE SOCIALISTE, L'AMITIE, LA CAMARADERIE, L'HUMANITE, LA LOYAUTE, L'AMOUR DU
TRAVAIL SOCIALISTE, ET BEAUCOUP D'AUTRES GRANDES QUALITES ACCESSIBLES A
CHACUN. EDUQUER, FORMER CES TRAITS DISTINCTIFS, CES HAUTES QUALITÉS, EST UN
ÉLÉMENT ESSENTIEL DE L'ÉDUCATION COMMUNISTE.
» M. KALININE

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Файл:Ворошилов Подвойский Чудов Калинин на Ходынке 1927 IMG 8341.JPG

1927

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Biography

 

Kalinin, Mikhail Ivanovich

Born Nov. 7 (19), 1875, in the village of Verkhniaia Troitsa, in present-day Kashin Raion, Kalinin Oblast; died June 3, 1946, in Moscow. A prominent figure in the Communist Party and Soviet government. Hero of Socialist Labor (1944). Became a member of the Communist Party in 1898. The son of a peasant.

Kalinin graduated from the village school in 1889. In 1893 he began to work as an apprentice lathe operator at the Staryi Arsenal Munitions Works in St. Petersburg, and in 1896 he became a lathe operator at the Putilov Works. There he organized a Marxist study circle, which joined Lenin’s League of Struggle for the Liberation of the Working Class. In July 1899, Kalinin was arrested in the case involving the League of Struggle, and after ten months’ imprisonment he was deported in April 1900 to Tbilisi, where he worked as a lathe operator in the Central Railroad Shop and joined the central group of the Tbilisi Social Democratic organization. He helped organize the strike of August 1900 and was arrested and imprisoned in the Metekhi Castle. In March 1901 he was deported to Revel (now Tallinn), where he was employed in the Vol’ta Works as a lathe operator and later in a railroad shop. In 1902 he organized a Marxist circle and an underground printing press and was an Iskra agent. In January 1903 he was arrested and confined in the Kresty Prison in St. Petersburg. In July 1903 he was once again deported to Revel, where he was arrested in early 1904 and deported to the town of Povenets in Olonets Province.

In 1905, Kalinin went illegally to St. Petersburg, where he carried out assignments from the Bolshevik center. Granted amnesty in October 1905, he came out into the open and functioned legally as the head of the Bolshevik organization at the Putilov Works; he was elected a member of the Narva raion committee of the RSDLP. He helped to organize the fighting druzhiny and was a member of the raion battle staff. In December 1905 he was one of the organizers of the strike by workers at the Putilov Works in solidarity with the insurrection of the Moscow workers. In 1906 he worked at a pipe factory and was elected to the St. Petersburg committee of the RSDLP. As a delegate to the Fourth Congress of the RSDLP in 1906, he supported the Leninist line. From 1908 to 1910 he worked in Moscow as a fitter at the Lubianka power plant and the Miusy streetcar station, carrying on active party work. In September 1910 he was arrested and deported in November to his home village. In 1911 and 1912, while working as a patternmaker at a cannon foundry in St. Petersburg, he was a member of the St. Petersburg committee of the RSDLP and led the party organization in the Vyborg raion.

At the Sixth (Prague) Conference of the RSDLP in 1912, Kalinin was elected a candidate member of the Central Committee of the RSDLP and placed on the Russian Bureau of the Central Committee. He participated in the founding of the newspaper Pravda and assisted the work of the Bolshevik faction in the Fourth State Duma. In the summer of 1912 he led a strike by the workers in the cannon foundry. From 1913 to 1915 he worked at the Aivaz plant, continuing his party activities. In January 1916 he was arrested in the case involving the Petrograd Committee of the RSDLP, and after a year of imprisonment he was sentenced to exile in Eastern Siberia but managed to go into hiding and continue his party work illegally in Petrograd. He took an active part in the February Revolution of 1917 and was a member of the first legal Petrograd Committee of the Bolsheviks and the representative of this committee on the bureau of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (Bolshevik). He was a member of the editorial staff of Pravda. In September 1917 he was elected councillor (glasnyi) of the Petrograd municipal duma and chairman of the raion board of the Lesnovskii Raion, in whose offices was held the Oct. 16, 1917, session of the Central Committee of the RSDLP(B) that adopted the resolution for armed uprising.

After the victory of the October Revolution, Kalinin was elected to the Petrograd municipal duma, which chose him to be mayor (gorodskoi golova). In 1918 he worked as commissar of municipal services in Petrograd. In March 1919, at the Eighth Congress of the RCP (Bolshevik), he was elected to the party’s Central Committee. After the death of Ia. M. Sverdlov he was elected chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. On Mar. 30, 1919, in recommending Kalinin for this post, V. I. Lenin said: “Here we have a comrade who has been engaged in party work for nearly 20 years. He is a peasant from Tver’ Province, who has close connections with peasant farming…. Petrograd workers have witnessed his ability to approach wide sections of the working masses” (Poln. sobr. soch., 5th ed., vol. 38, p. 224). During the Civil War of 1918–20, Kalinin carried on important agitation and propaganda work among the workers, peasants, and Red Army soldiers. He was in charge of the October Revolution propaganda train, which made 12 trips through the central regions of Russia, the Ukraine, the Northern Caucasus, Siberia, and virtually all the fronts of the Civil War. In December 1922, after the formation of the USSR, Kalinin was elected chairman of the Central Executive Committee of the USSR. After the Fourteenth Congress of the ACP (Bolshevik) in 1925 he was placed on the Politburo of the party’s Central Committee. From January 1938 to March 1946 he was chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR and after that continued to be a member of the Presidium.

Kalinin had an enormous range of experience and knew the life of the people intimately. He was instrumental in strengthening the alliance of the workers and peasants and in building the Soviet state. The “all-Union peasant elder” was the term of endearment that the Soviet working masses had for him. Kalinin wrote many works on various questions of socialist construction, communist education, and literature and art, in all of which he propounded the ideas of Marxism-Leninism. His speeches and articles devoted special attention to the tasks of developing a socialist world view among the young and of training youth in the spirit of communist morality. In 1931 the city of Tver’ was renamed in honor of Kalinin, and many raions and settlements also bear his name. His awards include two Orders of Lenin and two Orders of the Red Banner, as well as many medals. He is buried on Red Square. A memorial museum for Kalinin was opened in Moscow in 1946.


 

WORKS AND SPEECHES

 

 

 

STALIN - 60 YEARS

1939

 

 

On communist education

 

 

 

 

 

 

Why we win

 

 

 

 

LENIN ON KALININ 

 

V. I. Lenin

On The Candidacy Of M. I. Kalinin

For The Post Of Chairman

Of The All-Russia Central Executive Committee

Speech At The Twelfth Session Of The All-Russia Central Executive Committee March 30, 1919

Delivered: 30 March, 1919 First Published: Brief report published in the newspaper Izvestia No. 70, April 1, 1919; First published in run In 1932; Published according to the verbatim report
Source: Lenin’s Collected Works, Volume 29, pages 233-236

 

 

 

Comrades! To find a person who could take the place of Comrade Yakov Mildiailovich Sverdlov in full is an exceedingly difficult task, for it is next to impossible for any one man to he at once a leading Party worker, moreover one who knows the history of the Party, and an excellent judge of people capable of choosing leading functionaries for the Soviets. It would be impossible to expect any one comrade to assume all the functions that Comrade Sverdlov took care of alone—on this all were agreed when candidacies were discussed in the Party—and hence we shall have to entrust the various functions to whole collegiums that will meet daily and direct the different spheres of work. As far as the chairman is concerned, we must ensure that he expresses the Party line in respect of the peasantry.

You know that our approach to the middle peasants as set forth at the Party Congress introduces no change in our general policy. The tasks we have outlined in regard to the middle peasants must be carried out once our primary problem—the suppression of the bourgeoisie—has been solved. The question of the attitude to the middle peasants is a more acute problem for us than for our comrades in Europe, and we must make sure that we have at the head of the Soviet state a comrade who can demonstrate that our decision in this matter will really be carried out.

I believe that we can and must find a comrade who will devote himself wholly to carrying out the line of the leading Party in respect of the middle peasants. We know that at present the problem of gathering and transmitting information is particularly acute. We know that the break-down of transport facilities and the existence of civil war, which at times interrupts communications between the centre and entire regions, not to speak of separate gubernias—we know that under the circumstances this problem requires special attention.

We know that we can solve this problem if we find a comrade with the necessary experience and knowledge of the life of the middle peasants, and I believe that the candidacy of which you read in today’s papers meets all these requirements. This is the candidacy of Comrade Kalinin.

Here we have a comrade who has been engaged in Party work for nearly twenty years. He is a peasant from Tver Gubernia, who has close connections with peasant farming which he constantly renews and freshens. Petrograd workers have witnessed his ability to approach wide sections of the working masses who had had no Party experience; where other propagandists and agitators failed to find the right, comradely approach to them, Comrade Kalinin succeeded. All this is especially important at the present time. Of course, the middle peasantry as a whole, all the best elements among them, are giving us the resolute support that will overcome all difficulties and put down the revolt of the rural kulaks and that insignificant minority of the rural masses who follow them. We know that our main task in a country of small peasants is to ensure an indestructible alliance of the workers and the middle peasants. Our agrarian measures—complete abolition of landed proprietorship and determined assistance to the middle peasants—have already produced results, and in the course of the past year have led to an increase in the number of middle peasants. But in the localities people have frequently been appointed to administrative posts who were not up to the job.

There have been cases of abuses, but we are not to blame for them. We know that we have (lone everything we could to enlist the intelligentsia, but there were political differences that kept us apart. We know that the epoch of bourgeois parliamentarism has ended, that the sympathy of the workers of the whole world is with Soviet power, and that the victory of Soviet power is inevitable, no matter how many proletarian leaders the bourgeoisie may kill, as they are doing in Germany. The sum total of their experience will, in the long run, inevitably bring the intelligentsia into our ranks, and we shall acquire the material with which we can govern. We shall see to it that alien elements who have attached themselves to Soviet power are removed—indeed, they are one cause of dissatisfaction which we are not afraid to admit is legitimate. We must pay maximum attention to the fight against this evil. At the Party Congress we decided firmly to make this line of conduct obligatory for all functionaries.

We must say that we see no way of introducing socialist farming other than through a series of comradely agreements with the middle peasants, to whom we must turn more and more often.

We know also that comrades who bore the brunt of the work in the period of the revolution and were completely engrossed in this work, were unable to approach the middle peasants as they should have, they could not avoid making mistakes, each of which was seized upon by our enemies, each of which gave rise to certain doubts and complicated the middle peasant’s attitude toward us.

That is why it is very important for this purpose to find a comrade possessing the qualities I have mentioned. We must help him with our organisational experience, so that the middle peasants should see that they have one of their own as the highest functionary in the whole Soviet Republic, so that the decision of our Party calling for a proper approach to the middle peasant and declaring our resolve to examine, study every step we make and test it in the light of the experience we have gained will not remain on paper.

We know that the numbers of our allies are growing, that they will increase many times over in the next few months, but for the time being the burden rests wholly on our country, which is greatly ruined and impoverished. The load is more than the middle peasant can carry. We must go to him and do everything we can, we must make him understand and show him in practice that we are firmly resolved to carry out the decisions of our Party Congress.

That is why the candidacy of a man like Comrade Kalinin ought to have the unanimous support of us all. His candidacy will enable us to organise practically a series of direct contacts between the highest representative of Soviet power and the middle peasants; it will help to bring us closer to them.

This aim cannot be achieved at once, but we have no doubt that the decision we propose to make will be the correct one, though we know that we have little practical experience in this respect. Let the highest representative of the Soviet Republic himself be the first, with our joint assistance, to begin acquiring this experience, gather the full sum of knowledge, and check up; then we can be certain that we shall solve the task facing us, that Russia will become not only the model of a country where the dictatorship of the proletariat has been firmly established and the bourgeoisie ruthlessly suppressed—this has already been done-but also the model of a country where the relations between the urban workers and the middle peasants are satisfactorily arranged oil the basis of comradely support and new experience; this is one of the main guarantees of the complete victory of the proletarian revolution.

That is why I take it upon myself to recommend to you this candidacy—the candidacy of Comrade Kalinin.

 

 

 

 

V. I. Lenin

Insertions for V. Kalinin’s Article “The Peasant Congress”

Published: Proletary No. 25, November 16 (3), 1905. Printed from the Proletary text verified with the original.
Lenin Collected Works, , Volume 41, pages 177.2-178.1.
Translated: Yuri Sdobnikov

 

No. 25 of Proletary on November 16 (3), 1905, carried V. A. Karpinsky’s article “The Peasant Congress”, signed V. Kalinin. Lenin edited the article and made two insertions. p. 177

 

 

1

Wesee, consequently, that class-conscious socialists must unconditionally support the revolutionary struggle of all, even the prosperous, peasants against the officials and landowners, but class-conscious socialists must make the clear and straightforward statement that the “general redistribution” [1] the peasants want falls very far short of socialism. Socialism demands the abolition of the power of money, the power of capital, the abolition of all private ownership of the means of production, the abolition of the commodity economy. Socialism demands that the land and the factories should be handed over to the working people organising large-scale (instead of scattered small-scale) production under a general plan.

Thepeasant struggle for land and liberty is a great step towards socialism, but it is still a very far cry from socialism itself.

 

2

Thetactical resolution adopted by the Congress is truly astounding by its meagreness. We are inclined to think that there some of the peasant well-wishers (liberals) must have done some more “explaining”.

Hereis the resolution:

“Theactivity of the Peasant Union, depending on local conditions, may be either open or secret (conspiratorial). All members of the   Union must spread their views and seek to realise their demands in every possible way, being undeterred by the resistance on the part of the Zemstvo chiefs, the police and other authorities. Among other things, they are insistently advised to make use of their right to draw up public decisions at village and volost meetings and private gatherings concerning improvements in state amenities and improvement of the people’s welfare.”

Thatkind of resolution is extremely unsatisfactory. Instead of a revolutionary call for an uprising, it merely gives liberal advice of a general sort. Instead of organising a revolutionary party, the resolution only organises an annex to the liberal party. The progress of the movement itself will inevitably and inescapably split up the liberal landowners and the revolutionary peasants, and we Social-Democrats will try to accelerate this split.

 

_____

Note

 

 

[1] General redistribution—a slogan expressing the peasants’ striving for a general redistribution of the land and the elimination of landed estates.

Inhis article “The Agrarian Programme of Russian Social-Democracy”, Lenin said that the demand for a general redistribution, together with the reactionary utopian idea of perpetuating small-scale peasant production, also had its revolutionary side, namely, “the desire to sweep away by means of a peasant revolt all the remnants of the serf-owning system” (present edition, Vol. 6, p. 139).

Later,at the Second Congress of the R.S.D.L.P., Lenin said: = “We are told that the peasants will not be satisfied with our programme and will go further. But we are not afraid of that; we have our socialist programme for that eventuality, and consequently are not afraid even of a redistribution of the land” (present edition, Vol. 6, p. 497). p. 177

 

 

 

V. I.   Lenin

5

To:   M. I. KALININ

Written: Written on November 12, 1920
Published: First published in 1945 in Lenin Miscellany XXXV. Printed from the original.
Source: Lenin Collected Works, Volume 45, page 49b.
Translated: Yuri Sdobnikov

 

The Siberian Concessions Committee was set up by a C.P.C. decision of October 30, 1920, and on November 16 it submitted its   draft decree to the C.P.C. The latter appointed an ad hoc committee (V. I. Lenin, D. I. Kursky, A. M. Lezhava, V. P. Milyutin and S. P. Sereda) to rework and edit the draft decree within a week. On November 23, the C.P.C. adopted a decree on concessions and approved the committee’s proposal to publish a pamphlet on concessions. At the end of 1920, it appeared under the title 0 kontsessiyakh. Dekret Soveta. Narodnykh Komissarov ot 23 noyabrya 1920 g. Tekst dekreta. Obyekty kontsessii. Karty. (On Concessions. Decree of the Council of People’s Commissars of November 23, 1920. Text of the Decree. Concessions’ Objects. Maps.)

 

Comrade Kalinin:

I am sending you the draft resolutions on the Siberian concessions which have been passed by the committee (these drafts will be submitted to the Council of People’s Commissars for approval possibly next week). One other question, namely, that of food concessions, has still to be worked out in sufficient detail.

Will you press forward with this matter on the lines we discussed today.

 

12/XI.

Lenin

 

 

 

 

V. I. Lenin

Motion for the Politbureau of the C.C., R.C.P.(B.) on
M. I. Kalinin’s Trip to the Ukraine

Dictated: Dictated over the telephone January 27, 1922
Published: First published in 1945 in Lenin Miscellany XXXV. Printed from the secretary’s notes.
Source: Lenin Collected Works, Volume 42, page 389.2.
Translated: Bernard Isaacs

 

Lenin’s proposal on Kalinin’s trip to the Ukraine was adopted by the Politbureau on January 28. Kalinin made the trip on February 7-18 and March 5-18, 1922, with the agittrain “October Revolution” along the route: Poltava— Mirgorod— Kiev— Belaya Tserkov— Kremenchug— Odessa— Zhmerinka—- Kamenets Podolsk— Vinnitsa— Berdichev— Zhitomir.

 

 

 

To Comrade Molotov for all the members of the Politbureau

Pleaseput to the vote of the Politbureau the following motion: that Comrade Kalinin be directed immediately to make a round of the richer grain gubernias of the Ukraine to collect aid for the victims of the famine. The expedition to be fitted out with great thoroughness to enable it to carry out effective agitation for relief collections by means of photographs, films, demonstration of witnesses and sufferers from the famine-stricken areas, etc. Personal responsibility for the practical organisation of the expedition to be imposed upon

1.Kalinin for the political side of the business

2.a specially appointed practical worker endorsed by the Politbureau who would really be capable of putting through and organising the business properly.

Kalinintogether with the whole expedition shall leave within 3 days.

Lenin

 

 

 

Lenin said:

“Here we have a comrade who has been engaged in party work for nearly 20 years. He is a peasant from Tver’ Province, who has close connections with peasant farming…. Petrograd workers have witnessed his ability to approach wide sections of the working masses” (Poln. sobr. soch., 5th ed., vol. 38, p. 224).

 


 

 

 

youtube:

 

Burial in Kremlin

- 1946 -

 

Mikhail Kalinin

- 1932 -

Joseph Stalin and Mikhail Kalinin

 

Kalinin in Kharkov

 

Kalinin: On October Revolution

 

Kalinin speech about the success of collective farms

 

Kalinin: Speech on new Constitution 1936

 

Kalinin speech in elections to the Supreme Soviet 1937

 

Mikhail Kalinin

 

Mikhail Kalinin

 

Kalinin December 1943

 

Song about Kalinin

 

 

 

QUOTES

 

You must remember that we persecute nobody for religion. We regard religion as an error and fight it with education.

 

 

The national question is purely a peasant question...the best way to eliminate nationality is a massive factory with thousands of workers..., which like a millstone grinds up all nationalities and forges a new nationality. This nationality is the universal proletariat.

 

 

For thousands of years humankind's finest minds have been struggling with the theoretical problem of finding the forms that would give peoples the possibility, without the greatest of torment, without internecine strife, of living side by side in friendship and brotherhood. Practically speaking, the first step in this direction is only being taken now, today.

 

 

But even now, after the greatest victory known to history we cannot for one minute forget the basic fact that our country remains the one socialist state in the world. You will speak frankly about this to the collective farmers...Only the most concrete, most immediate danger, which threatened us from Hitlerite Germany, has disappeared.