On the Comintern

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Let us begin with the preparations of the

100th anniversary - next year !

 

The Comintern (SH) decides the year 2019 as the

"100 Years of the Comintern"

on occasion of the founding of the Comintern in 1919


 

COLLECTION OF MESSAGES OF THE COMINTERN (SH)

ON OCCASION OF THE FOUNDING OF THE COMINTERN

 

 

 

Long live the 99th anniversary of the Communist International !

March 4, 2018

 

 

Long live the 98th anniversary of the Communist International !

March 4, 2017

 

 

 

Long live the 97th anniversary of the Communist International !

March 4, 2016

 

 

Long live the 96th anniversary of the Communist International !

March 4, 2015

 

 

Long live the 95th anniversary of the Communist International !

March 4, 2014

 

 

Long live the 90th Year of the Comintern!

Platform of the Comintern (SH)

2009

 

 

 

Long live the 85th Anniversary of the Foundation of the Comintern

 

March 4, 2009

 

 

 


ON THE OCCASION OF THE 80TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE COMINTERN.

19 THESES

ON THE PROLETARIAN INTERNATIONALISM,

THE MARXIST-LENINIST MOVEMENT,

THE 1ST , 2ND AND 3RD INTERNATIONALS

AND THE REBUILDING OF THE NEW COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL (MARXIST-LENINISTS)

IN THE SPIRIT OF MARX, ENGELS, LENIN AND STALIN

by Wolfgang Eggers; Chairman of the Communist Party of Germany [ Marxist-Leninist]

C P Germany [M-L]

1996 - 1999.

 

 

COLLECTION OF MESSAGES OF THE COMINTERN

ON OCCASION OF THE FOUNDING OF THE COMINTERN

 

Lenin:

The Third International and
Its Place in History

 15 April, 1919

 

 

 

ECCI MANIFESTO

ON THE TENTH ANNIVERSARY

OF THE FOUNDATION OF THE COMINTERN

2 March 1929

 

 

FIFTEEN YEARS OF THE COMMUNIST
INTERNATIONAL

THESES FOR INSTRUCTORS

 

 

Song written for the 10th anniversary of the Communist International

1929.

 

Hymn of the Comintern

 

 

 

Quittez les machines,
Dehors prolétaires
Marchez et marchez
Formez vous pour l'attaque
Drapeaux déployés
Et les armes chargées
Au pas cadencé
Pour l'assaut, avancez!
Il faut gagner le monde.
Prolétaires debout!

Le sang de nos frères
Réclame vengeance.
Plus rien n'arrêtera
La colère des masses
A Londres, à Paris,
Budapest et Berlin
Prenez le pouvoir
Bataillons ouvriers!
Prenez votre revanche
Bataillons ouvriers!

Les meilleurs des nôtres
Sont morts dans la lutte,
Frappés, assommés,
Enchaînés dans les bagnes,
Nous ne craignons pas
Les tortures ni la mort
En avant, prolétaires!
Soyons prêts, soyons forts!

Quit the machines
Go out, proletarians
March and march
Form up for the attack.
Flags arrayed
And weapons loaded,
In cadenced step
For the assault, advance!
The world must be won,
Arise proletarians!

Our brothers' blood
Calls for justice.
Nothing can stop
The wrath of the masses.
In London, in Paris,
Budapest and Berlin,
Seize power
Worker battalions!
Take your revenge,
Worker battalions!

Our best
Have died in the struggle,
Punched, bludgeoned,
Chained in prisons,
We don't fear
Either tortures or death.
Forward proletarians!
Be ready, be strong!

   

  Коминтерн Заводы, вставайте!

Шеренги смыкайте!

На битву шагайте, шагайте, шагайте!

Проверьте прицел, заряжайте ружье?

На бой пролетарий за дело свое!

На бой пролетарий за дело свое!

Огонь ленинизма наш путь освещает, На штурм капитала весь мир поднимает!

Два класса столкнулись в последнем бою; Наш лозунг - Всемирный Советский Союз!

Наш лозунг - Всемирный Советский Союз!

Товарищи в тюрьмах, в застенках холодных Вы с нами, вы с нами, хоть нет вас в колоннах, Не страшен нам белый фашистский террор, Все страны охватит восстанья костёр!

Все страны охватит восстанья костёр!

На зов Коминтерна стальными рядами Под знамя Советов, под красное знамя. Мы красного фронта отряд боевой И мы не отступим с пути своего! И мы не отступим с пути своего!


  

Original lyrics:

Verlasst die Maschinen,
Heraus, ihr Proleten,
Marschieren, marschieren,
Zum Sturm angetreten!
Die Fahnen enterollt,
Die Gewehre gefällt!
Im Sturmschtritt
Marsch marsch!
Wir erobern die Welt!
Wir erobern die Welt!

Wir haben die Besten
Zu Graben getraten,
Zerfetzt und zerschossen
Und blutig geschlagen,
Von Mörden umstellt
Und ins Zuchtauss gesteckt,
Uns hat nicht das Wüten
Der Weissen geschreckt!
Uns hat nicht das Wüten
Der Weissen geschreckt!

Die letzten Kämpfer,
Heran, ihr Genossen!
Die Faüste geballt
Und die Reihen geschlossen.
Marschieren, marschieren!
Zum neuen Gefecht!
Wir stehen als strurmtrupp
Für kommendes Recht!
Wir stehen als Sturmtrupp
Für kommendes Recht!

 

 

 

 

The Origin of the Third International

The Bolsheviks and the World War

1946

 

 

 

 

 

"The Communist International had not ceased to exist and it will not cease to exist"

(Lenin ).

 

"The victory of the proletarian revolution on a world scale is assured.

The founding of an international Soviet republic is on the way."

(Lenin: March 6, 1919 - Concluding Speech at the Closing Session of the Congress)

 

"The comrades present in this hall saw the founding of the first Soviet republic;


now they see the founding of the Third, Communist International (applause),


and they will all see the founding of the World Federative Republic of Soviets. (Applause.)


(LENIN)

 

 

 

SPEECH ON GRAMOPHONE RECORDS

V. I. Lenin

The Third, Communist International

 

In March of this year of 1919, an international congress of Communists was held in Moscow. This congress founded the Third, Communist International, an association of the workers of the whole world who are striving to establish Soviet power in all countries.

The First International, founded by Marx, existed from 1864 to 1872. The defeat of the heroic workers of Paris-of the celebrated Paris Commune-marked the end of this International. It is unforgettable, it will remain for ever in the history of the workers' struggle for their emancipation. It laid the foundation of that edifice of the world socialist republic which it is now our good fortune to be building.

The Second International existed from 1889 to 1914, up to the war. This was the period of the most calm and peaceful development of capitalism, a period without great revolutions. During this period the working-class movement gained strength and matured in a number of countries. But the workers' leaders in most of the parties had become accustomed to peaceful conditions and had lost the ability to wage a revolutionary struggle. When, in 1914, there began the war, that drenched the earth with blood for four years, the war between the capitalists over the division of profits, the war for supremacy over small and weak nations, these leaders deserted to the side of their respective governments. They betrayed the workers, they helped to prolong the slaughter, they became enemies of socialism, they went over to the side of the capitalists.

The masses of workers turned their backs on these traitors to socialism. All over the world there was a turn towards the revolutionary struggle. The war proved that capitalism was doomed. A new system is coming to take its place. The old word socialism had been desecrated by the traitors to socialism.

Today, the workers who have remained loyal to the cause of throwing off the yoke of capital call themselves Communists. All over the world the association of Communists is growing. In a number of countries Soviet power has already triumphed. Soon we shall see the victory of communism throughout the world; we shall see the foundation of the World Federative Republic of Soviets.

 


V. I. LENIN

The Third International and
Its Place in History

Written: 15 April, 1919

(Excerpts)

 

"The Third International has been founded in a world situation that does not allow prohibitions, petty and miserable devices of the Entente imperialists or of capitalist lackeys like the Scheidemanns in Germany and the Renners in Austria to prevent news of this International and sympathy for it spreading among the working class of the world. This situation has been brought about by the growth of the proletarian revolution, which is manifestly developing everywhere by leaps and bounds. It has been brought about by the Soviet movement among the working people, which has already achieved such strength as to become really international.

The First International (1864-72) laid the foundation of an international organisation of the workers for the preparation of their revolutionary attack on capital. The Second International (1889-1914) was an international organisation of the proletarian movement whose growth proceeded in breadth, at the cost of a temporary drop in the revolutionary level, a temporary strengthening of opportunism, which in the end led to the disgraceful collapse of this International.

The Third International actually emerged in 1918, when the long years of struggle against opportunism and social-chauvinism, especially during the war, led to the formation of Communist Parties in a number of countries. Officially, the Third International was founded at its First Congress, in March 1919, in Moscow. And the most characteristic feature of this International, its mission of fulfilling, of implementing the precepts of Marxism, and of achieving the age-old ideals of socialism and the working-class movement—this most characteristic feature of the Third International has manifested itself immediately in the fact that the new, third, “International Working Men’s Association” has already begun to develop, to a certain extent, into a union of Soviet Socialist Republics.

The First International laid the foundation of the proletarian, international struggle for socialism.

The Second International marked a period in which the soil was prepared for the broad, mass spread of the movement in a number of countries.

The Third International has gathered the fruits of the work of the Second International, discarded its opportunist, social-chauvinist, bourgeois and petty-bourgeois dross, and has begun to implement the dictatorship of the proletariat.

The international alliance of the parties which are leading the most revolutionary movement in the world, the movement of the proletariat for the overthrow of the yoke of capital, now rests on an unprecedentedly firm base, in the shape of several Soviet republics, which are implementing the dictatorship of the proletariat and are the embodiment of victory over capitalism on an international scale.

The epoch-making significance of the Third, Communist International lies in its having begun to give effect to Marx’s cardinal slogan, the slogan which sums up the centuries-old development of socialism and the working-class movement, the slogan which is expressed in the concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

World history is leading unswervingly towards the dictatorship of the proletariat, but is doing so by paths that are anything but smooth, simple and straight.

Leadership in the revolutionary proletarian International has passed for a time—for a short time, it goes without saying—to the Russians, just as at various periods of the nineteenth century it was in the hands of the British, then of the French, then of the Germans.

Soviet, or proletarian, democracy was born in Russia. Following the Paris Commune a second epoch-making step was taken. The proletarian and peasant Soviet Republic has proved to be the first stable socialist republic in the world. As a new type of state it cannot die. It no longer stands alone.

The bankrupt Second International is now dying and rotting alive. Actually, it is playing the role of lackey to the world bourgeoisie. It is a truly yellow International. Its foremost ideological leaders, such as Kautsky, laudbourgeois democracy and call it “democracy” in general, or—what is still more stupid and still more crude—“pure democracy”.

Bourgeois democracy has outlived its day, just as the Second International has, though the International performed historically necessary and useful work when the task of the moment was to train the working-class masses within the framework of this bourgeois democracy.

No bourgeois republic, however democratic, ever was or could have been anything but a machine for the suppression of the working people by capital, an instrument of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, the political rule of capital. The democratic bourgeois republic promised and proclaimed majority rule, but it could never put this into effect as long as private ownership of the land and other means of production existed.

“Freedom” in the bourgeois-democratic republic was actually freedom for the rich. The proletarians and working peasants could and should have utilised it for the purpose of preparing their forces to overthrow capital, to overcome bourgeois democracy, but in fact the working masses were, as a general rule, unable to enjoy democracy under capitalism.

Soviet? or proletarian, democracy has for the first time in the world created democracy for the masses, for the working people, for the factory workers and small peasants.

Never yet has the world seen political power wielded by the majority of the population, power actually wielded by this majority, as it is in the case of Soviet rule.

It suppresses the “freedom” of the exploiters and their accomplices; it deprives them of “freedom” to exploit, “freedom” to batten on starvation, “freedom” to fight for the restoration of the rule of capital, “freedom” to compact with the foreign bourgeoisie against the workers and peasants of their own country.

Anyone who has read Marx and failed to understand that in capitalist society, at every acute moment, in every serious class conflict, the alternative is either the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie or the dictatorship of the proletariat, has understood nothing of either the economic or the political doctrines of Marx."

(Lenin: The Third International and Its Place in History; written: 15 April, 1919)

 

 

Clara Zetkin

From the International of Word to the International of Deed

1924

 The Communist International, No. 1 (New Series), pp. 111-126

 

Clara Zetkin

Hail to the Third Socialist International!


1919

The Communist International, Vol. I, No. 3, 1919;

 

The Russian Revolution and the Fourth Congress of the Comintern

(November 1922)

 

World Wide Field of Activity of the Comintern

"The Communist International", No. 4 (New Series), pp. 18-40

 

 

19th of July 2015

Long live the 95th anniversary of the Second World Congress of the Comintern !

19. 7. - 7. 8. 1920

 

Long live the 95th Anniversary of the

Fourth World Congress of the Comintern

from 5 November to 5 December 1922.

 

 

1928 - 2018

Long live the 90th Anniversary of the

Sixth Congress of the Communist International

 

from 17th of July to 1st of September 1928.

 

 

 

 

"The Communist International had not ceased to exist and it will not cease to exist"

(Lenin ).

 

Dimitrov - Liquidator of the Comintern 1943

Krushchev - Liquidator of the Cominform 1956

 

75 years ago

June 12, 1943

Liquidation of the Comintern 

 

The dissolution of the Comintern was a historically lasting defeat for the world proletariat and the world revolution, was a victory of the international forces of the Anti-Comintern, was a decisive factor in the historical growth of modern revisionism.

 The dissolution of the Comintern can be justified by nothing and no one, for the Communist International is the only party that can lead the world proletariat to world communism.

For this reason alone, the dissolution of the Comintern was the worst betrayal of proletarian internationalism, of the world socialist revolution, of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

- The dissolution of the Comintern was a stab in the back of our highest ideal - world communism.

- The dissolution of the Comintern did not serve the abolition of class society, but its maintenance by "peaceful coexistence" of two world camps.

- Any "justification" of a dissolution of the Comintern can mean nothing other than justifying the prolongation of the rule of the imperialist world. This means denying the possibility of the transition to world socialism and world communism. This is incompatible with the principles of Stalinism-Hoxhaism.

Finally, the dissolution of the Comintern was a declaration of war against the revolutionary doctrines of the 5 classics of Marxism-Leninism, which always stood up for the proletarian international.

 

10 reasons

against

the dissolution of the Comintern

 

 excerpt of the General-Line of the Comintern (SH)

 

1.

The existence of a Communist International is neither dependent on the ups and downs of capitalism, nor dependent on the ups and downs of inner party struggles. It is always and in any case absolutely indespensable for the fulfillment of the revolutionary mission of the world proletariat. Consequently, it is never allowed to cancel its existence, neither in times of capitalist crises, nor during fascism, nor in times of imperialist wars, etc, nor during inner crises.

Precisely in particularly most difficult and harsh conditions of the class struggle, in situations and periods in which the world proletariat and the peoples have the worst to suffer under the yoke of capitalism (such as under Nazism and World War II), precisely then is the Communist International indispensable, precisely then is such a dissolution close to a crime. Precisely in 1943, when tens of millions of masses bleeded to death, were murdered, starved and died of thirst, it is impossible to dissolve the Comintern and to leave the world proletariat and the peoples to their fate. Especially in the most extreme conditions, the leadership of the Communist International is needed for the revolutionary liberation of the world proletariat and the peoples - namely to smash down and end the brutal, bloody rule of the world bourgeoisie.

Maintaining the Communist International (respectively its fastest reconstruction in case of its liquidation), is absolutely a historical necessity. All the tactical considerations are absolutely subordinated. The principled question of the existence of the Communist International is not to be mixed up with the tactical questions of the Communist International. Decisions whether the Comintern lives or dies, only for the purpose of a temporary advantage (or to avoid an intermediate disadvantage), and the sacrificing of principles in the interests for a moment - are downright opportunist decisions. Nobody can deny or annul this truth by the accusation of "dogmatism".

2.

The existence of the Communist International is not only limited in the absolute necessity of overthrowing the capitalist world domination, by means of the world socialist revolution. That necessity exists uninterruptedly during the whole period of the existence of world capitalism.

However, the Communist International is also needed for the establishment of the dictatorship of the world proletariat and for leading the construction of world socialism.
The Communist International will therefore be indispensable during the entire historical period of world socialism, namely to eliminate the danger of the restoration of world capitalism, and finally to lead the world proletariat toward world communism.

Without Communist International there is no overthrow and destruction of world capitalism.

Without Communist International there is no victorious construction of world socialism.

Without Communist International there is no transition to world communism.

Any "justification" for the premature dissolution of the Communist International can therefore be nothing more than a justification for the prolongation of the world domination of the bourgeoisie, for the delay of the dictatorship of the world proletariat, and finally for the postponement of World Communism.

3.

In the event that our Communist International will be forcibly liquidated or from the inside decomposed by the bourgeoisie, in the event that the Comintern falls victim to its own degeneration, in the event that it is turned into an instrument of the class enemy, then: it is our duty to ruthlessly slap it out of the hostile hands.
Only if this should not succeed - we must rebuild the Communist International in any case - and that , of course, restored on the basis of Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism-Hoxhaism.

4.

If we would dissolve our own Communist International, for any reason whatsoever, this contradicts the basic idea of proletarian internationalism. We would cease to be Communists. The own liquidation of our communist organization is tantamount to capitulation to the class enemy. This means nothing else than the disarmament of the world proletariat and cession the field to the international counter-revolution.

No Communist International is worth anything, unless it can defend itself. But the Communist International does not learn to defend itself at once. This is an ever lasting process of learning from its own experiences.

The Comintern (SH) will never be dissolved by itself. The Communist International is a dying breed in the period of world communism. It will die off not a sole day earlier.

5.

Countries of the dictatorship of the proletariat are particularly bound to proletarian internationalism. This means that they are obliged to protect the Communist International by all means. Maintaining the existence of the Comintern is also self-evident task of exclusively all the other Sections of the Comintern.

It is not only the right but also the duty of a country of the dictatorship of the proletariat to withhold its support for an already degenerated Communist International. Naturally, this applies to all other sections of the Comintern. This does not release neither the socialist country, nor all the other sections of the Comintern from the obligation to do everything in their power, to support the immediate reconstruction of the Communist International , respectively to take the initiative.

The dictatorship of the proletariat is in essence an internationalist dictatorship and serves primarily the liberation of the whole world proletariat. Without survival of the Communist International and the world communist movement, the socialist world revolution is doomed to the defeat. Only the world revolution - or at least the victory of the socialist revolution in several countries - can guarantee the survival of socialism in "one" country. The existence of the Comintern and the support of the world proletariat is therefore also important for the maintenance of the existence of socialism in "one" country. Why then consent to the dissolution of the Comintern ?

The CPSU (b) of Lenin and Stalin has always triumphed over the liquidators and capitulationists. Neither before nor after the October Revolution, there was a smallest reason for the dissolution of the CPSU (B). Is this particularly valid for the Bolshevik Party of the Soviet Union or, generally, also valid for all Bolshevik parties? Of course, the fight against liquidationism and against capitulationism is obligatory for all Bolshevik parties. In our view, that what applies to the Bolshevik Party of a sole country, must apply even more to the world-Bolshevik party which bears responsibility for all countries, for the whole world proletariat. It follows:

As little as the CPSU (B) has dissolved itself, so little were the Comintern allowed to dissolve itself, and so little neither the CPSU (B) nor all the other sections should have given their consent to its dissolution.

6.

The Comintern (SH) defends all comrades who have rendered outstanding services to the maintenance or re-establishment of the Comintern. Some of them have even paid for their lives.

Simultaneously, we condemn all capitulationist, liquidationist and conciliatory elements who have initiated, organised or tolerated the dissolution of the Comintern. Secondly, we condemn all the opportunist, revisionist and neo-revisionist elements who argued openly or hiddenly against the reconstruction of the Comintern, with the intention to hamper or sabotage its revival.

Every adulation of the historical merits of the Comintern is suspicious, especially if its dissolution is tolerated or justified, or if it is combined with reasons of refusal against its necessary reconstruction.

7.

Our criticism is thus clear: we do not only criticize the dissolution of the Comintern as an act of capitulation. Primarily, we critisize its long-lasting negative effect for the comeback of the Comintern. The fact that the dissolution caused a half-century long delay of reconstruction, demonstrates impressively that this wrong historic decision had effected a fundamentally false course of organizing the Communist World Movement - namely the toleration of the renouncement of the Communist International. The dissolution of the Comintern was a painful lesson in the history of the international communist movement. It must never be repeated.

8.

Only within a diseased Comintern, which was infected by the bacillus of the "left"-wing social democratism, could such moods of self-dissolution occur and be spread all over the world.

A healthy Communist International, which is guided by Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism-Hoxhaism, wastes no precious time in thinking about its own dissolution.

A healthy Communist International holds on and sticks to the socialist world revolution with all its strength.

A healthy Communist International shall never lay down its arms in face of the onslaught of world counter-revolution and imperialist wars!

Therefore, our general-line demands all members of the Comintern (SH) to combat every liquidationist tendencies and to stifle at birth.

9.

The dissolution of the International implied the inevitable danger of weakening the idea of proletarian internationalism and the emergence of nationalist tendencies within the communist parties of the various countries ("own national road to socialism"; see: Titoism; Browderism etc.).

The dissolution of the Comintern favored the tendency for national separation and isolation, which necessarily contained two risks:

First, the danger of the growing influence of national isolation and, secondly, the risk of neglection of propagating together, preparing together and carrying out together the world socialist revolution.

These are universally tendencies of the dissolution and can be traced in the history of all Internationals.

The ECCI justified the dissolution of the Comintern with the dissolution of the First International by Marx and Engels. The equating of quite different historical conditions for the dissolution of the I. and III. International - is contradicting the correct method of the dialectical and historical materialism and leads unavoidably to false conclusions. The dissolution of the Comintern may not be justified by the dissolution of the First International. There is no justification for the genuine communist internationalists to dissolve their revolutionary world-party.

10.

The ECCI Presidium of the Comintern argued: “The Communist International has become a drag on the further strengthening of the national working-class parties.”

The Communist International, as the directing centre of the socialist world revolution, may never become a drag ... neither on the entire emancipation of the world proletariat, nor on the emancipation of the proletariat in the single countries.

The Sections are not such "matured" children who are eligible for the dissolution of the Communist International, after standing on their own feet.
And the Communist International is not such a "mother", who leaves her children in the lurch after she has started a family.

The task of the Comintern is not yet completed and fulfilled by the fact that it led Bolshevik parties to maturity. On the contrary. The Communist International takes never leave of its Sections - under no circumstances. Sections and Comintern, they never leave each other in the lurch - never !

The centralized unification of the Sections was the prerequisite for the most essential task of the Comintern: to lead all Bolshevik parties collectively toward the victory of the world socialist revolution. However, the revisionist leaders of the Comintern dropped the world socialist revolution. In consequence, the Comintern was not needed anymore as the global organization for the revolution of the world proletariat. 

* * *

Starting from all these principled considerations, we cast doubts, both on the justification of the ECCI for the dissolution of the Comintern (on 20 May 1943) and on the consent of the CPSU [b], (21 May 1943).

The very first task of all communists all over the world is to prevent the dissolution of our communist world party.

In case of the Comintern this task was not fulfilled.

The decision of the dissolution of the Comintern was unanimously accepted.

Can we be true defenders of the Comintern, can we be true members of the Comintern (SH) if we would accept a dissolution unresisting and unprotesting?

* * *

The Comintern (SH) draws the following key organizational lessons from the fatal dissolution of the Comintern:

The general-line of the Comintern (SH) states that the old model of the organization of the Comintern - an umbrella organization of independent, national communist parties - is no longer appropriate. According to the present conditions of the globalization of the world proletariat it will be superseded by a new global model of a world party.

The Comintern (SH) considers herelf as

the sole Stalinist-Hoxhaist party of the entire revolutionary proletariat

- with its own Sections in each country.

The tendency of the dissolution of the Comintern (SH) and the danger of the transformation from Sections to independent, national splinter groups is countervailed by the tendency of growing together by means of the strengthening of the principle of democratic centralism.


[ LINK 1 : Resolution of the ECCI - Recommending the Dissolution of the Comintern ]

[ LINK 2: Statement of the Presidium of the ECCI on the Dissolution of the Comintern ] 

[ LINK 3 : Stalin on the Dissolution of the Comintern ]