On the Comintern

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

"100 Years of the Comintern"

 

Decision of the Comintern (SH)

adopted December 17, 2018

 

100th anniversary of the founding of the Comintern of Lenin and Stalin

 

Comrades !

The Comintern (SH) herewith declares to celebrate the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Comintern in 2019.

All Sections of the Comintern (SH) are now called upon to put the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Comintern and its meaning for the preparation and implementation of the world socialist revolution at the center of their entire agitation, propaganda and activities during the whole year 2019.

Long live the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Comintern of Lenin and Stalin!

With world communist greetings

Comintern (SH)

17th of December 2018

 

* * *

 

Explanatory statement

 

The annual period for the implementation of this decision dates from 1st of January 2019 until 31st of December 2019.

 

The decision of the Comintern (SH) points out that party activities and party life of the year 2019 should be focused on the Comintern as far as possible. The 100th anniversary of the founding of the Comintern of Lenin and Stalin will last for a whole year.

This is the third time in history of the Comintern (SH) [see: October revolution in 2017; and 200th birthday of Karl Marx in 2018] that such a great long-lasting campaign will be carried out. We will learn from our previous campaigns how to tackle this new challenge.

We take this historical event as an opportunity to learn from the Comintern of Lenin and Stalin, how to organize the world proletariat for the victory of the world socialist revolution and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat. This is the most important aim of our campaign. For us, this campaign is not limited in commemorating the historical event of the founding of the Comintern. This is only what our enemies want, namely a Comintern that ended up on the "political scrapheap". It is the today's alliance of the bourgeois-revisionist anti-Comintern who tries to spread the lie that the Comintern allegedly would be "out of date" and that it would have lost forever its significance through the revisionist act of "dissolution" in 1943. We do not regard the centenary of the Comintern as an event of a "closed chapter" of the past. but as the opening of a new chapter of its revival. Our efforts for the renaissance of the Comintern logically causes the renaissance of the forces of the counterrevolution including its "leftist" lackeys, which is characterised in that it tries to hinder us from following the path of the Comintern of Lenin and Stalin.

The Comintern is alive and laughs at those revisionist traitors who tried in vain to liquidate it. For us, it is about the indispensable continuation of the proletarian Intenational. On its 100th anniversary we swear to fight for fulfilling the world historical mission of the Comintern. And we do this in spite of all resistance against us. In the year 2019 we will reinforce the oath of comrade Stalin:

 

WE VOW TO YOU, COMRADE LENIN, THAT WE SHALL NOT SPARE OUR LIVES TO STRENGTHEN AND EXTEND THE UNION OF THE WORKING PEOPLE OF THE WHOLE WORLD -- THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL!

(J. V. Stalin)

 

Lenin characterized the position of the III. International in the history one month after the founding of the Comintern:

 

"The I. International laid the foundation for the international proletarian struggle for socialism.

The Second International was the era that has prepared the ground for a further spread of the movement among the masses in a number of countries.

The III. International took over the fruits of the work of the Second International, scavenged opportunism, social-chauvinism, bourgeois and petty-bourgeois influences and started to release the dictatorship of the proletariat. The historical significance of the III., The Communist International is, that it has begun to implement the great slogan of Marx into practice, the slogan that draws the balance from the Century of development of socialism and the labour movement, the slogan which is expressed in the concept: the dictatorship of the proletariat. This ingenious foresight, this ingenious theory becomes reality "(Lenin, The Third International and its place in history", Moscow, April 15, 1919).

 

The world proletariat grows historically and so does its proletarian International, too. The different names of the proletarian International in the course of the history of the communist world movement are thus only expression of the special stages of the historical development of the one and only existing proletarian International. And this means nothing else than that all the previous Internationals form an inseparable unified whole. Neither the revisionist liquidation of the Comintern, nor its alleged "continuation" by the Trotskyite "Fourth International" did ever harm the further development of the world proletariat and its proletarian International. The proletarian International can neither be liquidated nor replaced by "leftist" or rightist immitations. The further development of the proletarian International is the iron law of the further development of the global class struggle of the proletariat. There is only one genuine proletarian International, and this is the Comintern (SH), the proletarian International of the 21st century.

So if we defend the founding of the Comintern, then this means consequently that we defend the "proletarian International" as a whole - thus in all its historical stages of development - without excluding the one or other historical stage of the proletarian International. In this way, we Stalinist-Hoxhaists classify the Comintern and its founding on the scientific basis of the historical and dialectical materialism. It was Karl Marx who defined the law of development of the proletarian International by means of the method of dialectical and historical materialism. And this scientific definition applies especially to the Comintern, too:

 

"Instead of dying out, the International did only pass from its first period of incubation to a higher one where its already original tendencies have in part become realities. In the course of its progressive development, it will yet have to undergo many a change, before the last chapter of its history can be written." (Karl Marx)

 

The historical mission of the proletarian International is organizing the emancipation of the world proletariat. Therefore, the proletarian International is as indissoluble as the world proletariat itself and will unavoidably further exist until world communism is created. This is the true meaning of Lenin's prophecy:

 

"The International has not perished and will never perish."

 

The existence of a Communist International is absolutely indespensable for the fulfillment of the revolutionary mission of the world proletariat - thus to destroy the dictatorship of the world bourgeoisie and to remove world capitalism. Moreover the Communist International is needed for the establishment of the dictatorship of the world proletariat and for leading the construction of world socialism. The Communist International will therefore be indispensable during the entire historical period of world socialism and its transition to world communism.

The Comintern (SH) is nothing else than the Comintern, modified under today's conditions of globalization.

The Comintern (SH) forms the highest stage of development of the proletarian International.

There is no proletarian International without the proletarian ideology.

Every further stage of development of the proletarian International corresponds with every further stage of development of the proletarian ideology. The First International and Second International were created under the banner of Marxism. The Comintern was founded on the basis of Leninism and further developed through Stalinism. The Comintern was the organization of the world proletariat in the period of socialism in "one" country. And the Comintern (SH) is based on the most advanced development of the proletarian ideology, thus Stalinism-Hoxhaism. The Comintern (SH) is the organization of the world proletariat in the period of the revolutionary transition from world capitalism to world socialism, and from world socialism to world communism. 

The highest form of the proletarian organization is always built according to the highest stage of the development of the proletarian ideology.

The history of the proletarian international is the history of the struggle against its falsification and destruction, in particular by the subversive activities of the agents of the bourgeoisie within the ranks of the proletarian international.This struggle for the purity of the proletarian ideology, this struggle against the infiltration by bourgeois ideology did not begin first with Dimitroff's betrayal at the 7th World Congress in 1935, but took place in all times, thus already since the founding of the Comintern in 1919.

The struggle against founding-opportunism

The fight against founding-opportunism took place as early as the creation of the Bolshevik party. If we study thoroughly Lenin "What is to be done?" then we can also learn to understand Lenin's struggle against founding-opportunism in the Comintern.
The founding opportunism is the policy and ideology of the opportunists who try to hinder or to shipwreck the founding in a right-wing or "left-wing" way.
The rightist opportunism is characterised by preventing the creation of a proletarian party through postponing and delaying it by means of pseudo-"arguments" - i.e. why the necessary conditions for the founding would be allegedly "still not ripe".
And the "leftist" opportunism is characterised by prematurely (overhasty) decision, ie to a founding without creating the necessary conditions for it (e.g. founding "on a Paper", designing a "fully developed Comintern" on the drawing board, wishful thinking, pipe dreams, romantic rapture, petty-bourgeois revolutionism).

Basically, the Comintern was concerned with the same question: Building the Bolshevik World Party according to Lenin's party norms in the fight against the founding opportunists.
The Comintern was created on the basis of experiences and teachings of the founding of the Bolshevik Party. The founding of the Comintern became necessary because the Second International was already hopelessly degenerated and not repairable. A degenerated proletarian international can not be "bolshevized," but only fought and crushed, thus only be replaced by a new genuine one. The fight against founding opportunism was thus unavoidable for protecting the Comintern from the penetration of the old rotten ideas of the Second International. Today we do nothing else. We fight against Dimitrovism in order to protect the Comintern (SH) from the penetration of the rottened revisionist ideas of the degenerated Comintern. The Comintern was not repairable and thus had to be replaced by a new, genuine bolshevist world party - by the Comintern (SH).

 

We declare war against every organization, every group, every movement (whether locally or globally organized), which struggles against the indispensable reconstruction of the Communist International. Communists are only those who fight for the Bolshevik world party.

"For or against" the leadership of a Bolshevik World Party – this is the demarcation-line between opportunism and Stalinism- Hoxhaism in the organizational question of the world socialist revolution.

 

If we want further develop the proletarian International under the banner of Stalinism-Hoxhaism then we must base ourselves on its historical experienes and teachings. The growing and prospering of the Comintern (SH) cannot withstand the storms of global class struggle if we do not implement correctly the lessons of the history of the proletarian International, beginning with the First International until the Comintern.
If we do not correctly modify the renewal of the proletarian International according to today's conditions of globalisation, the world proletariat cannot be victorious in its struggle for its final emancipation.

In 2019 we will sharpen our organisational weapon of Stalinism-Hoxhaism by basing ourselves all the better on the teachings of the Comintern of Lenin and Stalin!We Stalinist-Hoxhaists cannot defend the Comintern without defending Stalinism-Hoxhaism. And vice versa, we cannot defend Stalinism-Hoxhaism without defending the Comintern. The Comintern (SH) is in essence nothing but the further developed Comintern, namely the Comintern on a higher stage of its development.

This will be a heavy blow against all liquidatory ideologists who spread the lie that Stalinism-Hoxhaism would allegedly be a "falsification", "deviation" or even an ideology of "withdrawl" from the teachings of the Comintern. Stalinism-Hoxhaism is not at all an ideology in opposite to the Comintern. In the contrary. Stalinism-Hoxhaism is the ideology for the renewal of the Comintern, scientifically modified under present conditions of globalization. Stalinism-Hoxhaism is the victorious ideology of organizing the world proletariat for the transition from world imperialism to world socialism - as the indispensable organisational step for entering the classless world, as the first period of world communism.

Stalinism-Hoxhaism in the question of organisation is the theory and tactics of organizing the world proletarian revolution, in general, and the theory and tactics of organising the world dictatorship of the proletariat, in particular.

Despite all the forces that still try to deny and disprove the indispensability of the proletarian world party, the world bourgeoisie could not prevent the Comintern from having been re-established after its dissolution - through the Comintern (SH).

Let us continue the glorious tradition of the Communist International of Lenin and Stalin !

* * *

The Comintern is the holy of holies of the working class. (J. V. Stalin)

* * *

World communism of today must be marked through the revolutionary, militant spirit of the heroic times of Lenin and Stalin, of the Comintern“(Enver Hoxha)

 

* * *

We swear to fulfill the program of the Comintern:

"To fulfil the historic requirement for an international organization of revolutionary proletarians, the gravedigger of the capitalist system, the Communist International is the only global power, whose program is the dictatorship of the proletariat and communism, and who is openly acting as organizer of the international proletarian revolution "(Program of the Comintern, 1928).

 

We have decided to rebuild the Comintern, guided by the lessons of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism, and we must do so in face of all difficulties. Not a single step backward !

Long live the centenary of the founding of the Comintern !

* * *

This campaign is centrally organized by the Comintern (SH) and jointly supported by her Sections.

We call for all true communists of the world: Support the "Comintern Campaign" in 2019 !

 


 

COLLECTION OF MESSAGES OF THE COMINTERN (SH)

ON OCCASION OF THE FOUNDING OF THE COMINTERN

 

 

 

Long live the 99th anniversary of the Communist International !

March 4, 2018

 

 

Long live the 98th anniversary of the Communist International !

March 4, 2017

 

 

 

Long live the 97th anniversary of the Communist International !

March 4, 2016

 

 

Long live the 96th anniversary of the Communist International !

March 4, 2015

 

 

Long live the 95th anniversary of the Communist International !

March 4, 2014

 

 

Long live the 90th Year of the Comintern!

Platform of the Comintern (SH)

2009

 

 

 

Long live the 85th Anniversary of the Foundation of the Comintern

 

March 4, 2009

 

 

 


ON THE OCCASION OF THE 80TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE COMINTERN.

19 THESES

ON THE PROLETARIAN INTERNATIONALISM,

THE MARXIST-LENINIST MOVEMENT,

THE 1ST , 2ND AND 3RD INTERNATIONALS

AND THE REBUILDING OF THE NEW COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL (MARXIST-LENINISTS)

IN THE SPIRIT OF MARX, ENGELS, LENIN AND STALIN

by Wolfgang Eggers; Chairman of the Communist Party of Germany [ Marxist-Leninist]

C P Germany [M-L]

1996 - 1999.

 

 

COLLECTION OF MESSAGES OF THE COMINTERN

ON OCCASION OF THE FOUNDING OF THE COMINTERN

 

Lenin:

The Third International and
Its Place in History

 15 April, 1919

 

 

 

ECCI MANIFESTO

ON THE TENTH ANNIVERSARY

OF THE FOUNDATION OF THE COMINTERN

2 March 1929

 

 

FIFTEEN YEARS OF THE COMMUNIST
INTERNATIONAL

THESES FOR INSTRUCTORS

 

 

Song written for the 10th anniversary of the Communist International

1929.

 

Hymn of the Comintern

 

 

 

Quittez les machines,
Dehors prolétaires
Marchez et marchez
Formez vous pour l'attaque
Drapeaux déployés
Et les armes chargées
Au pas cadencé
Pour l'assaut, avancez!
Il faut gagner le monde.
Prolétaires debout!

Le sang de nos frères
Réclame vengeance.
Plus rien n'arrêtera
La colère des masses
A Londres, à Paris,
Budapest et Berlin
Prenez le pouvoir
Bataillons ouvriers!
Prenez votre revanche
Bataillons ouvriers!

Les meilleurs des nôtres
Sont morts dans la lutte,
Frappés, assommés,
Enchaînés dans les bagnes,
Nous ne craignons pas
Les tortures ni la mort
En avant, prolétaires!
Soyons prêts, soyons forts!

Quit the machines
Go out, proletarians
March and march
Form up for the attack.
Flags arrayed
And weapons loaded,
In cadenced step
For the assault, advance!
The world must be won,
Arise proletarians!

Our brothers' blood
Calls for justice.
Nothing can stop
The wrath of the masses.
In London, in Paris,
Budapest and Berlin,
Seize power
Worker battalions!
Take your revenge,
Worker battalions!

Our best
Have died in the struggle,
Punched, bludgeoned,
Chained in prisons,
We don't fear
Either tortures or death.
Forward proletarians!
Be ready, be strong!

   

  Коминтерн Заводы, вставайте!

Шеренги смыкайте!

На битву шагайте, шагайте, шагайте!

Проверьте прицел, заряжайте ружье?

На бой пролетарий за дело свое!

На бой пролетарий за дело свое!

Огонь ленинизма наш путь освещает, На штурм капитала весь мир поднимает!

Два класса столкнулись в последнем бою; Наш лозунг - Всемирный Советский Союз!

Наш лозунг - Всемирный Советский Союз!

Товарищи в тюрьмах, в застенках холодных Вы с нами, вы с нами, хоть нет вас в колоннах, Не страшен нам белый фашистский террор, Все страны охватит восстанья костёр!

Все страны охватит восстанья костёр!

На зов Коминтерна стальными рядами Под знамя Советов, под красное знамя. Мы красного фронта отряд боевой И мы не отступим с пути своего! И мы не отступим с пути своего!


  

Original lyrics:

Verlasst die Maschinen,
Heraus, ihr Proleten,
Marschieren, marschieren,
Zum Sturm angetreten!
Die Fahnen enterollt,
Die Gewehre gefällt!
Im Sturmschtritt
Marsch marsch!
Wir erobern die Welt!
Wir erobern die Welt!

Wir haben die Besten
Zu Graben getraten,
Zerfetzt und zerschossen
Und blutig geschlagen,
Von Mörden umstellt
Und ins Zuchtauss gesteckt,
Uns hat nicht das Wüten
Der Weissen geschreckt!
Uns hat nicht das Wüten
Der Weissen geschreckt!

Die letzten Kämpfer,
Heran, ihr Genossen!
Die Faüste geballt
Und die Reihen geschlossen.
Marschieren, marschieren!
Zum neuen Gefecht!
Wir stehen als strurmtrupp
Für kommendes Recht!
Wir stehen als Sturmtrupp
Für kommendes Recht!

 

 

 

 

The Origin of the Third International

The Bolsheviks and the World War

1946

 

 

 

 

Lenin on the Comintern

 

 

"The Communist International had not ceased to exist and it will not cease to exist"

(Lenin ).

 

"The victory of the proletarian revolution on a world scale is assured.

The founding of an international Soviet republic is on the way."

(Lenin: March 6, 1919 - Concluding Speech at the Closing Session of the Congress)

 

"The comrades present in this hall saw the founding of the first Soviet republic;


now they see the founding of the Third, Communist International (applause),


and they will all see the founding of the World Federative Republic of Soviets. (Applause.)


(LENIN)

 

 

 

SPEECH ON GRAMOPHONE RECORDS

V. I. Lenin

The Third, Communist International

 

In March of this year of 1919, an international congress of Communists was held in Moscow. This congress founded the Third, Communist International, an association of the workers of the whole world who are striving to establish Soviet power in all countries.

The First International, founded by Marx, existed from 1864 to 1872. The defeat of the heroic workers of Paris-of the celebrated Paris Commune-marked the end of this International. It is unforgettable, it will remain for ever in the history of the workers' struggle for their emancipation. It laid the foundation of that edifice of the world socialist republic which it is now our good fortune to be building.

The Second International existed from 1889 to 1914, up to the war. This was the period of the most calm and peaceful development of capitalism, a period without great revolutions. During this period the working-class movement gained strength and matured in a number of countries. But the workers' leaders in most of the parties had become accustomed to peaceful conditions and had lost the ability to wage a revolutionary struggle. When, in 1914, there began the war, that drenched the earth with blood for four years, the war between the capitalists over the division of profits, the war for supremacy over small and weak nations, these leaders deserted to the side of their respective governments. They betrayed the workers, they helped to prolong the slaughter, they became enemies of socialism, they went over to the side of the capitalists.

The masses of workers turned their backs on these traitors to socialism. All over the world there was a turn towards the revolutionary struggle. The war proved that capitalism was doomed. A new system is coming to take its place. The old word socialism had been desecrated by the traitors to socialism.

Today, the workers who have remained loyal to the cause of throwing off the yoke of capital call themselves Communists. All over the world the association of Communists is growing. In a number of countries Soviet power has already triumphed. Soon we shall see the victory of communism throughout the world; we shall see the foundation of the World Federative Republic of Soviets.

 


V. I. LENIN

The Third International and
Its Place in History

Written: 15 April, 1919

(Excerpts)

 

"The Third International has been founded in a world situation that does not allow prohibitions, petty and miserable devices of the Entente imperialists or of capitalist lackeys like the Scheidemanns in Germany and the Renners in Austria to prevent news of this International and sympathy for it spreading among the working class of the world. This situation has been brought about by the growth of the proletarian revolution, which is manifestly developing everywhere by leaps and bounds. It has been brought about by the Soviet movement among the working people, which has already achieved such strength as to become really international.

The First International (1864-72) laid the foundation of an international organisation of the workers for the preparation of their revolutionary attack on capital. The Second International (1889-1914) was an international organisation of the proletarian movement whose growth proceeded in breadth, at the cost of a temporary drop in the revolutionary level, a temporary strengthening of opportunism, which in the end led to the disgraceful collapse of this International.

The Third International actually emerged in 1918, when the long years of struggle against opportunism and social-chauvinism, especially during the war, led to the formation of Communist Parties in a number of countries. Officially, the Third International was founded at its First Congress, in March 1919, in Moscow. And the most characteristic feature of this International, its mission of fulfilling, of implementing the precepts of Marxism, and of achieving the age-old ideals of socialism and the working-class movement—this most characteristic feature of the Third International has manifested itself immediately in the fact that the new, third, “International Working Men’s Association” has already begun to develop, to a certain extent, into a union of Soviet Socialist Republics.

The First International laid the foundation of the proletarian, international struggle for socialism.

The Second International marked a period in which the soil was prepared for the broad, mass spread of the movement in a number of countries.

The Third International has gathered the fruits of the work of the Second International, discarded its opportunist, social-chauvinist, bourgeois and petty-bourgeois dross, and has begun to implement the dictatorship of the proletariat.

The international alliance of the parties which are leading the most revolutionary movement in the world, the movement of the proletariat for the overthrow of the yoke of capital, now rests on an unprecedentedly firm base, in the shape of several Soviet republics, which are implementing the dictatorship of the proletariat and are the embodiment of victory over capitalism on an international scale.

The epoch-making significance of the Third, Communist International lies in its having begun to give effect to Marx’s cardinal slogan, the slogan which sums up the centuries-old development of socialism and the working-class movement, the slogan which is expressed in the concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

World history is leading unswervingly towards the dictatorship of the proletariat, but is doing so by paths that are anything but smooth, simple and straight.

Leadership in the revolutionary proletarian International has passed for a time—for a short time, it goes without saying—to the Russians, just as at various periods of the nineteenth century it was in the hands of the British, then of the French, then of the Germans.

Soviet, or proletarian, democracy was born in Russia. Following the Paris Commune a second epoch-making step was taken. The proletarian and peasant Soviet Republic has proved to be the first stable socialist republic in the world. As a new type of state it cannot die. It no longer stands alone.

The bankrupt Second International is now dying and rotting alive. Actually, it is playing the role of lackey to the world bourgeoisie. It is a truly yellow International. Its foremost ideological leaders, such as Kautsky, laudbourgeois democracy and call it “democracy” in general, or—what is still more stupid and still more crude—“pure democracy”.

Bourgeois democracy has outlived its day, just as the Second International has, though the International performed historically necessary and useful work when the task of the moment was to train the working-class masses within the framework of this bourgeois democracy.

No bourgeois republic, however democratic, ever was or could have been anything but a machine for the suppression of the working people by capital, an instrument of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, the political rule of capital. The democratic bourgeois republic promised and proclaimed majority rule, but it could never put this into effect as long as private ownership of the land and other means of production existed.

“Freedom” in the bourgeois-democratic republic was actually freedom for the rich. The proletarians and working peasants could and should have utilised it for the purpose of preparing their forces to overthrow capital, to overcome bourgeois democracy, but in fact the working masses were, as a general rule, unable to enjoy democracy under capitalism.

Soviet? or proletarian, democracy has for the first time in the world created democracy for the masses, for the working people, for the factory workers and small peasants.

Never yet has the world seen political power wielded by the majority of the population, power actually wielded by this majority, as it is in the case of Soviet rule.

It suppresses the “freedom” of the exploiters and their accomplices; it deprives them of “freedom” to exploit, “freedom” to batten on starvation, “freedom” to fight for the restoration of the rule of capital, “freedom” to compact with the foreign bourgeoisie against the workers and peasants of their own country.

Anyone who has read Marx and failed to understand that in capitalist society, at every acute moment, in every serious class conflict, the alternative is either the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie or the dictatorship of the proletariat, has understood nothing of either the economic or the political doctrines of Marx."

(Lenin: The Third International and Its Place in History; written: 15 April, 1919)

 

 

Clara Zetkin

From the International of Word to the International of Deed

1924

 The Communist International, No. 1 (New Series), pp. 111-126

 

Clara Zetkin

Hail to the Third Socialist International!


1919

The Communist International, Vol. I, No. 3, 1919;

 

The Russian Revolution and the Fourth Congress of the Comintern

(November 1922)

 

World Wide Field of Activity of the Comintern

"The Communist International", No. 4 (New Series), pp. 18-40

 

 

 

The formation of the Comintern

1929 Inprecorr Vol 6 - No 9-10

 

10 Years of Comintern Publications

1929 Inprecorr Vol 6 - No 9-10

 

 

19th of July 2015

Long live the 95th anniversary of the Second World Congress of the Comintern !

19. 7. - 7. 8. 1920

 

Long live the 95th Anniversary of the

Fourth World Congress of the Comintern

from 5 November to 5 December 1922.

 

 

1928 - 2018

Long live the 90th Anniversary of the

Sixth Congress of the Communist International

 

from 17th of July to 1st of September 1928.

 

 

 

 

"The Communist International had not ceased to exist and it will not cease to exist"

(Lenin ).

 

Dimitrov - Liquidator of the Comintern 1943

Krushchev - Liquidator of the Cominform 1956

 

75 years ago

June 12, 1943

Liquidation of the Comintern 

 

The dissolution of the Comintern was a historically lasting defeat for the world proletariat and the world revolution, was a victory of the international forces of the Anti-Comintern, was a decisive factor in the historical growth of modern revisionism.

 The dissolution of the Comintern can be justified by nothing and no one, for the Communist International is the only party that can lead the world proletariat to world communism.

For this reason alone, the dissolution of the Comintern was the worst betrayal of proletarian internationalism, of the world socialist revolution, of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

- The dissolution of the Comintern was a stab in the back of our highest ideal - world communism.

- The dissolution of the Comintern did not serve the abolition of class society, but its maintenance by "peaceful coexistence" of two world camps.

- Any "justification" of a dissolution of the Comintern can mean nothing other than justifying the prolongation of the rule of the imperialist world. This means denying the possibility of the transition to world socialism and world communism. This is incompatible with the principles of Stalinism-Hoxhaism.

Finally, the dissolution of the Comintern was a declaration of war against the revolutionary doctrines of the 5 classics of Marxism-Leninism, which always stood up for the proletarian international.

 

10 reasons

against

the dissolution of the Comintern

 

 excerpt of the General-Line of the Comintern (SH)

 

1.

The existence of a Communist International is neither dependent on the ups and downs of capitalism, nor dependent on the ups and downs of inner party struggles. It is always and in any case absolutely indespensable for the fulfillment of the revolutionary mission of the world proletariat. Consequently, it is never allowed to cancel its existence, neither in times of capitalist crises, nor during fascism, nor in times of imperialist wars, etc, nor during inner crises.

Precisely in particularly most difficult and harsh conditions of the class struggle, in situations and periods in which the world proletariat and the peoples have the worst to suffer under the yoke of capitalism (such as under Nazism and World War II), precisely then is the Communist International indispensable, precisely then is such a dissolution close to a crime. Precisely in 1943, when tens of millions of masses bleeded to death, were murdered, starved and died of thirst, it is impossible to dissolve the Comintern and to leave the world proletariat and the peoples to their fate. Especially in the most extreme conditions, the leadership of the Communist International is needed for the revolutionary liberation of the world proletariat and the peoples - namely to smash down and end the brutal, bloody rule of the world bourgeoisie.

Maintaining the Communist International (respectively its fastest reconstruction in case of its liquidation), is absolutely a historical necessity. All the tactical considerations are absolutely subordinated. The principled question of the existence of the Communist International is not to be mixed up with the tactical questions of the Communist International. Decisions whether the Comintern lives or dies, only for the purpose of a temporary advantage (or to avoid an intermediate disadvantage), and the sacrificing of principles in the interests for a moment - are downright opportunist decisions. Nobody can deny or annul this truth by the accusation of "dogmatism".

2.

The existence of the Communist International is not only limited in the absolute necessity of overthrowing the capitalist world domination, by means of the world socialist revolution. That necessity exists uninterruptedly during the whole period of the existence of world capitalism.

However, the Communist International is also needed for the establishment of the dictatorship of the world proletariat and for leading the construction of world socialism.
The Communist International will therefore be indispensable during the entire historical period of world socialism, namely to eliminate the danger of the restoration of world capitalism, and finally to lead the world proletariat toward world communism.

Without Communist International there is no overthrow and destruction of world capitalism.

Without Communist International there is no victorious construction of world socialism.

Without Communist International there is no transition to world communism.

Any "justification" for the premature dissolution of the Communist International can therefore be nothing more than a justification for the prolongation of the world domination of the bourgeoisie, for the delay of the dictatorship of the world proletariat, and finally for the postponement of World Communism.

3.

In the event that our Communist International will be forcibly liquidated or from the inside decomposed by the bourgeoisie, in the event that the Comintern falls victim to its own degeneration, in the event that it is turned into an instrument of the class enemy, then: it is our duty to ruthlessly slap it out of the hostile hands.
Only if this should not succeed - we must rebuild the Communist International in any case - and that , of course, restored on the basis of Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism-Hoxhaism.

4.

If we would dissolve our own Communist International, for any reason whatsoever, this contradicts the basic idea of proletarian internationalism. We would cease to be Communists. The own liquidation of our communist organization is tantamount to capitulation to the class enemy. This means nothing else than the disarmament of the world proletariat and cession the field to the international counter-revolution.

No Communist International is worth anything, unless it can defend itself. But the Communist International does not learn to defend itself at once. This is an ever lasting process of learning from its own experiences.

The Comintern (SH) will never be dissolved by itself. The Communist International is a dying breed in the period of world communism. It will die off not a sole day earlier.

5.

Countries of the dictatorship of the proletariat are particularly bound to proletarian internationalism. This means that they are obliged to protect the Communist International by all means. Maintaining the existence of the Comintern is also self-evident task of exclusively all the other Sections of the Comintern.

It is not only the right but also the duty of a country of the dictatorship of the proletariat to withhold its support for an already degenerated Communist International. Naturally, this applies to all other sections of the Comintern. This does not release neither the socialist country, nor all the other sections of the Comintern from the obligation to do everything in their power, to support the immediate reconstruction of the Communist International , respectively to take the initiative.

The dictatorship of the proletariat is in essence an internationalist dictatorship and serves primarily the liberation of the whole world proletariat. Without survival of the Communist International and the world communist movement, the socialist world revolution is doomed to the defeat. Only the world revolution - or at least the victory of the socialist revolution in several countries - can guarantee the survival of socialism in "one" country. The existence of the Comintern and the support of the world proletariat is therefore also important for the maintenance of the existence of socialism in "one" country. Why then consent to the dissolution of the Comintern ?

The CPSU (b) of Lenin and Stalin has always triumphed over the liquidators and capitulationists. Neither before nor after the October Revolution, there was a smallest reason for the dissolution of the CPSU (B). Is this particularly valid for the Bolshevik Party of the Soviet Union or, generally, also valid for all Bolshevik parties? Of course, the fight against liquidationism and against capitulationism is obligatory for all Bolshevik parties. In our view, that what applies to the Bolshevik Party of a sole country, must apply even more to the world-Bolshevik party which bears responsibility for all countries, for the whole world proletariat. It follows:

As little as the CPSU (B) has dissolved itself, so little were the Comintern allowed to dissolve itself, and so little neither the CPSU (B) nor all the other sections should have given their consent to its dissolution.

6.

The Comintern (SH) defends all comrades who have rendered outstanding services to the maintenance or re-establishment of the Comintern. Some of them have even paid for their lives.

Simultaneously, we condemn all capitulationist, liquidationist and conciliatory elements who have initiated, organised or tolerated the dissolution of the Comintern. Secondly, we condemn all the opportunist, revisionist and neo-revisionist elements who argued openly or hiddenly against the reconstruction of the Comintern, with the intention to hamper or sabotage its revival.

Every adulation of the historical merits of the Comintern is suspicious, especially if its dissolution is tolerated or justified, or if it is combined with reasons of refusal against its necessary reconstruction.

7.

Our criticism is thus clear: we do not only criticize the dissolution of the Comintern as an act of capitulation. Primarily, we critisize its long-lasting negative effect for the comeback of the Comintern. The fact that the dissolution caused a half-century long delay of reconstruction, demonstrates impressively that this wrong historic decision had effected a fundamentally false course of organizing the Communist World Movement - namely the toleration of the renouncement of the Communist International. The dissolution of the Comintern was a painful lesson in the history of the international communist movement. It must never be repeated.

8.

Only within a diseased Comintern, which was infected by the bacillus of the "left"-wing social democratism, could such moods of self-dissolution occur and be spread all over the world.

A healthy Communist International, which is guided by Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism-Hoxhaism, wastes no precious time in thinking about its own dissolution.

A healthy Communist International holds on and sticks to the socialist world revolution with all its strength.

A healthy Communist International shall never lay down its arms in face of the onslaught of world counter-revolution and imperialist wars!

Therefore, our general-line demands all members of the Comintern (SH) to combat every liquidationist tendencies and to stifle at birth.

9.

The dissolution of the International implied the inevitable danger of weakening the idea of proletarian internationalism and the emergence of nationalist tendencies within the communist parties of the various countries ("own national road to socialism"; see: Titoism; Browderism etc.).

The dissolution of the Comintern favored the tendency for national separation and isolation, which necessarily contained two risks:

First, the danger of the growing influence of national isolation and, secondly, the risk of neglection of propagating together, preparing together and carrying out together the world socialist revolution.

These are universally tendencies of the dissolution and can be traced in the history of all Internationals.

The ECCI justified the dissolution of the Comintern with the dissolution of the First International by Marx and Engels. The equating of quite different historical conditions for the dissolution of the I. and III. International - is contradicting the correct method of the dialectical and historical materialism and leads unavoidably to false conclusions. The dissolution of the Comintern may not be justified by the dissolution of the First International. There is no justification for the genuine communist internationalists to dissolve their revolutionary world-party.

10.

The ECCI Presidium of the Comintern argued: “The Communist International has become a drag on the further strengthening of the national working-class parties.”

The Communist International, as the directing centre of the socialist world revolution, may never become a drag ... neither on the entire emancipation of the world proletariat, nor on the emancipation of the proletariat in the single countries.

The Sections are not such "matured" children who are eligible for the dissolution of the Communist International, after standing on their own feet.
And the Communist International is not such a "mother", who leaves her children in the lurch after she has started a family.

The task of the Comintern is not yet completed and fulfilled by the fact that it led Bolshevik parties to maturity. On the contrary. The Communist International takes never leave of its Sections - under no circumstances. Sections and Comintern, they never leave each other in the lurch - never !

The centralized unification of the Sections was the prerequisite for the most essential task of the Comintern: to lead all Bolshevik parties collectively toward the victory of the world socialist revolution. However, the revisionist leaders of the Comintern dropped the world socialist revolution. In consequence, the Comintern was not needed anymore as the global organization for the revolution of the world proletariat. 

* * *

Starting from all these principled considerations, we cast doubts, both on the justification of the ECCI for the dissolution of the Comintern (on 20 May 1943) and on the consent of the CPSU [b], (21 May 1943).

The very first task of all communists all over the world is to prevent the dissolution of our communist world party.

In case of the Comintern this task was not fulfilled.

The decision of the dissolution of the Comintern was unanimously accepted.

Can we be true defenders of the Comintern, can we be true members of the Comintern (SH) if we would accept a dissolution unresisting and unprotesting?

* * *

The Comintern (SH) draws the following key organizational lessons from the fatal dissolution of the Comintern:

The general-line of the Comintern (SH) states that the old model of the organization of the Comintern - an umbrella organization of independent, national communist parties - is no longer appropriate. According to the present conditions of the globalization of the world proletariat it will be superseded by a new global model of a world party.

The Comintern (SH) considers herelf as

the sole Stalinist-Hoxhaist party of the entire revolutionary proletariat

- with its own Sections in each country.

The tendency of the dissolution of the Comintern (SH) and the danger of the transformation from Sections to independent, national splinter groups is countervailed by the tendency of growing together by means of the strengthening of the principle of democratic centralism.


[ LINK 1 : Resolution of the ECCI - Recommending the Dissolution of the Comintern ]

[ LINK 2: Statement of the Presidium of the ECCI on the Dissolution of the Comintern ] 

[ LINK 3 : Stalin on the Dissolution of the Comintern ]

 

 

 

LENIN

The Father of the Communist International.

by Lozovsky (1924)

Lenin was the creator and the driving force of the Third Communist International, which he began building during the very first days of the world war.
The moment the Parties of the Second International began openly to support their Governments, Lenin issued the following slogan: “The Second International is dead; long live the Third International.” He was one of the organizers of the conference of Zimmerwald and Kienthal, where he formulated the basis for the left wing. During the years of war he ruthlessly opposed and attacked every shade of opportunism, particularly the meaningless pacifist abortion of Kautsky.
But it was only after the October Revolution that conditions became ripe for the Third International, conditions which laid the national, territorial, social, and political foundations for the International of action. The Russian experiences served the Communist International as the guiding line of its policies.
However, Lenin did not reject in an offhand manner everything that was created by the Second International. He understood how to differentiate between what was valuable and what was not. In his article entitled “The Third International and Its Place in History” he said the following:
“The First International laid the foundation for the international proletarian struggle for socialism. The Second International constitutes the epoch in which the ground has been prepared in a number of countries for a mass movement. The Third International utilizes the results of the activities of the Second International, breaks with the opportunistic, social-chauvinistic, and petty-bourgeois tendencies, and begins to realize the dictatorship of the proletariat.”
In the same article Lenin explains what he considered the foundation of the Third International:
“The historic world significance of the Communist International consists in this, that it begins to put into effect the things which Marx has proven theoretically to be a necessity, thereby realizing the consequences produced by the socialist and labor movement, that is, the dictatorship of the proletariat.”
Lenin gave the Communist International not only its ideological direction by formulating many of the theses adopted by the Comintern, which have drawn the attention of the Communist Parties to the importance of the agrarian and colonial questions, to the mutual relations between the dictatorship and capitalist democracy, but he also participated directly and actively in the solution of all problems confronted by the Communist International. Between Congresses he always occupied himself very intensively with the problems of the Communist Parties all over the world. And when, in the beginning of 1920, he noticed the appearance of a sort of utopian Communism, he began struggling against it in his famous booklet, The Infantile Sickness of Communism, thereby dealing a deathblow to this tendency.
After the formation of the Communist International, Lenin’s main worry was to close the gates to the opportunist elements. The famous 21 Points, which attracted so much attention, not only of the reformist press but also of the capitalist press, belong to Lenin.
Lenin looked upon the Communist International not as a meeting place of all kinds of independent national parties, but as an absolutely homogeneous international fighting organization. However, he always had regard for the situations of the various countries, and never presented exaggerated demands to the newly-formed Communist organizations, for he knew only too well how much effort it would require to educate politically and organizationally and to put on the right track all those new Communist Parties which had just emerged from the ranks of the Social Democracy. He considered it the best means to pursue a clear revolutionary policy and, in this sense, he developed his activities in the Communist International. Lenin was, for the Third International., what Marx was for the First. The revolutionary workers of all countries have still a lot to learn from Lenin’s works, particularly from his actions, because Leninism and Communism are one and the same thing.