Messages of Solidarity

 

Message of the Comintern (SH)

on occasion of the 90th anniversary of the

Sixth World Congress of the Comintern

from 17th of July to 1st of September 1928.

 

Dear Comrades !

Today we celebrate the 90th anniversary of the Sixth World Congress of the Comintern.

The sixth congress of the Communist International took place from 17 July to 1 September 1928 in Moscow.

515 delegates from 57 countries participated in the congress (65 organizations - including 50 communist parties).

 The Congress discussed the eports of the Executive Committee of the Comintern, the reports of the Executive Committee of the Young Communist International and the International Control Commission, Measures of Fighting the Peril of Imperialist Wars, the program of the Communist International, the question of the revolutionary movement in the colonial and semi-colonial countries , the economic situation of the USSR and the situation in the CPSU [B], nd it confirmed the Statute of the Comintern.

The world program of the Comintern, written under the guidance of Comrade Stalin, has gone down in history as the "program of the world dictatorship of the proletariat," and is the lighthouse that illuminates our safe path to world socialist revolution. The VI. World Congress is of the utmost importance to the Comintern (SH) and we are the only true defenders of the Comintern Program.

Congress pointed to the growth of the internal antagonisms of capitalism. The inevitable consequence is characterized by the end of the period of capitalist stabilization and a sharp intensification of the general crisis of world capitalism. The congress set the tasks of the Communist International, which resulted from the new conditions of the struggle of the working class. In the resolution on the situation in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and in the CPSU [B], the Congress emphasized the successes of socialist construction in the USSR and its importance in consolidating the revolutionary positions of the international proletariat and called on the working people of the whole world in defense of the Soviet Union. J. Stalin was elected to the Presidium of the Congress, to the Program Commission and to the Political Commission charged with drawing up the theses on the international situation and the tasks of the Communist International.The sixth Congress was the Congress of the "Third Period" of the revolutionary world movement since the October Revolution. This was the period in which the stabilization phase of capitalism was completed after World War I and the contradictions of world capitalism intensified again. The VI. Congress took place shortly before the Great Depression of 1929. The class struggle took a new quality, and with it the liberation movement in the colonial and dependent countries. In this context, the Congress adopted the "class against class" tactics drafted by the 9th plenum of the ECCI (February 1928).
Congress relied on the strategic line of the Fifth Congress (1924) - linking the struggle against open reaction (fascism) and against social democracy. Particular importance was attached to drawing a clear line of demarcation against the "left wing" of social democracy and to suppressing any conciliatory attitude towards the "left wing" of social democracy in its own ranks of the Comintern. The thesis about social fascism was written by the VI. Congress supports and defends (incidentally against the will of a small right-wing opportunist part of the delegates, especially the Italian delegation under the direction of one of the signatories of the dissolution of the Comintern, a traitor within the Cominform of Comrade Stalin, the later modern revisionist and forerunner of euro-"communism" - Palmiro Togliatti. (called "Ercoli"!)

There is evidence in a series of congressional documents that Social Democracy played a fascist role in the most critical moments of capitalism. Social Democracy maintained contact with the Nazis in various places - especially against he communists.
In historical revert, fascism in East Germany was restored under the disguise of alleged "anti-fascism" and "socialism" ( = social-fascist regime after the founding of the unity party of modern revisionists and social democrats).

In smashing the dictatorship of the proletariat in the USSR, Social Democratic Menshevism (Berianism) played a social-fascist role.
Moreover. The Albanian social democracy played a social-fascist role in overthrowing the dictatorship of the proletariat and restorating capitalism. These lessons results from our Stalinist-Hoxhaist investigations.

History showed that social-fascists are not only coming from the camp of the social-democrats but also from other class-hostile elements which hide their fascist position behind "socialist" phraseology to deceive the working class and the toiling masses (i.e. Bucharinists, Trotskyites, Maoists and all sort of neo-revisionists, even those who hide their fascist actions behind a Stalinist-Hoxhaist mask).

Remember: The bourgeoisie recruites counter-revolutionary forces both from the petty bourgeoisie and from the working class, gains her social-fascist elements not only from the ranks of the social democrats and revisionists but (even more dangerous) from the communist ranks !
The Comintern (SH) therefore defends the decisions of the VI Congress. The Comintern (SH) is obliged to further develops the Theory and Tactics of the struggle against social-fascism according to today's conditions of globalization.
Social-fascism is anti-fascism in words and fascism in deeds.

* * *

Please remember: Since the founding of the Comintern an amount of five World Congresses took place within 10 years before the VI World Congress took place. In the following 15 (!) Years, only one single (!) World Congress took place (VII World Congress), with which the path to the dissolution of the Comintern had been treaded. The greatgoal of the Comintern, the only reason for her existence, that was the conquest of the proletarian world power, the establishment of the dictatorship of the world proletariat by means of the world socialist revolution, thus the only way to world socialism and to world communism. The traitors of the Comintern handed these inalienable goals to the world bourgeoisie on a silver platter. For the purpose of the pact with the bourgeoisie, the modern revisionists no longer needed the Comintern.The VI. World Congress took place in a period of development of the Comintern, which represents its absolute peak. This was a period in which Comrade Stalin had the greatest influence on the Comintern. This was all the more reason for all the enemies of the Comintern (including the Trotskyists, the Right and the Conciliators) to attack from all sides the Comintern of Comrade Lenin and Stalin . This "third period", the strongest and highest developed period of the Comintern was and still is branded by the enemies of the Comintern as the so-called "Stalinist period", a so-called "period of" left "deviation, the" greatest mistake "of the Comintern, the "cause" for the downfall of the Comintern.

On the other hand, the time until the Fifth World Congress is praised by the revisionists, neo-revisionists Trotskyists, Maoists, etc. ( as well as the treacherous Dimitroff period since the Seventh World Congress). With other words: In the eyes of all the anti-Stalinists, Stalin was outed the main enemy of the Comintern.

What can be said about this ? Nothing.

Just look at the names of all those later betrayers who were already elected leaders on the VI World Congress. It was no coincidence that many of these traitors were re-elected on the VII World Congress. Incidentally, as early as 1930 there were already seven members and candidates of the ECCI who had turned their backs on communism.

Overview

5th Executive Committee of the Communist International

(in German language)

In the Political Secretariat of the ECCI, which was elected by the VI World Congress, consisted mainly of renegades, as well in the Presidium.Here are just a few of many names of the renegade of the VI World Congress:

Dimitrov, Georgi (CP Bulgaria)

Nikolai Bukharin (CPSU-B)

Rykov, Alexei (CPSU-B)

Manuilski, Dmitri (CPSU-B)

Moirova, (CPSU-B)]

Remmele, Hermann (KPD)

Pieck, Wilhelm (KPD)

Ulbricht, Walter (KPD)

Palmiro Togliatti (code name: Ercoli, KP Italy)

Tasca, Angelo (code name: Serrat) (ITALY)

Grieco, Ruggero (Italy)

Wassil Kolarov (CP Bulgaria and Balkan countries)

Otto-Wille Kuusinen (Finland)

Furubotn, Peder (KP of Norway)

Jules Humbert-Droz (Switzerland)

Lovestone, Jay (US CP)

Gitlow, Benjamin (CP of the USA)

William Zebulon Foster (US CP)

Thorez, Maurice (KPF)

Barbé, Henry (KPF)

Doriot, Jacques (PCF)

Marcel Cachin (CCP of France)

John Thomas Murphy (CP England)

Pollitt, Harry (CP Britain)

Spector, Maurice (Canada)

Leszczyński, Julian (code name: Lénski, KP Polens)

Jilek, Bohumil (KP of Czechoslovakia)

Reimann, Pavel (KP of Czechoslovakia)

Verčik, Julius (KP of Czechoslovakia)

Varga, Eugen (Hungary)

Pauker, Marcel (Romania)

Kavanagh, Jack (KP Australia)

Zhou Enlai (code name: Chen Kwang, CPC)

 

Based solely on this black list, the Comintern (SH) comes to the opinion that the revisionist degeneration of the Comintern began already some years after the VI World Congress, exactly after the seizure of power of Hitler - namely with the 13th Plenum of the ECCI in December 1933 which already took place without comrade Ernst Thaelmann. Ernst Thälmann und Dimitroff were both emprisoned by the Nazis in March 1933.

Ernst Thaelmann, the best Stalinist leader of the Comintern was shot by the Nazis [WITHOUT ANY COURT CASE !!].

In contrast, the renegade Dimitrov was released by the Nazis [after a Propaganda court trial, well-orchestrated by the Nazis !!].

In this way the Nazis were giving Dimtrov free hand to prepare the liquidation of the Comintern. And indeed, Dimitrov became head of the Comintern in 1934, until he dissolved the Comintern in 1943. The fascist organisation of the "Anti-Comintern" struggled for the liquidation of the Comintern and Dimitrov fulfilled their aim. Fascists and social-fascists together at work against organizationing the world socialist revolution - this became a historical fact not only in 1943. This is an important lesson for the world proletariat !

And which names of the 6th World Congress reappear at the signing of the dissolution of the Comintern? The names of the same traitors !!!

G. DIMITROV

O. KUUSINEN

M. ERCOLI (Togliatti)

D. MANUILSKY

W. PIECK

V. KOLAROV

M. THOREZ

ALL REVISIONISTS, ALL ANTI-STALINISTS !!!

 And the leaders of the Comintern - like Zinoviev, Bukharin, Dimitroff?
All traitors to the Comintern of Lenin and Stalin !!!

The only one who escaped his judicial death penalty was Dimitrov!

From 1926 to 1929 Bukharin was General Secretary of the Executive Committee of the Comintern.In particular, on the occasion of the 90th anniversary, we raise the question how it can be possible that Bukharin, leader of the Comintern, turned out to be one of the greatest criminals in the history of the Comintern, of the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin, of the communist world movement.Bukharinism is not an ideology focused solely on the overthrow of the Soviet Union and the restoration of capitalism, but also an international ideology of the bourgeoisie, which is directed against the great revolutionary cause of the world proletariat and continues to spread throughout the world , Mao and Deng Hsiao Ping were the disciples of Bukharin, as were Brandler and Thalheimer and many other traitors in the ranks of the communist parties. Bukharin closed his eyes to the revolutionary upsurge of the working class in the "Third Period". He sabotaged the fight against right-wing opportunism. He hezitated to throw out the rightist deviants ruthlessly. He also did not fight against the conciliators. He tolerated and promoted the influence of the ideology of "left" social democratism within its own ranks. All this meant nothing more than weakening, indeed even sabotaging, the unity of the Comintern, thereby giving space and time to factions in an irresponsible manner. This was shown concretely in the Wittorf affair, which Bukharin misused to overthrow our comrade Ernst Thalmann as the leader and son of the world proletariat and chairman of the KPD. He also intended to protect the two Bukharinists, Brandler and Thalheimer, from expulsion from the KPD. And it was the comrade Stalin, who uncovered these insidious machinations of Bukharin, thwarted, and put himself protectively before Ernst Thalmann. And what did Ernst Thalmann say about Bukharin? "Maybe not all comrades know it yet, but shortly before the 6th World Congress Bukharin tried to form a faction, which he had previously agreed with Kamenev."

Bukharin ignored the decision of the CPSU (B) that all that is carried into the Comintern must first be presented to the party for information, discussion and approval. With his secret theses on the international situation Bukharin had bypassed the normal Party way and violated his party discipline. Important and absolutely necessary corrections of the CPSU (B) could only be made during the VI World Congress - thus far too late.

Bukharin disagreed with the thesis that the so-called stability of capitalism was overshadowed by profound convulsions (this thesis was fully confirmed by the Great Depression of 1929, a year later).

We believe that the revisionist turnaround at the Seventh World Congress was not without the influence of Bukharinism. In this respect, Bukharin can be described as the forerunner of the rightist opportunism of Dimitroff. And last but not least, it was the modern revisionists who later rehabilitated Bukharin.

The Comintern (SH) now has published an extensive collection of documents of the VI World Congress in different languages. It must be noted that we could only publish what was available to us until the present moment. Among them are also some issues of the "International Press Correspondence" in English, which documents of the VI World Congress included. There is no reason for us not to publish these original documents of the Comintern just because they are spread by the Trotskyists. Of course, the Trotskyists have only published those documents of the VI World Congress, which are in their own interest, such as those of Bukharin and his speeches at the congress. Of course, everybody knows why. Bukharin was the leading figure of the Rightist within the "Bloc of Rightists and Trotskyites" ! There's honor among thieves.

Is it not clear that we are,in contrast, publish especially such issues of the "International Press Correspondence" that do NOT suit the plans of the Trotskyists? There is, for example, Issue No. 45 of August 30, 1929, where on page 964 the following resolution of the ECCI is to be read:

 

RESOLUTION OF THE TENTH ECCI PLENUM ON BUKHARIN

July 1929 Inprecorr, ix, 45, p. 964, 30 August 1929

* * *

DECISION OF THE ECCI PRESIDIUM

ON THE CIRCUMSTANCES CONNECTED WITH THE EMBEZZLEMENT OF PARTY FUNDS IN HAMBURG

6 October 1928

* * *

OPEN LETTER FROM THE ECCI PRESIDIUM TO

THE GERMAN COMMUNIST PARTY ON THE RIGHT-WING DANGER IN THAT PARTY 

19 December 1928 Inprekorr, viii, 142, p. 2829,

21 December 1928 

* * *

Who was the true leader of the VI World Congress ?The true leader of the VI World Congress was not Bukharin, but Comrade Stalin, who did an outstanding work in the committees of the VI World Congress.
The first day of the VI World Congress had not even begun when Stalin had long since led the fight against the right-wing opposition. And as soon as the congress was over, Stalin continued the fight against Bukharin until the expulsion of Bukharin and other criminals was decided. And that within only half a year after completion of the VI World Congress. On this occasion we publish the following works of comrade Stalin:

 

 

Stalin BEFORE the VI World Congress:

 

MAJOR PROBLEMS OF THE SIXTH CONGRESS OF THE COMINTERN

(„Leningradskaja pravda“ No. 162, June 14, 1928)

 

 

Plenum of the C.C., C.P.S.U.(B.)

July 4-12, 1928

 

 

Results of the July Plenum of the C.C., C.P.S.U.(B.)

Report to a Meeting of the Active of the Leningrad Organisation of the C.P.S.U.(B.),

July 13 1928;

 * * *

Stalin AFTER the VI World Congress:

 

The Right Danger in the C.P.S.U.(B.)

Speech Delivered at the Plenum of the Moscow Committee and Moscow Control Commission of the C.P.S.U.(B.)
October 19, 1928

 

 

INDUSTRIALISATION OF THE COUNTRY AND THE RIGHT DEVIATION IN THE C.P.S.U.[B] (November 1928)

 

 

 

The Right Danger in the German Communist Party (December 1928)

 

 

 

Bukharin`s Group and the Right Deviation in our Party (February 1929)

 

 

THE RIGHT DEVIATION IN THE C.P.S.U. (B.)

Speech Delivered at the Plenum of
the Central Committee and the Central Control Commission
of the C.P.S.U.(B.) in April 1929
(Verbatim Report)

Excerpt concerning the Comintern:

Disagreements in Regard to the Comintern

I have already said that Bukharin does not see and does not understand the new tasks of the Comintern along the line of driving the Rights out of the Communist Parties, of curbing conciliation, and of purging the Communist Parties of Social-Democratic traditions—tasks which are dictated by the maturing conditions for a new revolutionary upsurge. This thesis is fully confirmed by our disagreements on Comintern questions.

How did the disagreements in this sphere begin?

They began with Bukharin’s theses at the Sixth Congress [3] on the international situation. As a rule, theses first examined by the delegation of the C.P.S.U.(B.). In this case, however, that condition was not observed. What happened was that the theses, signed by Bukharin, were sent to the delegation of the C.P.S.U.(B.) at the same time as they were distributed to the foreign delegations at the Sixth Congress. But the theses proved to be unsatisfactory on a number of points. The delegation of the C.P.S.U.(B.) was obliged to introduce about twenty amendments to the theses.

This created a rather awkward situation for Bukharin. But who was to blame for that? Why was it necessary for Bukharin to distribute the theses to the foreign delegations before they had been examined by the delegation of the C.P.S.U.(B.)? Could the delegation of the C.P.S.U.(B.) refrain from introducing amendments if the theses proved to be unsatisfactory? And so it came about that the delegation of the C.P.S.U.(B.) issued what were practically new theses on the international situation, which the foreign delegations began to counterpose to the old theses signed by Bukharin. Obviously, this awkward situation would not have arisen if Bukharin had not been in a hurry to distribute his theses to the foreign delegations.

I should like to draw attention to four principal amendments which the delegation of the C.P.S.U.(B.) introduced into Bukharin’s theses. I should like to draw attention to these principal amendments in order to illustrate more clearly the character of the disagreements on Comintern questions.

The first question is that of the character of the stabilisation of capitalism. According to Bukharin’s theses it appeared that nothing new is taking place at the present time to shake capitalist stabilisation, but that, on the contrary, capitalism is reconstructing itself and that, on the whole, it is maintaining itself more or less securely. Obviously, the delegation of the C.P.S.U.(B.) could not agree with such a characterisation of what is called the third period, i.e., the period through which we are now passing. The delegation could not agree with it because to retain such a characterisation of the third period might give our critics grounds for saying that we have adopted the point of view of so-called capitalist “recovery,” i.e., the point of view of Hilferding, a point of view which we Communists cannot adopt. Owing to this, the delegation of the C.P.S.U.(B.) introduced an amendment which makes it evident that capitalist stabilisation is not and cannot be secure, that it is being shaken and will continue to be shaken by the march of events, owing to the aggravation of the crisis of world capitalism.

This question, comrades, is of decisive importance for the Sections of the Comintern. Is capitalist stabilisation shaken or is it becoming more secure? It is on this that the whole line of the Communist Parties in their day-to-day political work depends. Are we passing through a period of decline of the revolutionary movement, a period of the more gathering of forces, or are we passing through a period when the conditions are maturing for a new revolutionary upsurge, a period of preparation of the working class for future class battles? It is on this that the tactical line of the Communist Parties depends. The amendment of the delegation of the C.P.S.U.(B.) subsequently adopted by the congress, is a good one for the very reason that it gives a clear line based on the latter prospect, the prospect of maturing conditions for a new revolutionary upsurge.

The second question is that of the fight against Social-Democracy. In Bukharin’s theses it was stated that the fight against Social-Democracy is one of the fundamental tasks of the Sections of the Comintern. That, of course, is true. But it is not enough. In order that the fight against Social-Democracy may be waged successfully, stress must be laid on the fight against the so-called “Left” wing of Social-Democracy, that “Left” wing which, by playing with “Left” phrases and thus adroitly deceiving the workers, is retarding their mass defection from Social-Democracy. It is obvious that unless the “Left” Social-Democrats are routed it will be impossible to overcome Social-Democracy in general. Yet, in Bukharin’s theses the question of “Left” Social-Democracy was entirely ignored. That, of course, was a great defect. The delegation of the C.P.S.U.(B.) was therefore obliged to introduce into Bukharin’s theses an appropriate amendment, which was subsequently adopted by the congress.

The third question is that of the conciliatory tendency in the Sections of the Comintern. Bukharin’s theses spoke of the necessity of fighting the Right deviation, but not a word was said there about fighting conciliation towards the Right deviation. That, of course, was a great defect. The point is that when war is declared on the Right deviation, the Right deviators usually disguise themselves as conciliators and place the Party in an awkward position. To forestall this manoeuvre of the Right deviators we must insist on a determined fight against conciliation. That is why the delegation of the C.P.S.U.(B.) considered it necessary to introduce into Bukharin’s theses an appropriate amendment, which was subsequently adopted by the congress.

The fourth question is that of Party discipline. In Bukharin’s theses no mention was made of the necessity of maintaining iron discipline in the Communist Parties. That also was a defect of no little importance. Why? Because in a period when the fight against the Right deviation is being intensified, in a period when the slogan of purging the Communist Parties of opportunist elements is being put into effect, the Right deviators usually organise themselves as a faction, set up their own factional discipline and disrupt and destroy the discipline of the Party. To protect the Party from the factional sorties of the Right deviators we must insist on iron discipline in the Party and on the unconditional subordination of Party members to this discipline. Without that there can be no question of waging a serious fight against the Right deviation. That is why the delegation of the C.P.S.U.(B.) introduced into Bukharin’s theses an appropriate amendment, which was subsequently adopted by the Sixth Congress.

Could we refrain from introducing these amendments into Bukharin’s theses? Of course not. In olden times it was said about the philosopher Plato: We love Plato, but we love truth even more. The same must be said about Bukharin: We love Bukharin, but we love truth, the Party and the Comintern even more. That is why the delegation of the C.P.S.U.(B.) found itself obliged to introduce these amendments into Bukharin’s theses.

That, so to speak, was the first stage of our disagreements on Comintern questions.

The second stage of our disagreements is connected with what is known as the Wittorf and Thälmann case. Wittorf was formerly secretary of the Hamburg organisation, and was accused of embezzling Party funds. For this he was expelled from the Party. The conciliators in the Central Committee of the German Communist Party, taking advantage of the fact that Wittorf had been close to Comrade Thälmann, although Comrade Thälmann was in no way implicated in Wittorf’s crime, converted the Wittorf case into a Thälmann case, and set out to overthrow the leadership of the German Communist Party. No doubt you know from the press that at that time the conciliators Ewert and Gerhart succeeded temporarily in winning over a majority of the Central Committee of the German Communist Party against Comrade Thälmann. And what followed? They removed Thälmann from the leadership, began to accuse him of corruption and published a “corresponding” resolution without the knowledge and sanction of the Executive Committee of the Comintern.

Thus, instead of the directive of the Sixth Congress of the Comintern about fighting conciliation being carried out, instead of a fight against the Right deviation and against conciliation, there was, in fact, a most gross violation of this directive, there was a fight against the revolutionary leadership of the German Communist Party, a fight against Comrade Thälmann, with the object of covering up the Right deviation and of consolidating the conciliatory tendency in the ranks of the German Communists.

And so, instead of swinging the tiller over and correcting the situation, instead of restoring the validity of the violated directive of the Sixth Congress and calling the conciliators to order, Bukharin proposed in his well-known letter to sanction the conciliators’ coup, to hand over the German Communist, Party to the conciliators, and to revile Comrade Thälmann in the press again by issuing another statement declaring him to be guilty. And this is supposed to be a “leader” of the Comintern! Can there really be such “leaders”?

The Central Committee discussed Bukharin’s proposal and rejected it. Bukharin, of course, did not like that. But who is to blame? The decisions of the Sixth Congress were adopted not in order that they should be violated but in order that they should be carried out. If the Sixth Congress decided to declare war on the Right deviation and conciliation towards it by keeping the leadership in the hands of the main core of the German Communist Party, headed by Comrade Thälmann, and if it occurred to the conciliators Ewert and Gerhart to upset that decision, it was Bukharin’s duty to call the conciliators to order and not to leave in their hands the leadership of the German Communist Party. It is Bukharin, who “forgot” the decisions of the Sixth Congress, who is to blame.

The third stage of our disagreements is connected with the question of the fight against the Rights in the German Communist Party, with the question of routing the Brandler and Thalheimer faction, and of expelling the leaders of that faction from the German Communist Party. The “position” taken up by Bukharin and his friends on that cardinal question was that they persistently avoided taking part in settling it. At bottom, it was the fate of the German Communist Party that was being decided. Yet Bukharin and his friends, knowing this, nevertheless continually hindered matters by systematically keeping away from the meetings of the bodies which had the question under consideration. For the sake of what? Presumably, for the sake of remaining “clean” in the eyes of both the Comintern and the Rights in the German Communist Party. For the sake of being able subsequently to say: “It was not we, the Bukharinites, who carried out the expulsion of Brandler and Thalheimer from the Communist Party, but they, the majority in the Central Committee.” And that is what is called fighting the Right danger!

Finally, the fourth stage of our disagreements. It is connected with Bukharin’s demand prior to the November plenum of the Central Committee [4] that Neumann be recalled from Germany and that Comrade Thälmann, who, it was alleged, had criticised in one of his speeches Bukharin’s report at the Sixth Congress, be called to order. We, of course, could not agree with Bukharin, since there was not a single document in our possession supporting his demand. Bukharin promised to submit documents against Neumann and Thälmann but never submitted a single one. Instead of documents, he distributed to the members of the delegation of the C.P.S.U.(B.) copies of the speech delivered by Humbert-Droz at the Political Secretariat of the E.C.C.I., the very speech which was subsequently qualified by the Presidium of the E.C.C.I. as an opportunist speech. By distributing Humbert-Droz’s speech to the members of the delegation of the C.P.S.U.(B.), and by recommending it as material against Thälmann, Bukharin wanted to prove the justice of his demand for the recall of Neumann and for calling Comrade Thälmann to order. In fact, however, he thereby showed that he identified himself with the position taken up by Humbert-Droz, a position which the E.C.C.I. regards as opportunist.

Those, comrades, are the main points of our disagreements on Comintern questions.

Bukharin thinks that by conducting a struggle against the Right deviation and conciliation towards it in the Sections of the Comintern, by purging the German and Czechoslovak Communist Parties of Social-Democratic elements and traditions, and by expelling the Brandlers and the Thalheimers from the Communist Parties, we are “disintegrating” the Comintern, “ruining” the Comintern. We, on the contrary, think that by carrying out such a policy and by laying stress on the fight against the Right deviation and conciliation towards it, we are strengthening the Comintern, purging it of opportunists, bolshevising its Sections and helping the Communist Parties to prepare the working class for the future revolutionary battles, for the Party is strengthened by purging itself of dross.

You see that these are not merely shades of difference in the ranks of the Central Committee of the C.P.S.U.(B.), but quite serious disagreements on fundamental questions of Comintern policy. (Stalin)


 

Speeches on the CPUSA

Delivered in the AMERICAN COMMISSION of the Presidium of the Executive Committee of the Communist International

May 6, 1929

and delivered in THE PRESIDIUM of the Executive Committee of the Communist International on the American Question

May 14th, 1929

PDF - Format

 

In his Political Report to the XVI Congress Stalin defined rightist opportunism as follows: 

    The chief evil of Right opportunism is that it breaks with the Leninist conception of the class struggle and slips into the viewpoint of petty-bourgeois liberalism.

    There can be no doubt that the victory of the Right deviation in our Party would have meant completely disarming the working class, arming the capitalist elements in the countryside and increasing the chances of the restoration of capitalism in the U.S.S.R.

    The Right deviators do not take the stand of forming another party, and that is another thing that distinguishes them from the Trotskyists. The leaders of the Right deviators have openly admitted their mistakes and have surrendered to the Party. But it would be foolish to think, on these grounds, that the Right deviation is already buried. The strength of Right opportunism is not measured by this circumstance. The strength of Right opportunism lies in the strength of the petty-bourgeois elemental forces, in the strength of the pressure on the Party exercised by the capitalist elements in general, and by the kulaks in particular. And it is precisely because the Right deviation reflects the resistance of the chief elements of the moribund classes that the Right deviation is the principal danger in the Party at the present time.

    That is why the Party considered it necessary to wage a determined and uncompromising struggle against the Right deviation.

    There can be no doubt that if we had not waged a determined struggle against the Right deviation, if we had not isolated its leading elements, we would not have succeeded in mobilising the forces of the Party and of the working class, in mobilising the forces of the poor- and middle-peasant masses, for the sweeping offensive of socialism, for the organisation of state farms and collective farms, for the restoration of our heavy industry, for the elimination of the kulaks as a class.

    That is how matters stand as regards the "Left" and Right deviations in the Party.

    The task is to continue the uncompromising struggle on two fronts, against the "Lefts," who represent petty-bourgeois radicalism, and against the Rights, who represent petty-bourgeois liberalism.

    The task is to continue the uncompromising struggle against those conciliatory elements in the Party who fail to understand, or pretend they do not understand, the necessity of a determined struggle on two fronts. (Stalin)

* * *

This idea of equity, of striking at the Rights and “ultra-Lefts” with equal intensity under all conditions and circumstances, is childish. The question of the fight against the Rights and “ultraLefts” must be regarded not from the standpoint of equity, but from the standpoint of the demands of the political situation, of the political requirements of the Party at any given moment. It should not be forgotten that Rights and “ultraLefts” are actually twins, that consequently both take an opportunist stand, the difference between them being that whereas the Rights do not always conceal their opportunism, the Lefts invariably camouflage their opportunism with “revolutionary” phrases. (Stalin Volume 8, pages 1 ff)

* * *

The situation changed dramatically when the Rightists and the Trotskyites had formed their "Bloc of Rightists and Trotskyites" !

In his Report to the XVII Congress (Januar 1934) Stalin stated the merging of the "left"-wing and right wing opportunists and their unification in "Bloc of Rightists and Trotskyites":

The “Lefts” have openly associated themselves with the counter-revolutionary programme of the Rights in order to enter into a bloc with them and to wage a joint struggle against the Party. (Stalin, Works, Volume 13, page 371)

This meant to decide on new forms of the "Two-front-struggle" according to the new conditions of the "Bloc of Rightists and Trotskyites." This explains the necessity of the Moscow Trials against both the Trotskyites and the Rightists. The leaders of the "Bloc of Rightists and Trotskyites" got there what they deserved - the death penalty !!

* * *


Bukharin and Trotsky conspired against the world proletariat. Both were social fascists - socialists in words and fascists in deeds. And it is precisely this social-fascist course that the Trotskyists continue today together with the neo-revisionists. Yes, together - this is unavoidable, and this we Stalinist-Hoxhaists have learnt from the history of the CPSU (B)! There is only one difference: To camouflage their secret cooperation with the Trotskyists, the neo-revisionists hide heir so called "anti-Trotskyism" behind attacks against the Comintern (SH) - namely that the Comintern (SH) would allegedly be "Trotskyist". One thing is clear. We will crush the newly emerging "block of Trotskyists and neo-revisionists" in the bud, including the conciliators.

* * *

1928, was not just the year of the VI. World Congress, but also the year , when Bukharin sided with the kulaks against the working class and the peasants. He organized counterrevolutions against collectivization.

It was the same year 1928, when Bukharin wanted to introduce state capitalism, allow foreign concessions and abolish the foreign trade monopoly.

Bukharin admitted his crimes in his last word before his death at the trial of March 12, 1938:

"I consider myself responsible for the greatest and most egregious crime against the socialist homeland and the whole international proletariat." During the Sixth Congress I had spoken with Kamenev. "
[1928 Discussions on Block Building and creation of Bukharin's Oppositional Economic Platform].

"At the meeting with Kamenev in his apartment, sharp slanderous speeches were made about the leadership of the party, about the regime in the party, about the organization of hunger, civil war in the country, the party leadership was slandered, etc., etc."

4 years after the VI World Congress, Bukharin prepared the violent overthrow of Soviet power in the fall of 1932 and thenceforth Trotsky threw off his "left" uniform.

In 1938, ten years after the 6th World Congress of the Comintern, Bukharin, who led the congress, was sentenced to death by shooting. Bukharin was with Trotsky the leading ideological head of the "Bloc of Rightists and Trotskyites" who had collaborated with the foreign class enemy to organize the counter-revolution, to damage the construction of socialism in the Soviet Union, to incite terrorist uprisings, to plan sabotage acts, to transform the dictatorship of the proletariat into the dictatorship of a new "Soviet" bourgeoisie, to violently overthrow and crush the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin, to assassinate their leaders. And the main specialty of Bukharin? This was the restoration of capitalism (so-called "peaceful" transition of capitalism to socialism, or in return, "peaceful" transition of socialism to capitalism). So if we publish the documents of the VI World Congress of the Comintern, then this includes our duty to document the crimes of Bukharin. This will be done as follows:

 

Trial of the criminal Bukharin - 1938

(Excerpts from the document of the Moscow trials)

 

If we look back in more detail at the tactics of the coup d'état of the Soviet revisionists with the assassination of Comrade Stalin (1953), it is no coincidence that it closely resembles the planned coup d'état of the "Bloc of Rightists and Trotskyites". What in the first attempt did not succeed thanks to Stalin, that was completed on the second attempt by the murder of Stalin.

On the one hand, it was important to expose to the world the crimes of the "Bloc of Rightists and Trotskyites" to the smallest detail, not to justify the death sentence, but as an important lesson for the world proletariat, namely never to be fooled by double-tonguing or to take false considerateness. No mercy for traitors !

On the other hand, these cunning criminals used their testimony in court to give the surviving followers the most accurate and detailed instructions on how to get rid of the communists and their leaders.Bukharin was rightly punished for his actions with death. But the ideology of Bukharinism can not be eradicated by court order. It is a bourgeois ideology with which the bourgeoisie still spreads its poison in the communist world movement today. Bukharinism will not be defeated until the bourgeoisie is defeated. And it is precisely for the defeat of the world bourgeoisie and her ideology what the Comintern (SH) is fighting for.

Today, the Comintern (SH) is the only organization in the world that attacks and fights against Bukharinism from the correct Stalinist-Hoxaist point of view. There are only two options. Either you support us in this fight or you will be fought by us. There is no other way for us. And our struggle against Bukharinism will be in no way inferior of necessary sharpness as was practized by Stalin and Enver Hoxha!Can the VI World Congress be defended without continuing the most consistent struggle against Bukharinism ? No, this is impossible. And that is precisely why the Comintern (SH) decided to celebrate the 90th anniversary of the VI. World Congress in all clarity and determination to declare war on Bukharinism. That's why we've created a new website dedicated to fighting against Bukharinism and which shall help all comrades in fulfilling their duty.

 

Long live the 90th anniversary of the VI World Congress of the Comintern!
Long live the Comintern of Lenin and Stalin !
Long live the Comintern (SH) !

Down with Bukharinism!

 

Wolfgang Eggers

Comintern (SH)

17th of July, 2018

 

 

Film-Scenes of the 6th Congress

 

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No 81 - November 21

 

THESES and RESOLUTIONS

No 83 - November 23

No 84 - November 28

No 88 - December - 12

 

Sixth Congress

July / August 1928 

 

Programme of the

Comintern - 1928

Statute of the Comintern

 

 

J. V. Stalin

Results of the July Plenum of the C.C., C.P.S.U.(B.)

Report to a Meeting of the Active of the Leningrad Organisation of the C.P.S.U.(B.)

July 13, 1928

 

 

 

Resolution of the 6th World Congress

The Struggle against imperialist War

1928

also available in another PDF-file version:

 

Resolution of the 6th World Congress

The Struggle against imperialist War

1928 

 



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THESES

ON THE REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT IN COLONIAL

AND SEMI-

COLONIAL COUNTRIES ADOPTED BY THE SIXTH

COMINTERN CONGRESS

September 1928

 

 

 

The Revolutionary Movement in the Colonies

Thesis on the Revolutionary Movement

in the Colonies and Semi-Colonies,

adopted by the 6th World Congress of the

Communist International - 1928


 

DECISION OF THE ECCI PRESIDIUM

ON THE CIRCUMSTANCES CONNECTED WITH THE EMBEZZLEMENT OF PARTY FUNDS IN HAMBURG

6 October 1928


 

 

J. V. Stalin

Speeches on the CPUSA

Delivered in the AMERICAN COMMISSION of the Presidium of the Executive Committee of the Communist International

May 6, 1929

 

 

delivered in THE PRESIDIUM of the Executive Committee of the Communist International on the American Question

May 14th, 1929

 

 

 

Documents of the CPUSA and the 6th Congress of the Comintern

1929

 

 

 

 

IN GERMAN

 

6. KONGRESS- ÜBERBLICK

 

 

 

Statut

der Komintern

 

Programm

der Komintern

Der Entwurf des Programms der Kommunistischen Internationale, der vom Plenum des ZK der KPdSU [B] im Juli 1928 erörtert wurde, war von der auf dem V. Kongress der Komintern (Juni – Juli 1924) gebildeten Programmkommission ausgearbeitet worden. Der Kommission gehörte J. W. Stalin an, der die Ausarbeitung des Programmentwurfs leitete. Der von der Programmkommission des EKKI am 25. Mai 1928 angenommene und vom Juliplenum des ZK der KPdSU [B] gebilligte Entwurf wurde dem Programm der Komintern zu Grunde gelegt, das auf dem VI. Kongress der Kommunistischen Internationale (Juli – September 1928) bestätigt wurde.

 

 

ÜBER DAS PROGRAMM DER KOMINTERN

Rede des Genossen Stalin am 5. Juli 1928

 

 

 

1928

Programm der

Kommunistischen Jugendinternationale [ K J I ]

 

 

ÜBERBLICK

5. Exekutivkomitee der Kommunistischen Internationale

Gebildet auf dem VI. Kongreß der Kommunistischen Internationale

(17. August bis 1. September 1928, Moskau)

 

 

 

THESEN

ZUR REVOLUTIONÄREN BEWEGUNG IN DEN

KOLONIALEN UND HALB-KOLONIALEN LÄNDERN

VI. KONGRESS


September 1928

 

 

 

 

IN RUSSIAN

 

Шестой конгресс Коммунистического интернационала

 

 

Статуc

Коммунистического Интернационала

принят на 6 Всемирный Конгресс

1928

 

 

ПРОГРАММА КОМММУНИСТИЧЕСКОГО ИНТЕРНАЦИОНАЛА



Принята на 45-м заседании VI конгресса Коммунистического Интернационала
1 сентября 1928 г.  

 

 

Шестой конгресс

17. Август - 10 Сентябрь 1928

 

 

VI Конгресс Коминтерна. Стенографический отчет.

 

Выпуск 1.

 

Международное положение и задачи Коминтерна.

 

(Москва - Ленинград: Госиздат, 1929)

 

ОГЛАВЛЕНИЕ I ВЫПУСКА:
От редакции (VII).
Заседание Первое - 17 июля 1928 года (1-25).
Заседание второе - 18 июля 1928 года (26-48).
Заседание третье - 19 июля 1928 года (49-94).
Заседание четвертое - 19 июля 1928 года (95-100).
Заседание пятое - 20 июля 1928 года (101-106).
Заседание шестое - 23 июля 1928 года (107-156).
Заседание седьмое - 24 июля 1928 года (157-192).
Заседание восьмое - 25 июля 1928 года (193-236).
Заседание девятое - 25 июля 1928 года (237-278).
Заседание десятое - 26 июля 1928 года (279-324).
Заседание одиннадцатое - 26 июля 1928 года (325-361).
Заседание двенадцатое - 27 июля 1928 года (362-400).
Заседание тринадцатое - 27 июля 1928 года (401-448).
Заседание четырнадцатое - 28 июля 1928 года (449-529).
Заседание пятнадцатое - 28 июля 1928 года (530-574).
Заседание шестнадцатое - 30 июля 1928 года (575-618).
Указатель имен (620).

 

 

 

 

VI Конгресс Коминтерна. Стенографический отчет.

Выпуск 2.

Против империалистических войн.

 

(Москва - Ленинград: Госиздат, 1929)

 

ОГЛАВЛЕНИЕ II ВЫПУСКА:
Заседание семнадцатое - 31 июля 1928 года (7-35).
Заседание восемнадцатое - 1 августа 1928 года (36-56).
Заседание девятнадцатое - 2 августа 1928 года (57-83).
Заседание двадцатое - 3 августа 1928 года (84-406).
Заседание двадцать первое - 4 августа 1928 года (107-140).
Заседание двадцать второе - 4 августа 1928 года (141-172).
Заседание двадцать третье - 6 августа 1928 года (173-194).
Заключительное слово т. Бзлла (194-200).
Указатель имен (201-204).

 

 

 

 

 

VI Конгресс Коминтерна. Стенографический отчет.

Выпуск 3.

Программа мировой революции.

(Москва - Ленинград: Госиздат, 1929)

 

ОГЛАВЛЕНИЕ III ВЫПУСКА:
Заседание двадцать четвертое - 9 августа 1928 г. (утреннее) (7-32).
Заседание двадцать пятое - 9 августа 1928 г. (вечернее) (33-38).
Заседание двадцать шестое - 13 августа 1928 г. (утреннее) (39-76).
Заседание двадцать седьмое - 13 августа 1928 г. (вечернее) (77-121).
Заседание двадцать восьмое - 14 августа 1928 г. (утреннее) (122-155).
Приложение: Проект программы Коминтерна (156-192).

 

 

 

 

 

VI Конгресс Коминтерна. Стенографический отчет.

Выпуск 4.

 

Революционное движение в колониальных и

полуколониальных странах.

 

(Москва - Ленинград: Госиздат, 1929)

 

ОГЛАВЛЕНИЕ IV ВЫПУСКА:
Заседание двадцать девятое - 14 августа 1928 г. (1-30).
Заседание тридцатое - 15 августа 1928 г. (31-74).
Заседание тридцать первое - 15 августа 1928 г. (75-105).
Заседание тридцать второе - 16 августа 1928 г. (106-154).
Заседание тридцать третье - 16 августа 1928 г. (165-194).
Заседание тридцать четвертое - 17 августа 1928 г. (196-241).
Заседание тридцать пятое - 17 августа 1928 г. (242-282).
Заседание тридцать шестое - 18 августа 1928 г. (283-352).
Заседание тридцать седьмое - 18 августа 1928 г. (353-412).
Заседание тридцать восьмое - 20 августа 1928 г. (413-486).
Заседание тридцать девятое - 21 августа 1928 г. (487-504).
Заседание сороковое - 21 августа 1928 г. (505-534). 

 

 

 

 

 

VI Конгресс Коминтерна. Стенографический отчет.

Выпуск 5.

Доклады ОБ СССР и ВКП(б). Заключительные работы.

 

(Москва - Ленинград: Госиздат, 1929)

 

ОГЛАВЛЕНИЕ V ВЫПУСКА:
Заседание сорок первое - 22 августа 1928 года (3-54).
Заседание сорок второе - 22 августа 1928 года (65-86).
Заседание сорок третье - 23 августа 1928 года (86-96).
Заседание сорок четвертое - 29 августа 1928 года (97-112).
Заседание сорок пятое - 29 августа 1928 года (113-127).
Заседание сорок шестое - 1 сентября 1928 года (128-146).
Приложение к докладу мандатной комиссии (146-149).
Список участников VI Всемирного конгресса Коммунистического Интернационала (150).

 

 

VI Конгресс Коминтерна. Стенографический отчет.

Выпуск 6.

Тезисы, резолюции постановления воззвания.

(Москва - Ленинград: Госиздат, 1929)

 

СОДЕРЖАНИЕ:
Программа Коммунистического интернационала (7).
О международном положении и задачах Коммунистического интернационала (56).
О мерах борьбы с опасностью империалистических войн (81).
О революционном движении в колониальных и полуколониальных странах (122).
Устав Коммунистического интернационала (162).
Резолюция о положении в СССР и ВКП(б) (168).
Резолюция международной организации помощи борцам революции (МОПР) (171).
Постановление по докладам о деятельности ИККИ, ИКК и ИККИМ (178).
Резолюция по поводу присоединения коммунистических партий Кубы, Кореи, Новой Зеландии, Парагвая, Ирландской рабочей лиги, социалистической партии Эквадора и революционной социалистической армии Колумбии к Коммунистическому интернационалу (174).
Постановление о проведении международной кампании против войны (176).
Постановление по делу Троцкого, Сапронова и др. (177).
Постановление по делу Маслова, Рут Фишер и друг. (178).
Постановление по делу Сюзанны Жиро и др. (179).
Постановление по делу группы Вайнкопа (180).
Манифест ко всем рабочим мира, ко всем трудящимся крестьянам, к угнетенным народам колоний, к солдатам и матросам капиталистических армий (181).
Воззвание к рабочим, крестьянам, красноармейцам и краснофлотцам Союза ССР (187).
Воззвание к рабочим и трудящимся Китая (189).
Обращение к рабочим и крестьянам всего мира о двухнедельнике помощи китайскому пролетариату (191).
Против фашизма (192).
Воззвание в связи с 14-летней годовщиной мировой империалистической войны (194).
Против оккупации Литвы польскими империалистами (196).
Новый состав Исполкома Коминтерна и ИККИ (198).

 

 

ШЕСТОЙ КОНГРЕСС КОМИНТЕРНА - 1928 год 

 

 

 

IN SPANISH

 

Programa y estatutos de la Internacional Comunista 

(1928)

 

IN CHINESE

 

第六次代表大会

1 

2

3

 

IN PORTUGUESE


TESES

ACERCA DO MOVIMENTO REVOLUCIONÁRIO NOS

PAÍSES COLONIAIS E SEMI-COLONIAIS


ADOPTADAS PELO SEXTO CONGRESSO DO COMINTERN

Setembro de 1928 

 

Resolução

A Questão Sul-Africana

 

adoptada pelo Comité Executivo da Internacional Comunista

Sexto Congresso do Comintern

1928

 

 

IN SWEDISH

sjätte världskongressen

Kommunistiska Internationalens

program

Antaget â sjätte världskongressen

1 september 1928 

  

 

 

IN ITALIAN

 

Sesto Congresso

Luglio / Agosto 1928 

 

Programma

dell’Internazionale comunista

1 settembre 1928

 

IN FRENCH

Le 6e congrès de l'Internationale Communiste s'est tenu du 17 juillet au 1er septembre 1928.  

 

 

Statuts de l´ Internationale Communiste (1928)

 

 

Programme de l´ Internationale Communiste (1928)

(avec les Statuts de 1928)

 

html

 

IN DANISH

 

Vedtaget af KOMINTERNs 6. Verdenskongres


1. September 1928 i Moskva

 

(Uddrag)