Red Peasant International

Крестьянский Интернационал

Rote Bauerninternationale

(Website in German language)




Enver Hoxha on agriculture - indispensable lessons for the construction of agriculture in future world socialism


written by Wolfgang Eggers

16. 10. 2018




Messages of Solidarity


Greeting message of the Comintern (SH)

and the

Red Peasant International

on occasion of the 95th anniversary.

10th of October 1923 - 10th of October 2018


The Red Peasant International was established at a founding congress held in Moscow

from October 10 - 16, 1923.

The founders of the Red Peasant International solemnly declared:

"Capitalism and war will only be removed when communism triumphs everywhere.
Long live communism, long live the Soviet republics all over the world!"

The Red Peasant International aimed to forge the peasants and workers alliance for world revolution within the framework of the World Party.

That is why the world bourgeoisie prevents the publication of the historical documents of the Krestintern - up to the present day. As far as the history of the Red Peasant International is concerned, we have compiled a brief overview in German language. Given the lack of documents, this "history" is completely inadequate, but at least a start.

The bourgeois state libraries are subjected to the market laws of world capitalism. The archivists of the Comintern documents are nothing more than sellers of millions of pages of Comintern's fonds, which are treated as pure commodities.

However, we ask:

Who is the owner of the documents of Krestintern? Nobody else than our newly founded Krestintern. The documents are our own property. We know that our property will not be voluntarily returned to us. We are forced to confiscate our documents. We will globally socialize the libraries all over the world. We will open all libraries to the world public - for free. We are therefore treated as rivals in their business. In their capitalist view, we only "ruin" their prices because we publish "their" documents for free (documents which do not belong to them but to us!) That's why they try everything possible to prevent us from publishing the Krestintern documents on our Krestintern-websites.

Only a small illustrious circle of bourgeois historians have access to the archives where they receive enough cannon fodder for their anti-communist propaganda. Although they cite extensively from the original documents in order to appear in the "objective scientific" light, but all this without publishing completely even a single document of the Krestintern. So they do what they want. They hide behind "academic freedom" for the purpose of falsification of history, for cheating the public by spreading anti-communism about the Krestintern. All these anti-communist "scientists" need not to fear any penalty for writing their criminal fairytales because that is what they are finally payed for. Another question is: Who can afford the necessary financial resources to study their expensive academic outpourings? Not a single poor peasant on this earth will ever get to read their rubbish. And this wouldn't be amiss, too.

About Krestintern there are between 1923 and 1930 more than 500 files. The first contains 308 files that trace the overall history of the organization and how it works. These are the international farmers' conferences, international meetings, the bureau and the general secretariat. The second inventory contains the reports with the national sections grouped into 196 files.
As for the International Agricultural Institute, it consists of 325 files. This organization was established in January 1925 by the Krestintern.

Thus, on this 95th anniversary, one of the most pressing tasks of our newly founded Red Peasant International is to make the historical documents accessible to the general public and put them to the service for the world socialist revolution ...

We are the re-founders of the Red Peasant International after 80 years of its dissolution. We honor its heritage and continue its struggle for the liberation of the farm laborers and poor peasants, for propagating, preparing and organizing the global agrarian revolution without which no world socialist revolution can win.

We must not limit the founding of the Red Peasant International from a historical perspective, but must make reference to its current political significance. We have to compare the situation of millions of farmers between 95 years ago and today and draw conclusions for their organization. Today we have to get to know the millions of non-party farmers with all their needs and demands, their struggle etc. We must get in touch with the left wing of international farmers' movements to convince them about our aims for the global agrarian revolution. The global agrarian revolution must fulfil its role as one of the decisive levers of the world socialist revolution.

The Red Peasant International is growing and strengthening to the same degree as a broad layer of revolutionary peasants gather around it. The Red Peasant International is stunted if such supportive activities of revolutionary peasants is lacking. Where do we find the revolutionary peasants? We find them there where they have unified their struggle against the agrarian world capitalists.

But it is not just the global big corporations of the agrarian capitalists that the poor peasants and agricultural laborers have on their back. There are also a number of elements on the countryside, by which the rural population is split into two camps: a) the majority consisting of people who suffer of village poverty; and b) a minority, the local camp which is better off than the farm workers and poor peasants, however simultaneously dependent on agrarian world capital. There is a sharp and bitter class struggle in the countryside.

The farmers will only be ready to support us in rebuilding the Red Peasant International, if we on our part, support the poorest of the poor in the countryside. Our place is on the side of the starving peasants.

Who will liberate the peasants from the yoke of capitalist bondage, if not the peasants themselves?

Within the frame of capitalism, the poor peasants cannot free themselves. Peasants need the workers and the workers need the peasants - the matter of liberation from capitalism is their joint mission.
The poor peasants and agricultural workers must actively participate in the world socialist revolution.

The confiscation of all lands in the world and the global collectivization of all agrarian means of production - that is the way out as propagated by the Comintern (SH) and its Red Peasant International.

The peasants of the whole world must first and foremost become familiar with the idea that one should not haggle with the landowners and agricultural capitalists, but must fight against them, overthrow them. The aim is not to repair the crises shaken global network of agricultural capitalists, but to destroy it worldwide by taking away their ownership and by eliminating the exploitation of agricultural workers.

There is no talk today of how the peasantry should be set in motion worldwide, but of what the already growing peasants movement should demand.

Above all, the peasants must globally be freed from their debt trap! That what has been taken away from the peasants must be given back to them. This is a question of pure existence. Anyone who ignores this central demand of the peasants, will never be able to inspire the peasants for the world socialist revolution. Without the peasants there is no liberation from capitalism, there will be no socialism.

As far as the remnants of serfdomand feudalism are not eliminated on the countryside, the peasants must fight against the feudal landowners.
However, under the current conditions of global agricultural capitalism, where the contradiction between wage labor and capital prevails everywhere in the countryside, one must mainly fight capitalism.

Agricultural workers and industrial workers - together against world capitalism - together for world socialism! - that's what the Comintern (SH) says to the rural proletarians.

From the point of view of Marxism-Leninism, petty-bourgeois agriculture was progressive in comparison with the serf economy. The destruction of the serf economy and the introduction of the petty-bourgeois economy was a necessary precondition for the development of capitalism, which in turn supplanted the petty-bourgeois economy. Today our main slogan is this:

Abolition of Globalized Agricultural Capitalism


Creation of Globalized Socialist Agricultural Economy!

So what to do?

Under the leadership of Stalin and the CPSU (B) and the Red Peasant International, the Soviet peasantry has beaten and overcome victoriously Bukharinism in the question of collectivization of agriculture. [ * ] And World Socialism will continue to build on this achieved victory.

To defend the petty-bourgeois economy against the world economy of the bourgeoisie?

To favor petty-bourgeois agriculture as the only alternative against globalized agricultural capitalism?

Why not? Because petty-bourgeois agrarian economy will necessarily lead to agrarian capitalism and its monopolization - as this is proven in history. This is not in the interest of world socialism.
Both must be abolished: Agricultural capitalism AND its source from which it developes - namely from the petty-bourgeois agriculture, a source which never runs dry. On this website we have given a clear answer to the question of agricultural globalization.

At first, the poor peasants will help us to get rid of global agricultural capitalism.
And after this aim will have been achieved, the peasants will help us to abolish petty-bourgeois agriculture by forming the collective agriculture and its further transformation into state property (agricultural state farms).

In the end there will be the manifold forms of free agrarian associations - immediately after abolishment of the world socialist state). This is the future communist path of agriculture.

We say: Everything in its time and in the right place. Our maximum program and our minimum program for the global solution of the agrarian question are two different terms that should not be confused with each other.

Everything that makes the profiteering of world agricultural capitalists more difficult and harms them, will be helpful for their overthrow. All this will be supported in our agrarian minimal program. This includes the support of various worldwide peasants' self-help organizations, cooperatives etc. But that does not automatically mean that we include all this also in our maximum program.

In our maximum program, we want to pave the way to a classless world society. Not only do we want to abolish capitalism and build socialism, but we also want to overcome the separation of the class of the workers and peasants.

Our concern is that the agricultural workers and industrial workers on a world scale unite in the fight against globalized agricultural capitalism.

All those involved in the labor of food sector, for example, must join their forces, the tea-picker with the workers who process the tea industrially, with the workers who provide for transport and trade, and so on, all the way to unification with the end users, the tea drinkers - unification of struggle against the capitalists who globally exploit all those workers for their tea-business.

The industrial workers within the agrarian production are the most progressive forces in this united struggle. That's why they must lead all the other workers of the agrarian sector against the agrarian capitalists.


Neither the "socialization" of land nor their "nationalization" nor their "municipalization" (self-government) correspond to the interests of the world socialist revolution, because that does not change the wage slavery in the countryside, because capitalism remains untouched. But that's the crucial point in the world socialist revolution, namely the overthrow of the capitalist world order to abolish capitalist wage slavery - also in the countryside.

See decision of the Comintern (SH):

World Decree on the Land all over the World


We are opponents of the ideology of agrarianism (in particular represented by the party of the "Social Revolutionaries" in Russia and also partly by Maoism). The realization of world socialism does not begin with the villages. Everyone - except perhaps some Maoists - knows that the city is more developed than the village, that the city is the leader of the village, that any socialist work must begin from the city, beginning with the proletariat and the peasants as its nearest ally.

The realization of world socialism - that is the worldwide abolition of commodity production, the abolition of world financial capital, the destruction of world capitalism down to its ruins and the global socialization of all means of production.

The slogan of socializing land is only correct if socalization of all means of production is included, if the overthrow of world capitalism is included. Anything else does not work and is doomed to failure, because commodity production is maintained and untouched, so that also all "socialized" land remains nothing but a commodity within the frame of capitalism.

In world capitalism, the existence of poor peasant can only go worse and worse.

In World Socialism, on the other hand, the peasants are better and better off.
The peasant's only future lies in world socialism.

No victory of the world socialist revolution without the victory of the global agrarian revolution!

Long live the 95th anniversary of the foundation of the Red Peasant International!

Long live the newly founded Red peasant International of the Comintern (SH)!


Wolfgang Eggers

10th of October 2018




[ * ] Stalin:

The principal misfortune of the Bukharinites is that they have a faith, a conviction that making things easier for the kulak and untying his hands is the way to solve our grain and all other difficulties. They think that if we make things easier for the kulak, if we do not restrict his exploiting tendencies, if we let him have his own way, and so on, the difficulties will disappear and the political state of the country will improve. It goes without saying tbat this naïve faith of the Bukharinites in the saving power of the kulak is such ludicrous nonsense as not even to be worth criticising. The Bukharinites' misfortune is that they do not understand the mechanics of the class struggle, do not understand that the kulak is an inveterate enemy of the working people, an inveterate enemy of our whole system. They do not understand that a policy of making things easier for the kulak and untying his hands would worsen the entire political state of the country, improve the chances of the capitalist elements in the country, lose us the poor peasants, demoralise the middle peasants, and bring about a rupture with the working class of our country. They do not understand that no untying of the hands of the kulak is capable of easing our grain difficulties in any way, for the kulak will not voluntarily give us grain anyhow so long as there exists the policy of procurement prices and state regulation of the grain market -- and we cannot abandon the policy of state regulation of trade if we do not want to undermine the Soviet system, the dictatorship of the proletariat. The Bukharinites' misfortune is that they do not understand these simple and elementary things That is apart from the fact that the policy of untying the hands of the capitalist elements is absolutely incompatible, theoretically and politically, with the principles of Lenin's policy and of Leninism. (Stalin, February 1929)




About the founding and history of the

Red peasant international

until its liquidation by the revisionists.

(in German language)




World Decree on the Land all over the World

- 20 Theses -

- adopted by the Comintern (SH)

and the Red Peasant International

on 21st of January 2018

written by Wolfgang Eggers


How to solve the global question of property of land ?



This "world decree on land"

is inseparably part of Lenin's "Decree on Land", which emerged from the October Revolution.




World Communism is the product of a long development that goes back to communist primitive society (native/initial, rural community).

The first act of dissolution of the original village community (primitive communist society - propertyless land) led to the division of society into special and finally antagonistic classes (with property of land).

The last act of abolishing the class society on the way to the higher, classless society of world communism is the gradual elimination of the non-antagonistic contradiction between workers and peasants (between town and country, etc.).

Class society emerged from original communism, and class society will disappear again in world communism.

That is the negation of the negation of the class society. That is the negation of negation in the historical evolution from primitive communism to world communism.





The World Decree on the land serves the following final purpose:

All the land of the entire world is being returned to its original "state of possession" - namely that of its propertylessness.To achieve this, the world capitalist system of exploitation and domination must be smashed and private ownership of land must be abolished. World socialism and, finally, world communism will not be built up on private land , but on globally socialized ground.

This is impossible to achieve on one go. The private ownership of land must be gradually socialized - as soon as possible, but as time consuming as necessary.

Broad estates of large landowners, especially those of multinational agribusinesses, will be abolished. This is the first step towards solving the property issue in the countryside. The liberation of the poor peasants presupposes the communist solution of the property question, namely the abolition of the private ownership of all broad estates.


Confiscation and expropriation without compensation of all possessions of world agrarian corporations, including their possession of land and all the means of production used for this purpose.


Expropriation of finance capitalists without compensation throughout the globalized agricultural sector.

Global socialization of all globalized agriculture.



The opportunists deceive the poor peasants by spreading the lie that they can "push back" the agrarian monopolies without breaking the whole capitalist world system. The opportunists want a "non-monopolistic" capitalism, a so-called "free world market," on which farmers can offer their goods at competitive prices. This corresponds to the old slogan of the "peaceful way" to socialism, which the opportunists spread not only among the workers, but also among the poor peasants, in order to keep them away from the revolutionary alliance with the world proletariat.





Socialist property in the W.U.S.S.R. exists either in the form of state property (the commonly shared possession of the whole peoples), or in the form of cooperative and collective-farm property (property of a collective farm or property of a cooperative association).

Article 4 of the Constitution of the W. U. S. S. R. (World Union of Soviet Socialist Republics)

No square meter of all land in this world may neither be sold nor bought, neither leased nor pledged, or alienated in any other way - never again!

All land ownership in the whole world is to be socialized, whereby today, already over nine-tenths of the poor peasants do not have any (more) private property. Most of them have fallen into the growing army of the (unemployed) rural proletariat or emigrated to the cities.



With the October Revolution, the workers and peasants of a country appropriated the capitalist production instruments and means, the capitalist enterprises, the soil, and so on.

With the proletarian world revolution, the world proletariat, together with the poor peasants, liberates the world's productive forces from the shackles of world capitalist relations of production and transforms all instruments of world production and the entire soil of all countries into a single world state property.




For the implementation of this "World Decree on Land" it is required the dictatorship of the world proletariat, its unrestricted international state power.




This "World Decree on Land" can only be realized by means of the violent overthrow of the entire world capitalist system, only by way of the world socialist revolution - that is, not on the road of agrarian reforms, with which the power of world capitalism remains most widely untouched.




We can only win the poor peasants for Communism if we tell them openly that they can only liberate themselves together with the world proletariat through the violent overthrow of the capitalist world order, which is the reason for their exploitation and oppression. The power of national and international capital over land, capitalist ownership of land and other agricultural means of production must be violently crushed.




The Comintern (SH) is not fundamentally against agrarian reforms. But the Comintern (SH) only fights for those agrarian reforms that will help us to make our way to the world socialist revolution and lead us faster to victory. Agrarian reforms can not replace the agrarian revolution, but only act as its lever. So Agrarian reforms have to serve the Agrarian revolution and have thus to be subordinate to the aims of the world socialist revolution.





All land is shared by all peoples of the world for their mutual benefit. This principle of the peoples' social sharing of all world property is inviolable and must never, anywhere, and never be violated by anyone.





The agrarian imperialists are responsible for global environmental destruction.

Damage to and destruction of the environment, especially land and soil, depletion of natural resources, etc., the full extent of the consequences of criminal capitalist law of profit making forces humanity to take energetic measures to protect and regenerate life and nature.

The world capitalists are to be held to account and they have to bear the costs for the damage that they have done to mankind, nature and environment.

The socialist world revolution not only has the task of liberating humanity from exploitation and oppression, but also saving nature and environment from its destruction, thus also saving the land and all its resources.

The abolition of private property on land and the liberation of poor peasants is the key to solving the task of farming in harmony with nature.

Only the world socialism creates the conditions that are needed for the regeneration of nature and the environment, so also that of global land.

Therefore, the fight for environmental protection must be subordinated to the fight for the elimination of world capitalism and for the construction of world socialism.

The fight for environmental protection is an more and more important instrument of class struggle of the world proletariat in alliance with the poor peasants.

The fight for environmental protection is an indispensable lever for the world socialist revolution icluding the world Agrarian revolution.

So called "Environmental measures" that leave world capitalism intact are frauds.

Workers and poor farmers must take environmental protection into their own hands and smash the capitalist world system including all their pseudo-environmental organizations!





Farmers maintain their own land and keep their own livestock. Private farming is limited to the satisfaction of one's own basic family needs.




World Socialist property consists of centralized property of the world state, of common state property of all countries and cooperative property in agriculture.

The socialist world state (or the world union of the socialist Soviet republics as its first form of government) will become the sole landowner of the world and creates its own type of world sovkhoz.

In the epoch of the world socialism also the globalized collective farms will exist (which enjoy equal rights). Globalized collective farms are being set up which are equiped with the highest standard of agricultural techniques provided by means of the socialist state.

The globalized collective ownership is in the hands of the state, whereby all land being one of the most important means of production in world socialist agriculture.

In order to convert the agriculture of world socialism into world communism, the aim is to raise collective farm ownership to the level of world-state property. For this purpose, the surplus of collective production must be retreived (withdrawn) from the world system of commodity circulation. These surpluses must instead be included in the system of global product exchange between the state-owned world industry and the globalized collective farms. If the system of product exchange is extended to all collective farms in the world, it will benefit not only the collective farmers, but the entire world population.

The circulation of agricultural commodities is incompatible with the transition from world socialism to world communism, which is why World Socialist agricultural policy is to restrict the circulation of commodities as much as possible and to extend the exchange of products as much as possible.

The world state will die sometime, including the state property of all land. But world society continues to exist even without a state. All the land does not disappear with the dying state, but is then adminsitrated by the central economic organizations of free social associations.




Slave labor in agriculture is being abolished, as well as in industry and elsewhere in the world of labour.

While landlord ownership is the basis of feudal exploitation and oppression, private property of agricultural capitalists, especially multi-national corporations, and centralized agrarian world financial capital are now the basis for the exploitation and oppression of poor peasants and rural proletariat around the world.





Das Weltproletariat ist die einzige revolutionäre Klasse der Welt. Die proletarische Weltrevolution kann ohne das Bündnis mit den armen Bauern nicht gewinnen.

The Communist Manifesto of Marx and Engels states that the peasant must fight the bourgeoisie to save his farm from ruin. The farmer is not revolutionary, but conservative. If the peasant is revolutionary he is this only in view of the imminent transition to the proletariat. The peasant is revolutionary if he does not defend his present interests, but his future interests, thus by assuming the class position of the proletariat.





The ideological basis for the collectivization of agriculture in the first period of socialism was Marxism-Leninism.

The ideological basis for world socialist agriculture is Stalinism-Hoxhaism.

The Stalinism-Hoxhaism in the agrarian question is the theory and tactic of the world alliance with the poor peasants in general and the theory and tactics of the world dictatorship of the proletariat with the poor peasants in particular.

Stalinism-Hoxhaism is the doctrine of the worldwide elimination of agra capitalism and the construction of world socialist agriculture.




The socialist world economy is guided by the socialist world state or the world union of the socialist Soviet republics. All world state power is in the hands of the soviets of workers, soldiers and peasants.

All power over worldwide land to the soviets of peasants 'deputies and land workers' deputies!

The Comintern (SH) states that only the soviets of peasant deputies and land workers' deputies, elected by the mass of the working people and able to be deposed by them at any time, are able to properly express the will of the poor peasantry, and also able to implement it in practice.




Only the Comintern (SH) stands up for the global interests of the poor peasantry and that of all working people.

And the Comintern (SH) is the only party that not only warns the poor peasantry and all working people of the world against all kinds of fraudsters, but also fights and defeats them. Traitors in the revolutionary workers and peasants movement of the world are exposed and rendered harmless. This applies in particular to the neo-revisionist traitors, who speak in the interest of the world bourgeoisie of the revolutionary alliance between workers and poor peasants, but in fact do split their common class front and thus to bring the socialist world revolution to failure.
The victory of the world socialist revolution is decided by the question whether the poor peasants will follow the world bourgeoisie or the world proletariat.





The Red Peasant International is an organization of the Comintern (SH) created to forge and consolidate the revolutionary alliance between the poor peasants and the world proletariat.





Thesis No7 of our world-communist program (principles of world communism):

We want the Abolition of the Antithesis Between Town and Country.

With the creation of a unified communist world ownership, the social contradictions between town and country are overcome in the world. As a first step, the private ownership of the means of production will be abolished and all agricultural land of the world will be collectivized.

The abolition of the separation of town and country presupposes the global abolition of the separation of capital and landed property.

"Abolition of the antithesis between town and country, between industry and agriculture, is a well-known problem which was discussed long ago by Marx and Engels. The economic basis of this antithesis is the exploitation of the country by the town, the expropriation of the peasantry and the ruin of the majority of the rural population by the whole course of development of industry, trade and credit under capitalism. Hence, the antithesis between town and country under capitalism must be regarded as an antagonism of interests. This it was that gave rise to the hostile attitude of the country towards the town and towards "townfolk" in general.

    Undoubtedly, with the abolition of capitalism and the exploiting system in our country, and with the consolidation of the socialist system, the antagonism of interests between town and country, between industry and agriculture, was also bound to disappear. And that is what happened. The immense assistance rendered by the socialist town, by our working class, to our peasantry in eliminating the landlords and kulaks strengthened the foundation for the alliance between the working class and the peasantry, while the systematic supply of first-class tractors and other machines to the peasantry and its collective farms converted the alliance between the working class and the peasantry into friendship between them. Of course, the workers and the collective-farm peasantry do represent two classes differing from one another in status. But this difference does not weaken their friendship in any way. On the contrary, their interests lie along one common line, that of strengthening tbe socilist system and attaining the victory of communism. It is not surprising, therefore, that not a trace remains of the former distrust, not to speak of the former hatred, of the country for the town.

    All this means that the ground for the antithesis between town and country, between industry and agriculture, has already been eliminated by our present socialist system.

    This, of course, does not mean that the effect of the abolition of the antithesis between town and country will be that "the great towns will perish"[4]. Not only will the great towns not perish, but new great towns will appear as centres of the maximum development of culture, and as centres not only of large-scale industry, but also of the processing of agricultural produce and of powerful development of all branches of the food industry. This will facilitate the cultural progress of the nation and will tend to even up conditions of life in town and country."

( Stalin: "Economic problems of socialism in the USSR").

Regarding the two basic conditions for the transition from socialism to communism Stalin emphasized the raising the property of the Kolkhoz to the level of state property and the replacement of commodity circulation through a system of product exchange by way of gradual transitions, so that the entire products of social production can be centrally collected and managed in the interest of society . These conditions are especially important on a global scale, ie for the transition of world socialism to world communism.




The Red Peasant International was established at a founding congress held in Moscow

from October 10-16, 1923



Erster Weltkongress der Krestintern

The Agrarian Commission of the ECCI was formed on the necessity of uniting revolutionary workers and peasants around the world under the banner of the Comintern.

Members of the EKKI's Agrarkommission were Edwin Hoernle (leader), Tomasz Dąbal and Israelitter in 1922, until October 1923 Evgenij Preobraženskij and Boris Souvarine were co-opted. The main task of the Commission was firstly to implement the slogan of the" workers' and peasants' government" in different countries as well as to prepare an agrarian conference, which took place in October 1923 and finally became the founding conference of the International Peasant International.

Russia, Ukraine, Georgia, Dagestan, Kyrgyzstan, Karelia, Yakutia, Adzaristan, Belarus, Bashkiria, Bukhara, China, Chiva, Mongolia, Armenia, Turkestan, Brazil, Indonesia, Spain, Germany, Gdansk, Bulgaria, Holland, Australia, Canada, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Finland, Italy, Japan, Sweden, Norway, Poland, Yugoslavia, France, Czechoslovakia, United States, Mexico.

List of participants:

Smirnov, Odynec, Kušinov, Anvarov, Transcaucasia (one representative), Caucasus (one representative), Bashkiria (one representative), Kyrgyzstan (one representative), Tartar republic (one representative) ), Yakutia (one representative), Belarus (one representative), Chuvash region (one representative), Syrian (one representative), Mari (one representative), Votjak region (one representative), Iliev (Bulgaria), Tocev (Bulgaria), Popov
(United States), War (Bulgaria), Michailov (Bulgaria), Petkov (Bulgaria), Gorov (Bulgaria), Vazeilles (France), Renaud Jean (France), Alexandre Auguin United States), Walker (United States), Smith, Volsit, Ranta, Holm Hayashi, Sen Katayama, Kio Hato, Ko Sunaga, Japan), Ai Quoc, Sciurano (Brazil), Bürgi (Germany), Kübler (Germany), Gessler (Germany), Bischoff (Germany), Moll (Germany), Galván Licono (Mexico), Petraitis (Lithuania), Dąbal (Poland), Wasilkow (Poland), Rydlo (Czechoslovakia), Czech (Czechoslovakia).

The world congress was attended by 158 delegates, hailing from 40 countries, with a majority of participants representing countries in Eastern Europe and Asia. This gathering established a governing body comparable to the Executive Committee of the Communist International known as the International Peasant Council. Two major plenary sessions of the International Peasant Council were held — the first in October 1923 and the second in November 1927. The
The presidency of the second conference consisted of the following delegates: Cousté (France), Rudloff (Germany), Sladecek (Czechoslovakia), Almgren (Sweden), José Guadalupe Rodriguez (Mexico), Meščerjakov (Soviet Union, Ps .: N. Orlov, as representative The agricultural cooperatives), Dąbal (farmer's national), Franz David (Austria,
Secretary of the conference). Among the delegates were: Meronen (Finland), Heckermann (Germany), Ring (Poland), Delbos (France), Giuseppe Di Vittorio (Italy), Goomedy (for the "Negro congress", South Africa), Fleck (Czechoslovakia), Lieng (Norway), [Ernst] Pütz, the chairman of the KPD organization of the "Bund Schaffender Landwirte" (Germany) and Dupuy (France). The only agenda item was one presentation by Dąbal on "The situation of the peasantry and the most important tasks of the International peasant movement ".





Congresses and Conferences.

1st International Peasant Congress, Moscow, 10-16 October 1923.
1st plenary session , Moscow, 17.10.1923.
Plenary session, Moscow, 9-14 April 1925.
International Agrarian Institute, Moscow, November 1927.
1. European Peasant congress, Berlin, 27-30.3.1930.
2. European Peasant Congress, [Amsterdam, 1932].

The Krestintern published an official organ called "The Peasant International" to propagate its political views. The magazine was launched in April 1924.

In 1925/1926 the Krestintern established a research facility in Moscow for the study of agrarian problems and the publication of books on these topics, known as the International Agrarian Institute (IAI). In 1940 closed.

Press and publication organs :

• Krest'janskij Internacional, Organ meždunarodnogo krest'janskogo Soveta, Moscow.
• Meždunarodnyj Krest'janskij Bjulleten ', Moscow.
• International Peasants News, Berlin.
• The World Federation of Peasants. Notification body of the International Peasants' Council, Berlin I
(1924) -II (1925).
• International peasant correspondent, Berlin 1927-1928.


The Red Peasant International was formally dissolved in 1939.




"The Red Peasant International"


ON 28 May, 2017

on decision of the Comintern (SH)





"The Red Peasant International"

(the same name) - Organ of the Red Peasant International

will be published soon ....


Our reestablished RPI continues the world-revolutionary alliance policy of the Comintern and the communist world movement with the poor peasants and agricultural workers all over the world.

The re-establishment of the Red Peasant International as a mass organization of the Comintern (SH) serves the purpose of winning the poor peasants and agricultural workers as allies of the world socialist revolution.

The Sections of the Comintern (SH) form independent revolutionary peasant organizations in their countries and support the revolutionary peasant movements that exist there.


At the time of the Comintern it was important what Lenin taught:

"... give special support to the peasant movement against the landowners, against landed proprietorship, and against all manifestations or survivals of feudalism, and to strive to lend the peasant movement the most revolutionary character by establishing the closest possible alliance between the West European communist proletariat and the revolutionary peasant movement in the East, in the colonies, and in the backward countries generally. It is particularly necessary to exert every effort to apply the basic principles of the Soviet system in countries where pre-capitalist relations predominate—by setting up 'working people’s Soviets' "(Lenin, Volume 31, pages 144-151, Draft Theses for the Second World Congress of the Comintern,5 June, 1920 )



Today, there is a new worldwide enemy of the peasant movement, namely the multinational Agrarian capitalists of the world imperialist system. The world socialist revolution cannot be victorious without the alliance with the poor paesants and the peasant laborer. World imperialism cannot be overthrown without the overthrow of the Agrarian imperialists.


We join the Actions


8th March:

International Women’s Day – The Red Peasant International joins women’s movements and social movements to demand equal rights for women of the countryside.

17th April:

International Day of Peasant’s Struggle – Direct actions, cultural activities, conferences, film screenings, community debates and rallies are organized by a wide variety of groups, communities or organizations.


10th September:

International Struggle Day against the WTO -In the memory of Mr. Lee Kyun Hae, a South Korean farmer who sacrificed himself during a mass protest against the WTO in Cancun, Mexico in 2003. He was holding a banner saying “WTO kills farmers”.


16th October:

International Day of Action for Peoples’ Food Sovereignty and against Transnational corporations – Direct actions, activities held across the world in defense of food sovereignty and for the rights of peasants.


25th November:

International Day for Elimination of Violence Against Women – The Red Peasant International joins women’s movements to demand justice and a violence-free life in all spheres for women and girls in the countryside.


3rd December:

Global No Pesticides Use Day – where the movement stands in solidarity with the struggle against agrotoxics and chemicals, which are being increasingly pushed by agribusiness.




The Red Peasant International of the Comintern (SH) struggles for global collectivization in regard of world socialism.

And in regard of world communism we struggle for the transition of globally collectivized property into globalized property of the entire world society. This transition paves the way to the abolition of property in the widest sense of the word. In a world in which everybody shares everything, property becomes superfluous.

We strive for the removal of the class difference between workers and peasants, because this is required for the abolition of the class society and thus for the establishment of the classless world society.

The power of the world revolution will, among other things, be strengthened by billions of the petty bourgeoisie, above all, its most powerful and numerous layers, the peasantry, that follow the world proletariat. The globalized world is today so economically developed that hundreds of millions of poor peasants could be supported immediately. Thus the world bourgeoisie is isolated, left without an army, and the world proletariat becomes the master of the future of the world. Without the poor peasants, the world proletariat will not be able to maintain its power. By applying the law of the interrelationship between the workers and the poor peasants, the world socialist revolution is prepared and carried out; secondly, the dictatorship of the world proletariat will be established; thirdly, world socialism will be constructed; and fourthly, world communism will be prepared. Under the leadership of the world proletariat, the workers and peasants will together pave the way to the classless society.










Frederick Engels

Frederick Engels

The Peasant War in Germany

The Peasant War in Germany







The Proletariat and the Peasantry

November 12, 1905





A “Voluntary Agreement” Between Landowners and Peasants?

Written April 14 (27), 1917



The land revolution in Russia

December 1918




How We Should Reorganise the Wokers' and Peasants' Inspection

 Recommendation to the Twelfth Party Congress

January 23, 1923



Capitalism and Agriculture

New York - 1946




About the Peasants in the October revolution

Collection of writings (October 1917 - February 1918)




Decree on Land



Landed proprietorship is abolished forthwith without any compensation.


The landed estates, as also all crown, monastery, and church lands, with all their livestock, implements, buildings and everything pertaining thereto, shall be placed at the disposal of the volost land committees and the uyezd Soviets of Peasants' Deputies pending the convocation of the Constituent Assembly.


All damage to confiscated property, which henceforth belongs to the whole people, is proclaimed a grave crime to be punished by the revolutionary courts. The uyezd Soviets of Peasants' Deputies shall take all necessary measures to assure the observance of the strictest order during the confiscation of the landed estates, to determine the size of estates, and the particular estates subject to confiscation, to draw up exact inventories of all property confiscated and to protect in the strictest revolutionary way all agricultural enterprises transferred to the people, with all buildings, implements , livestock, stocks of produce, etc.


The folowing peasant Mandate, compiled by the newspaper Izvestia Vserossiiskogo Soveta Krestyanskikh Deputatov from 242 local peasant mandates and published in No. 88 of that paper (Petrograd, No. 88, August 19, 1917), shall serve everywhere to guide the implementation of the great land reforms until a final decision on the latter is taken by the Constituent Assembly.  

Peasant Mandate on the Land


"The land question in its full scope can be settled only by the popular Constituent Assembly.

The most equitable settlement of the land question is to be as follows:


(1) Private ownership of land shall be abolished forever; land shall not be sold, purchased, leased, mortgaged, or otherwise alienated.

All land, whether state, crown, monastery, church, factory, entailed, private, public, peasant, etc., shall be confiscated without compensation and become the property of the whole people, and pass into the use of all those who cultivate it.

Persons who suffer by this property revolution shall be deemed to be entitled to public support only for the period necessary for adaptation to the new conditions of life.

(2) All mineral wealth — ore, oil, coal, salt, etc., and also all forests and waters of state importance, shall pass into the exclusive use of the state. All the small streams, lakes, woods, etc., shall pass into the use of the communes, to be administered by the local self-government bodies.

(3) Lands on which high-level scientific farming is practised — orchards, tree-farms, seed plots, nurseries, hothouses, etc. — shall not be divided up, but shall be converted into model farms, to be turned over for exclusive use to the state or to the communes, depending on the size and importance of such lands.

Household land in towns and villages, with orchards and vegetable gardens, shall be reserved for the use of their present owners, the size of the holdings, and the size of tax levied for the use thereof, to be determined by law.

(4) Stud farms, government and private pedigree stock and poultry farms, etc., shall be confiscated and become the property of the whole people, and pass into the exclusive use of the state or a commune, depending on the size and importance of such farms.

The question of compensation shall be examined by the Constituent Assembly.

(5) All livestock and farm implements of the confiscated estates shall pass into the exclusive use of the state or a commune, depending on their size and importance, and no compensation shall be paid for this.

The farm implements of peasants with little land shall not be subject to confiscation.

(6) The right to use the land shall be accorded to all citizens of the Russian state (without distinction of sex) desiring to cultivate it by their own labour, with the help of their families, or in partnership, but only as long as they are able to cultivate it. The employment of hired labour is not permitted.

In the event of the temporary physical disability of any member of a village commune for a period of up to two years, the village commune shall be obliged to assist him for this period by collectively cultivating his land until he is again able to work.

Peasants who, owing to old age or ill-health, are permanently disabled and unable to cultivate the land personally, shall lose their right to the use of it but, in return, shall receive a pension from the state.

(7) Land tenure shall be on a equality basis, i.e., the land shall be distributed among the working people in conformity with a labour standard or a subsistence standard, depending on local conditions.

There shall be absolutely no restriction on the forms of land tenure — household, farm, communal, or co-operative, as shall be decided in each individual village and settlement.

(8) All land, when alienated, shall become part of the national land fund. Its distribution among the peasants shall be in charge of the local and central self-government bodies, from democratically organised village and city communes, in which there are no distinctions of social rank, to central regional government bodies.

The land fund shall be subject to periodical redistribution, depending on the growth of population and the increase in the productivity and the scientific level of farming.

When the boundaries of allotments are altered, the original nucleus of the allotment shall be left intact.

The land of the members who leave the commune shall revert to the land fund; preferential right to such land shall be given to the near relatives of the members who have left, or to persons designated by the latter.

The cost of fertilisers and improvements put into the land, to the extent that they have not been fully used up at the time the allotment is returned to the land fund, shall be compensated.

Should the available land fund in a particular district prove inadequate for the needs of the local population, the surplus population shall be settled elsewhere.

The state shall take upon itself the organisation of resettlement and shall bear the cost thereof, as wwell as the cost of supplying implements, etc.

Resettlement shall be effected in the following order: landless peasants desiring to resettle, then members of the commune who are of vicious habits, deserters, and so on, and, finally, by lot or by agreement."


The entire contents of this Mandate, as expressing the absolute will of the vast majority of the class-conscious peasants of all Russia, is proclaimed a provisional law, which, pending the convocation of the Constituent Assembly, shall be carried into effect as far as possible immediately, and as to certain of its provisions with due gradualness, as shall be determined by the uyezd Soviets of Peasants' Deputies.



The land of ordinary peasants and ordinary Cossacks shall not be confiscated.


 * * *


Voices are being raised here that the decree itself and the Mandate were drawn up by the Socialist-Revolutionaries. What of it? Does it matter who drew them up? As a democratic government, we cannot ignore the decision of the masses of the people, even though we may disagree with it. In the fire of experience, applying the decree in practice, and carrying it out local, the peasants will themselves realise where the truth lies. And even in the peasants continue to follow the Socialist-Revolutionaries, even if they give this party a majority in the Constituent Assembly, we shall still say — what of it?

Experience is the best teacher and it will show who is right. Let the peasants solve this problem from one end and we shall solve it from the other. Experience will oblige us to draw together in the general stream of revolutionary creative work, in the elaboration of new state forms. We must be guided by experience; we must allow complete freedom to the creative faculties of the masses. The old government, which was overthrown by armed uprising, wanted to settle the land problem with the help of the old, unchanged tsarist bureaucracy. But instead of solving the problem, the bureaucracy only fought the peasants.

The peasants have learned something during the eight months of our revolution; they want to settle all land problems themselves. We are therefore opposed to all amendments to this draft law. We want no details in it, for we are writing a decree, not a programme of action. Russia is vast, and local conditions vary. We trust that the peasants themselves will be able to solve the problem correctly, properly, better than we could do it. Whether they do it in our spirit or in the spirit of the Socialist-Revolutionary programme is not the point. The point is that the peasants should be firmly assured that there are no more landowners in the countryside, that they themselves must decide all questions, and that they themselves must arrange their own lives. (Loud applause)







The Agrarian Question (March 1906)




The Land to the Peasants

April 14, 1917




The Party`s three foundamental Slogans on the Peasant Question (April 1927)


The Slogan of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat and the Poor Peasantry in the Period of Preparation for October (May 20, 1927)







Lenin and the Questions of the Alliance with the Middle Peasant (July 1928)







Concerning the Policy of Eliminating the Kulaks as a Class (January 1930)





(Speech - January, 11 1933)

PDF - Format





FEBRUARY 19, 1933








September 1952








collection of texts





The Marxist-Leninist Theoretical Thinking of the PLA and Comrade Enver Hoxha on the Socialist Development and Transformation of Agriculture

Nexhmedin Dumani and Zydi Pepa

– Economists

Albania Today, 1984, 5





Modern Agriculture

- extended socialist reproduction -

Kozmar Skarco

"Albania Today" No 1 - 1974




Superiority of socialist agriculture


"Albania Today" No 5 - 1983




Fresh air, clear water and greenery everywhere

(30 Years PRA)




Problems of socialist construction in the Albanian countryside

"Albania Today" No 1 - 1972

Hasan Banja








Kolkhoz Statute - 1935

Second Congress of the Kolkhoz Shock workers

 February 17, 1935 




Machine and tractor stations




The State Farms of the USSR

P. Lonanov



Wie der Bauer in der Sowjetunion lebt