24 May 1922


Inprekorr, ii, 77, p. 583, 24 May 1922








What the Communist International feared has happened. The leaders of the Second International have prevented the world workers' congress from meeting.

. . .

According to them, such a congress could be called only if the communist parties renounced criticism of the policy of the social-democratic leaders and the trade union bureaucracy and if at the same time the Soviet Government gave the Mensheviks and the SRs the opportunity of organizing revolts with impunity.

. . .

In reply to the demagogic assertions of the representatives of the Second International that the Communist International is calling for a world workers' congress only in order to hitch the world proletariat to the waggon of Soviet Russian foreign policy, the Communist International declared, at the request of the Russian Communist Party, that it is ready to agree that the question of defence of Soviet Russia shall not be placed on the agenda of the world workers' congress.

. . .

The Second International wanted to make the world workers' congress impossible in any circumstances. But it had no objection to the continued existence of the commission of nine because that made the communist struggle against socialdemocracy more difficult. The Communist International could not allow the socialdemocrats of all countries and the trade union bureaucracy to prevent any united proletarian front and at the same time shield themselves from responsibility for this criminal policy. For these reasons the Communist International presented the two Internationals with an ultimatum—either cease sabotaging the world workers' congress or the Communist International will withdraw its representatives from the commission of nine.

. . .

The Vienna International immediately declared that the attitude of the Second and Third Internationals made the congress impossible. Not content with putting the fight of the communist delegation for the carrying out of the Berlin decisions on the same footing as the fight of the Second International against these decisions, Adler, to defend his position, spoke of the 'differences in the Executive of the Communist International, which make the convening of the congress more difficult'. And this although he must have known that the Executive ratified the Berlin decisions unanimously.

And at the end of the meeting he even allowed himself to hint that the communists were now opposed to the world workers' congress because the Soviet Government was about to reach a compromise with the Entente.

. . .

This campaign of lies is designed to conceal the fact that on the 21st of this month an agreement was reached in Brussels between the French Socialist Party, which belongs to the

Two-and-a-half International, and the English Labour Party as well as the Belgian Labour Party, two leading parties in the Second International, on the convening of a world congress of reformist and semi-reformist parties at The Hague. This

agreement means that the characterless Two-and-a-half International, which cannot decide between the revolution and counter-revolution, between bourgeois pseudodemocracy and proletarian dictatorship, has now reached a pom in its see-saw policy which again favours co-operation with the most outright reformists. In view of this there was nothing for the representatives of the Communist International to do but to

leave the commission of nine, which was to be transformed from an instrument of struggle for the proletarian united front into a bargaining counter for declared and secret reformists in which the communists were to be assigned the part of a screen. . . .

The proletariat without distinction of party has had the opportunity of convincing itself who is for the united front and who is against. The resistance of the leaders of the Second International has frustrated the attempt to organize the proletarian united front from above. That makes it a duty to rally all forces to organize the proletariat for the common struggle in opposition to the leaders of the Second International.

Communist workers, it is your duty to spread the lesson of this first attempt to establish the united front among the broadest masses of the working classes.

Workers of the parties of the Second and Two-and-a-half Internationals! After this experience with your leaders it is your duty to do everything, to omit nothing, to show the leaders of your parties who have forgotten their duty that you will no longer tolerate sabotage of the united front, that you want to unite with the communist workers in the struggle against the capitalist offensive.

The slogan of the world workers' congress will be the slogan of further struggle, but the experience of this first attempt has shown that to be successful it is necessary to break the resistance of the social-democratic leaders, particularly those

of Germany and England, that in these countries it is necessary to organize the working masses in the practical daily struggle regardless of their party allegiance into a united front which will then spread to all countries.

. . .

Fight the leaders of the Second International who are splitting the working class.

Build the united front from below.




III. International