15 February 1928 Resolutionen und Beschlusse, IX Plenum, p. 5


The resolution was introduced by Ernst Thaelmann and passed unanimously. Either the Soviet Union was a proletarian State and the Comintern must on all questions of Soviet policy be on its side, or it was not a proletarian State. There was no third position. The opposition thought it was not a proletarian State and therefore there was no place for them in the Comintern; they were in fact its worst enemies.


'We have always held that, if there can be two parties in the USSR, then only in the sense that one rules, and the other is in prison.'

The ECCI plenum notes with satisfaction that the fifteenth congress of the CPSU has decisively put an end to the Trotskyist opposition by placing it outside the party.

The plenum expresses its complete solidarity with the decisions of the CPSU and with the measures taken by the Soviet organs to stop the anti-Soviet activities of the opposition. The ECCI plenum believes that the decisions of the fifteenth congress are of the utmost importance for the further strengthening of the proletarian dictatorship and the construction of socialism in the Soviet Union.

(. . .)

The ECCI plenum agrees with the analysis of the international economic and political situation given by the CPSU congress and notes the following characteristic tendencies of the present historical phase:


The sharpening of contradictions among the capitalist groups in the struggle for the complete re-division of the world; sharpening of the struggle between imperialism and the oppressed colonial peoples, sharpening of the imperialist struggle against the Soviet Union, the emergence of the pre-conditions for new imperialist wars.

(. . .)


Social-democratic and reformist leadership is becoming more and more integrated with the economic and political system of imperialist organizations; the pressure of capital on the working class is becoming stronger.


The radicalization of the working masses as a result of the bourgeois offensive.

(. . .)


The anti-communist campaign opened jointly by the employers' organizations, the capitalist State, and social-democracy.

(. . .)

The approaching phase of development will be marked by new collisions between the working class and the bourgeoisie, and by a bitter struggle between social-democracy and communism for influence over the working masses.


Social-democracy is putting into operation the whole machinery of lies and slander to stop the growth of sympathy among the international proletariat for the Soviet Union and communism, to misrepresent the real successes of socialist construction (. . .) to divert the workers from their struggle to overthrow capitalism.

(. . .)

A particularly mendacious and pharisaical role in the fight against the Soviet Union and the CPSU is being played by the leaders of the so-called left wing of social-reformism, the Adlers and Bauers, Levis, Longuets, Lansburys, and Maxtons, who, aware that as the workers turn more to the left their sympathy for the Soviet Union grows, try to disguise their hostility to the proletarian dictatorship and to cover their fight against the Soviet Union with lying phrases of sympathy and 'conditional' support.

(. . .)

From the standpoint of the struggle for the masses now turning to the left, these so-called left leaders of opportunism are the most dangerous enemies of communism, of the CI, and the Soviet Union.

The danger of Trotskyism in the international workers' movement at the present time lies in this, that the Trotskyists directly support the ideology and policy of the left lackeys of reformism, that they strengthen the 'left' opportunist leaders in their struggle against communism and the Soviet Union and reinforce the methods of treachery and calumny which the reformists use in their struggle against Trotskyism .

(. . .)

On all basic questions the Trotskyist opposition has gone over to the platform of the 'left' lackeys of opportunism and has taken on an openly counterrevolutionary character. The Trotskyists, who, under cover of phrases about loyalty to the revolution and to the Soviet Union, slander the Communist International, the CPSU, and the proletarian dictatorship, whose external and internal policy they falsify and distort as much as the social democrats do, are, side by side with international social democracy, following a road leading to the overthrow of the Soviet power.

The Trotskyist opposition passed from fractional struggle within the CPSU to the creation of a second party, to street fighting, and to openly anti-Soviet actions, which (. . .) might have become a danger to the proletarian dictatorship because class elements hostile to the proletarian dictatorship gathered under the banner of the Trotskyist opposition.

(. . .)

The proletarian dictatorship cannot and should not tolerate counterrevolutionary attacks, from wherever they come and under whatever disguise they are made.

The Trotskyist opposition, which tried to break up the CPSU from within, was intellectually and organizationally defeated by the firmness of principle and the iron resolution of the CPSU and the working class of the Soviet Union. It has broken up into a number of groups, of which one (Kamenev and Zinoviev) is returning—not without vacillations—to the party platform and gradually turning away from Trotskyism, thus offering further proof of the correctness of the CPSU and Comintern line, while another is hesitating between the party and the Trotskyists. The remaining insignificant groups of Trotsky adherents are trying, after being defeated in the CPSU and the Soviet Union, to transfer the centre of their work to other sections of the Comintern.

The real opportunist face of the Trotskyist opposition can be seen most clearly in the platform which the Trotskyists have put forward to consolidate their related groups in other countries. They appeal in the first place to the openly opportunist and counter-revolutionary elements like Souva-rine and Paz in France. They have formed a bloc with the anti-proletarian petty-bourgeois Maslow group in Germany, which is now talking of the turn to 'fascism' and 'tsarism' in the Soviet Union.

Outside the Soviet Union, this group in Germany is the strongest support of the Trotskyist opposition. It is already linking up with the counter-revolutionary Korsch group (. . .) and at the same time sending out feelers to the left social-democrats. It is about to form itself into a separate party under the name of the 'Lenin League'. It is trying to become the international rallying point for all opposition groups in the struggle against the Comintern and the Soviet Union. It is trying to win over the renegades Rosmer and Monatte.

(. . .)

The ECCI plenum is of the opinion that the development towards socialdemocracy of the Trotskyist opposition, its openly anti-Soviet position, its thoroughly hostile attitude to the proletarian dictatorship, its splitting methods in the communist parties have reached a point at which adherence to the Trotskyist opposition, solidarity with its views, is incompatible with membership of the Communist International.

The communist parties must wage an unrelenting struggle to liquidate Trotskyist groups, and above all fight their leaders. At the same time they must continue the ideological struggle to win those workers who are still hesitating but have not yet broken with the opposition.




III. International