ECCI RESOLUTION

ON THE PRESENT STAGE OF THE CHINESE REVOLUTION



EXTRACTS

14 July 1927 IKKI i VKP{b) po Kitaiskomu Voprosu, p. 204



The struggle of the Chinese workers and peasants is a struggle at the advanced outposts of the Communist International. The revolution in China continues to occupy the centre of the Comintern's attention.


Taking into account:


1.

the feverish pace of events in China, the ever-changing political situation and relation of class forces within the country;



2.


the exceptional difficulties now being met by the Chinese revolution in connexion with the treachery of generals and mercenary troops, with the consolidation of counter-revolutionary forces, and with a number of partial defeats which the Chinese revolution has recently suffered;



3.


taking into account, finally, a number of serious mistakes made recently by the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party.

The Communist International considers it essential to turn to all comrades, members of communist parties, to the CC of the Chinese CP, and to all sections of the Comintern with the following directive, put forward in elaboration of the directives sent out earlier by the Executive of the Communist International:



1.


The formulation of correct communist tactics imperatively demands the strictest and coolest consideration, in the light of Marxism-Leninism, of all the peculiarities of the given phase of a revolutionary situation, the correct identification of the stage through which the revolution is passing.

. . .



2.


The seventh enlarged plenum of the ECCI (December 1926) defined the Chinese revolution as both a bourgeois-democratic revolution—at the given stage of development—and one sharply directed against imperialist oppression. The ECCI pointed out that this bourgeois-democratic revolution has a tendency to grow into a socialist revolution. While determining the position and weight of the social forces fighting in China, the seventh enlarged plenum indicated at the same time that the class struggle would become more acute and class differentiation more marked; it pointed to the increasingly centrifugal tendencies in the single nationalrevolutionary front, and to the inevitability of the big bourgeoisie breaking away from that front. Proceeding from that, the ECCI issued directives concerned with preparing the workers and peasants for struggle against the bourgeoisie and their armed forces. This was a few months before Chiang Kai-shek's coup. Subsequent events, which reached their bloody apogee in the shooting of the Shanghai workers on 12 April of this year, confirmed the Comintern's predictions; a radical regrouping of classes occurred, the bourgeoisie committed treachery and deserted to the enemy camp; the revolution, having suffered a partial defeat, moved on to a new and higher stage.



3.


The last ECCI plenum, meeting in May of this year, issued a detailed resolution on the Chinese question. The May plenum took the breakaway of the bourgeoisie as an accomplished fact. The plenum defined the concrete features of the situation . . . and indicated the appropriate line of conduct for the Chinese CP.

. . .



4.


In recent weeks events have developed extremely fast. What is most important and characteristic in these events is, in the opinion of the Comintern, as follows:

Class contradictions are becoming extremely acute. The mass movement of the Chinese proletariat and the mass agrarian-peasant movement have taken on much broader dimensions. For all political groups in the country without exception the question of their attitude to the agrarian revolution is one that cannot be evaded. The generals and the officers' corps are openly moving over into the counterrevolutionary camp and declaring themselves enemies of the peasants.

. . .

General Tang Sheng-chi, commanding the Wuhan armed forces, is shooting down peasants, executing communists, expelling them from the army. The generals, from Chiang Kai-shek to Tang Sheng-chi, are engaged in a counter-revolutionary conspiracy. At the same time the ruling elements of Wuhan are covering up the actions of the counter-revolutionary generals and helping them by disarming the workers, attacking proletarian organizations, braking the agrarian revolution, waging a struggle against the communists. The Kuomintang leaders are hastily preparing to exclude communists from the Kuomintang. Thus Wuhan has already become a counter-revolutionary force.

. . .



5.


Relying on Lenin's teachings, the Communist International considered and still considers that at certain stages it is legitimate, wholly admissible, and unavoidable, to conclude blocs and alliances with the national-colonial bourgeoisie, to the extent that they wage a revolutionary struggle against imperialism.

. . .

But blocs with bourgeois groups and support for their military forces are permissible only to the extent and so long as they do not hamper the independent activities of the Chinese Communist Party, only so long as the liberal bourgeoisie do not come out against the workers and peasants, so long as the bourgeoisie are still in a position to resolve the historical tasks of the bourgeois-democratic revolution. Support for the northern expedition was wholly correct so long as it gave an outlet to the mass revolutionary movement. Support for Wuhan was wholly correct so long as it opposed Chiang Kai-shek and Nanking. But these bloc tactics become radically false from the moment that the Wuhan Government capitulates to the enemies of the revolution.

. . .

Obviously, there are certain difficulties for the party leadership in all this, particularly for the leadership of a young and inexperienced party.

.. .

In a tense revolutionary situation it is essential to grasp as rapidly as possible the peculiar features of the moment, to manoeuvre promptly, to change slogans quickly, to redeploy the ranks of the proletarian vanguard, to react vigorously to a changing situation, to break up decisively blocs which from being a factor of revolutionary struggle have become fetters upon it.



6.


If at a certain stage of the revolution communist support for the Wuhan Government was necessary, now it would be fatal for the Chinese CP, would throw it into the morass of opportunism. Despite the advice of the Comintern, the Kuomintang leaders not only in fact failed to support the agrarian revolution, but left its enemies full liberty of action.

. . .



7.


The present leadership of the Chinese Communist Party has recently made a number of profound political mistakes. The CCP should, in accordance with Comintern directives, have launched and proclaimed the agrarian revolution, openly criticized and exposed the half-hearted and timorous position of the 'radical' leaders of Wuhan and the Kuomintang Executive.

. . .

The CC and politbureau of the CC of the CCP did not obey these directives. Instead of proclaiming the agrarian revolution, the CC in a number of instances acted as a brake on it.

. . .

Matters went so far that the politbureau of the CC of the CCP 'agreed' to the disarming of the workers!

. . .

More than once the CI in secret directives sharply criticized the leadership of the CCP; the CI warned them that it would criticize the CC of the party openly if it did not correct its mistakes. Now, when the CC of the party has rejected the CI directives, the ECCI considers it its revolutionary duty to call openly on the members of the CCP to fight against the CC's opportunism.



8.


The Comintern considers it essential to correct immediately these mistakes of the CCP leadership, which have now been demonstrated to all members of the CCP.



The Comintern considers it essential


1. that Chinese communists, without losing a minute, should demonstratively leave the Wuhan Government;


2. they should accompany this step with a declaration of political principle, explaining it by the hostility of the Wuhan Government to the agrarian revolution and the workers' movement.

. . .


3. they should not leave the Kuomintang. They must remain in it, despite the campaign to expel communists being conducted by the Kuomintang leadership, and establish closer contacts with the Kuomintang rank and file . . . and prepare for the Kuomintang congress.


4. Every means must be used to intensify party work among the proletarian masses.

. . .


5. To develop further the agrarian revolution. To continue the struggle to complete the bourgeois-democratic revolution by 'plebeian' means, i.e. by the revolutionary advance of the bloc of workers, peasants, and the urban poor under proletarian hegemony; systematically to arm the workers and peasants.


6. In view of repressions and sentences, to build a fighting illegal party apparatus.


7.

. . .

The ECCI calls on all members of the CCP to fight resolutely against the opportunist deviations of the party leadership.

. . .

The ECCl is confident that the CCP will find within itself adequate forces to change its own leadership and to disavow the leaders who have violated international Comintern discipline. It is essential that leaders of the workers' and peasants' organizations who are party members, who have grown up during the civil war, should get decisive influence in the CC.

. . .

The ECCI believes that the course of the great Chinese revolution has awakened to political life and to political action such broad masses of workers and peasants that their movement cannot be suppressed by any force. With correct leadership the victory will go to the Chinese workers and peasants.






 

Comintern

III. International