June 1923 Inprekorr, iii, 128, p. 1120, 3 August 1923


In August 1914 the Second International forfeited its life by the most disgraceful political and moral bankruptcy. By amalgamating with it the Two-and-ahalf International has finally and formally put the seal on its own treachery. . . .

The Two-and-a-half International was a half-way house between the Second and the Third Internationals. But its brief life has shown that with-out the methods of the Comintern, against the Comintern, it is impossible to work for the revolution and the dictatorship, and that nationalization without the proletarian dictatorship is self-deception or a swindle. That is why the Two-and-a-half International was condemned to oscillate perpetually between proletarian revolution and capitalist counter-revolution, between its hopeless nationalization and capitalist reconstruction, until it became ripe for capitalist reconstruction without extenuating phrases, for government coalition with the capitalists, for unification with the Second International.

The Two-and-a-half International was the expression of the radically-minded section of the working class who stood for revolutionary class struggle and the united front with communist workers in that struggle, but were not yet ready for the proletarian revolution. But since it became more and more obvious that their way of struggle, their promised nationalization, their progress were hopeless, and since the workers organized in their ranks began to feel growing sympathy with the communist workers, the leaders had no other choice, if they did not want to lose their followers entirely, but to give the disappointed workers a new hope by pointing to a new road, the road of unification with the great masses of workers supporting the leaders of the Second International. So the leaders of the new International who have so often publicly asserted they were striving only for the unification of all three Internationals and would not agree to unification with the Second International only, have yielded unconditionally to that Second International.


. . . The Second International was the child of the epoch that has passed and died in the world war as a new epoch was coming into being to whose new and great demands it was not equal.

The new Second International is stillborn. It will be buried at the first international conflict, the first serious difference between capital and labour.

That is the Comintern's latest rival in the labour movement, a rival which is a guarantee of the Comintern's success.


The Hamburg International . . . will soon be recognized by the workers still deceived by it as a bulwark of the bourgeoisie. Or it will fall to pieces at the first shot, as its predecessor did in August 1914.

It is the task of the Comintern and its sections to accelerate this inevitable process. But this can and must be done only on the basis of the struggle for the

united front of the proletariat on a national and international scale. . . .

The more tenaciously and sharply we wage that struggle, the sooner will the great majority of the working and exploited masses realize that only communism can liberate them from the horrors of capitalism and build a better future.



III. International