RESOLUTION

OF THE ELEVENTH ECCI PLENUM

ON THE DANGER OF A WAR OF INTERVENTION AGAINST THE USSR

[EXTRACTS]


 

April 1931 Inprekorr, xi, 38, p. 953, 24 April 1931





I.

THE PREPARATION OF A WAR OF INTERVENTION

 

The danger of a war of intervention against the Soviet Union has become an urgent and immediate danger for the entire world proletariat. Relations between the capitalist and socialist worlds have entered a new historical phase. While the general capitalist crisis is becoming extremely acute, the Soviet proletariat, supported by the peasants on the collective farms, the poor peasantry in alliance with the middle peasants, and with the help of the revolutionary proletariat of the capitalist world, is completing the construction of the economic foundations of socialism in one-sixth of the earth. The Leninist policy of the CPSU and its central committee, the enthusiasm of the entire working class and of the broad masses of the working peasantry in building socialism have finally destroyed the hopes of the capitalist world and the predictions of the Trotskyists about the transformation of the Soviet economy into a capitalist economy.

In these circumstances world imperialism is again raising the question of resolving the historical conflict between capitalism and socialism by war. The successes of the Five Year Plan . . . are in themselves a danger to capitalism. The rising living standards of the Soviet working people on the one side, and on the other the unprecedented sufferings, mass unemployment, poverty, and fascist oppression .

. . reveal clearly the differences between the two world systems.

. . . In the struggle between these two systems the Second and the Amsterdam Internationals stand decisively on the side of capitalism in its preparations for a war of intervention.

The French bourgeoisie—the chief organizers of the anti-Soviet war— have already established a number of political and military alliances to encircle the Soviet Union. . . . The same purpose of encircling the Soviet Union is served by the Pan-

Europa plans and the coalition plans among the so-called agrarian States of South East Europe. The revision and supplementary provisions of the statutes and powers of the League of Nations are designed with the same object of openly organizing a crusade against the Soviet Union. . . . The coups of a fascist type in Poland, Yugoslavia, Rumania, Finland, which can be traced back to the direct or indirect influence of French and English imperialism, are most closely linked with the

preparations for war against the Soviet Union. . . . The date set for the beginning of military operations was 1930, at the latest 1931. These intervention plans received the active support of the influential imperialist Hoover group in the United States.

Under cover of a committee to assist farmers, the Hoover group created a special organization, headed by Legge . . . which bought up stocks to the value of half a milliard dollars to meet the requirements of the intervention army's commissariat.

The stocks were bought up in great haste, to meet the date set by French imperialism for the opening of the war of intervention against the Soviet Union, and held ready in the harbours of the Atlantic seaboard.

As part of the preparations, and as the introductory phase of the war, an economic war against the Soviet Union was organized. One campaign of slander succeeded another in methodical fashion: the campaign against the alleged kidnapping of General Kutepov, the campaign against alleged religious persecution, against socalled Russian dumping, and the most ridiculous and shameless campaign of all, the campaign of the exploiters of the capitalist wage slaves against free socialist labour on the pretext of fighting against so-called 'forced labour' in the Soviet Union....

 

 

II.

THE ROLE OF SOCIAL-DEMOCRACY IN PREPARING A WAR

OF INTERVENTION AGAINST THE SOVIET UNION

 

In these criminal activities of organizing an economic blockade and preparing a war of intervention, the Second International and the social-democratic parties have taken a leading part and bear the complete responsibility. The 'socialist' and socialdemocratic parties, which took part in the earlier armed intervention against the Soviet Union, have finally turned into the most important instrument of preparation of blockade and counter-revolutionary war....

The parties of social-fascism are sharing openly and directly in the policy of armaments, blockade, and intervention. The strongest party of the Second International, the German Social-Democratic Party, the accomplice of the German militarists in the robber peace of Brest-Litovsk, in the occupation and plundering of the Ukraine ... is the most active of all German parties organizing the anti-Soviet front. The German social-democrats Breitscheid and Severing are the initiators and

most active advocates of the policy of forming a bloc between imperialist Germany and the reactionary-militarist France of Poincare, Tardieu, and Briand. . . .

French social-democracy is the champion of the most aggressive anti-Soviet policy of French imperialism. . . .

The Polish Socialist Party is now as before a sturdy support for Pilsud-ski's anti- Soviet militarism. . . .

The English Labour Party Government, which under mass working-class pressure was forced to give up its sabotage of the re-establishment of diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union, is stubbornly carrying out British imperialism's policy,

maintaining the closest relations with the French Government in organizing the encirclement of the Soviet Union...

More zealously than any other party in the country, the Czech social-democrats support the military alliance with French imperialism. . . .

 

III.

THE TASKS OF COMMUNISTS IN THE STRUGGLE AGAINST

PREPARATIONS FOR A WAR OF INTERVENTION

 

If, despite feverish preparations by international imperialism and the parties of the Second International, war against the Soviet Union has not yet broken out, this is due both to the contradictions inside the imperialist camp, and in particular to the increasing readiness of the proletarian masses in the capitalist and colonial countries to defend the proletarian dictatorship in the Soviet Union, and to the consistent policy of peace pursued by the Soviet Government. . . . It is incontestable that the number of working people ready to give active and revolutionary support to the Soviet Union as their only fatherland is constantly growing, and reaches far beyond the political sphere of influence of the communist parties. It is

equally incontestable that the work of the Communist International is one of the most important factors in maintaining peace among the nations, in postponing the

imperialist slaughter. . . .

Nevertheless it must be stated that the intensity of the struggle against the war danger, and particularly against the danger of a war of intervention, is far from corresponding with the tempo of imperialist war preparations against the Soviet

Union. Agitation is not carried on methodically, but in fits and starts.

The eleventh plenum stresses most emphatically that it depends on the activities of the communist parties, on the activities of every individual communist, whether the sympathies for the working class of the Soviet Union held by the broad working masses, the working peasants, the oppressed nations of the capitalist countries are turned into active revolutionary struggle against the danger of war and intervention, or whether the capitalists will succeed in leading the working people once more into fratricidal war. It is the duty of every communist party and of every individual communist to expose social-democracy as the agency of the imperialist bourgeoisie in preparing a war of intervention against the working class of the Soviet Union, their false pacifism as an organic part of war preparations, and to tear the working

masses away from social-democracy. . . .

 

The eleventh ECCI plenum directs the attention of all CI sections to the inadequacy of their work in popularizing Lenin's teaching on war, and especially the decisions of the sixth Comintern congress on the methods of struggle against the war

danger and the danger of a war of intervention. The slogan of transforming imperialist war into civil war against one's own bourgeoisie must be popularized in word and writing on the widest scale. The slogan of transforming war against the

workers of the Soviet Union into war against one's own bourgeoisie must become the most popular of all slogans for the millions of workers in capitalist countries.



 

 

Comintern

III. International