Information Bureau


"The new reorganization of the general staff of the world revolution was infiltrated, paralyzed and liquidated by the modern revisionists."

(Comintern [SH])

1947 - 1956

[ The Comintern (SH) published these historical documents for the purpose to better understand the early developments of modern revisionism which propagated the

"democratic world camp"

with the goal of stopping halfway on the path towards the Stalinist construction of the

socialist world camp ]

The Comintern (SH) has a critical stand towards the dominant influence of the modern revisionism within the COMINFORM.

All the more it is necessary to study these historical documents for opening our eyes and unmasking the modern revisionists.

Nevertheless, we publish the historical documents for study purpose.





"For a Lasting Peace, for a People’s Democracy!"

selected editions

from 1947 to 1956


[ remember: Marxism-Leninism teaches that a lasting peace is only possible in socialism ! - this is a critical remark of the Comintern (SH) concerning this revisionist slogan above]


Resolution of the Information Bureau Concerning the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, June 28, 1948




15 Years after the Issue of the Inform Bureau Resolution «On the Situation in the Jugoslav Communist Party»

(Article published in the daily «Zeri i Popullit» June 29, 1963)



Meeting of the

Information Bureau of Communist Parties

in Hungary

in latter half of November 1949



Report on the International Situation to the Cominform

Andrei Zhdanov, September 22, 1947

The fundamental changes caused by the war on the international scene and in the position of individual countries has entirely changed the political landscape of the world. A new alignment of political forces has arisen. The more the war recedes into the past, the more distinct becomes two major trends in postwar international policy, corresponding to the division of the political forces operating on the international arena into two major camps: the imperialist and anti-democratic camp, on the one hand, and the anti-imperialist and democratic camp, on the other. The principal driving force of the imperialist camp is the U.S.A. Allied with it are Great Britain and France. ... The imperialist camp is also supported by colony-owning countries, such as Belgium and Holland, by countries with reactionary anti-democratic regimes, such as Turkey and Greece, and by countries politically and economically dependent upon the United States, such as the Near Eastern and South American countries and China.


The cardinal purpose of the imperialist camp is to strengthen imperialism, to hatch a new imperialist war, to combat socialism and democracy, and to support reactionary and anti-democratic pro-fascist regimes and movements everywhere.

In the pursuit of these ends the imperialist camp is prepared to rely on reactionary and anti-democratic forces in all countries, and to support its former adversaries in the war against its wartime allies.

The anti-fascist forces comprise the second camp. This camp is based on the U.S.S.R. and the new democracies. It also includes countries that have broken with imperialism and have firmly set foot on the path of democratic development, such as Rumania, Hungary and Finland. Indonesia and Vietnam are associated with it; it has the sympathy of India, Egypt and Syria. The anti-imperialist camp is backed by the labor and democratic movement and by the fraternal Communist parties in all countries, by the fighters for national liberation in the colonies and dependencies, by all progressive and democratic forces in every country. The purpose of this camp is to resist the threat of new wars and imperialist expansion, to strengthen democracy and to extirpate the vestiges of fascism.

The end of the Second World War confronted all the freedom-loving nations with the cardinal task of securing a lasting democratic peace sealing victory over fascism. In the accomplishment of this fundamental task of the postwar period the Soviet Union and its foreign policy are playing a leading role. This follows from the very nature of the Soviet socialist state, to which motives of aggression and exploitation are utterly alien, and which is interested in creating the most favorable conditions for the building of a communist society. One of these conditions is external peace. As embodiment of a new and superior social system, the Soviet Union reflects in its foreign policy the aspirations of progressive mankind, which desires lasting peace and has nothing to gain from a new war hatched by capitalism. The Soviet Union is a staunch champion of liberty and independence of all nations, and a foe of national and racial oppression and colonial exploitation in any shape or form. The change in the general alignment of forces between the capitalist world and the socialist world brought about by the war has still further enhanced the significance of the foreign policy of the Soviet state and enlarged the scope of its activity on the international arena.

The successes and the growing international prestige of the democratic camp were not to the liking of the imperialists. Even while World War II was still on, reactionary forces in Great Britain and the United States became increasingly active, striving to prevent concerted action by the Allied powers, to protract the war, to bleed the U.S.S.R., and to save the fascist aggressors from utter defeat. The sabotage of the Second Front by the Anglo-Saxon imperialists, headed by Churchill, was a clear reflection of this tendency, which was in point of fact a continuation of the Munich policy in the new and changed conditions. But while the war was still in progress British and American reactionary circles did not venture to come out openly against the Soviet Union and the democratic countries, realizing that they had the undivided sympathy of the masses all over the world. But in the concluding months of the war the situation began to change. The British and American imperialists already manifested their willingness to respect the legitimate interests of the Soviet Union and the democratic countries at the Potsdam tripartite conference in July 1945.

The foreign policy of the Soviet Union and the democratic countries in these two past years has been a policy of consistently working for the observance of the democratic principles in the postwar settlement. The countries of the anti-imperialist camp have loyally and consistently striven for the implementation of these principles, without deviating from them one iota. Consequently, the major objective of the postwar foreign policy of the democratic states has been a democratic peace, the eradication of the vestiges of fascism and the prevention of a resurgence of fascist imperialist aggression, the recognition of the principle of the equality of nations and respect for their sovereignty, and general reduction of all armaments and the outlawing of the most destructive weapons, those designed for the mass slaughter of the civilian population. ...

Of immense importance are the joint efforts of the diplomacy of the U.S.S.R. and that of the other democratic countries to secure a reduction of armaments and the outlawing of the most destructive of them -- the atomic bomb.

Soviet foreign policy proceeds from the fact of the coexistence for a long period of the two systems -- capitalism and socialism. From this it follows that cooperation between the U.S.S.R. and countries with other systems is possible, provided that the principle of reciprocity is observed and that obligations once assumed are honored. Everyone knows that the U.S.S.R. has always honored the obligations it has assumed. The Soviet Union has demonstrated its will and desire for cooperation





Communist Information Bureau

Resolutions (November 1949)

I. The Defence of Peace and the Struggle Against the Warmongers

The representatives of the Communist Party of Bulgaria, the Rumanian Workers' Party, the Hungarian Working People's Party, the Polish United Workers' Party, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks), the French Communist Party, the Italian Communist Party and the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, after discussing the question of the defence of peace and the struggle against the warmongers, reached unanimous agreement on the following conclusions:

The events of the last two years have fully confirmed the correctness of the analysis of the international situation made by the first conference of the Information Bureau of the Communist and Workers' Parties in September 1947.

During this period the two lines in world policy have been still more clearly and more sharply revealed: the line of the democratic anti-imperialist camp headed by the U.S.S.R., the camp which conducts a persistent and consistent struggle for peace among the peoples and for democracy; and the line of the imperialist antidemocratic camp headed by the ruling circles of the United States, the camp which has as its main aim the forcible establishment of Anglo-American world domination, the enslavement of foreign countries and peoples, the destruction of democracy and the unleashing of a new war.

Forces of Peace Grow Stronger

Moreover, the aggressiveness of the imperialist camp continues to increase. The ruling circles of the United States and Britain are openly conducting a policy of aggression and preparation of a new war. In the struggle against the camp of imperialism and war, the forces of peace, democracy and Socialism have grown and become strong. The further growth of the might of the Soviet Union, the political and economic strengthening of the countries of the people's democracy and their embarking upon the road of building Socialism, the historic victory of the Chinese people's Revolution over the united forces of internal reaction and American imperialism, the creation of the German Democratic Republic, the strengthening of the Communist Parties and the growth of the democratic movement in the capitalist countries, the great scope of the movement of the partisans of peace — all this signifies a great widening and strengthening of the anti-imperialist and democratic camp.

At the same time the imperialist and anti-democratic camp is becoming weaker. The successes of the forces of democracy and Socialism, the maturing economic crisis, the further sharpening of the general crisis of the capitalist system, the sharpening of the internal and external contradictions of that system, testify to the increasing weakening of imperialism.

The change in the correlation of forces in the international arena in favour of the camp of peace and democracy provokes mad fury and rage among the imperialist warmongers. The Anglo-American imperialists count upon changing the course of historical development by means of a war, to solve their internal and external contradictions and difficulties, to consolidate the position of monopoly capital, and to achieve world domination.

Imperialist War Preparations

Feeling that time works against them, the imperialists in feverish haste are knocking together various blocs and alliances of reactionary forces for the realisation of their aggressive plans. The whole policy of the Anglo-American imperialist bloc serves the preparation of a new war. It finds its expression in the frustration of a peace settlement with Germany and Japan, the completion of the dismemberment of Germany, the transformation of Germany's Western zones and of Japan, occupied by American troops, into hot-beds of fascism and revanchism and into jumping-off grounds for the realisation of the aggressive plans of that bloc.

The enslaving Marshall Plan, its direct extension into Western Union and the North-Atlantic military bloc, directed against all peace-loving peoples, the unrestrained armaments race in the United States and in the West-European countries, the inflated military budgets and the extension of the network of American military bases serve this policy. This policy also finds its expression in the refusal of the Anglo-American bloc to prohibit atomic weapons despite the collapse of the legend of American atomic monopoly, and in the fomenting of war hysteria by all possible means.

This policy determines the whole line of the Anglo-American bloc in the United Nations organisation, aimed at undermining U.N.O. and transforming it into a tool of American monopolies.

The imperialists' policy of unleashing a new war has also found expression in the plot exposed at the Budapest trial of Rajk and Brankov, a plot which was organised by Anglo-American circles against the countries of People's Democracy and the Soviet Union, with the assistance of the nationalist fascist Tito clique who have become a band of agents of international imperialist Reaction. The policy of preparing a new war means, for the masses of the people of the capitalist countries, a continuous growth in the unbearable burdens of taxation, an increase in the poverty of the working masses, side by side with a fabulous increase in the super-profits of the monopolies which are enriching themselves from the armaments race.

The maturing economic crisis is bringing still more poverty, unemployment, hunger and fear of the morrow to the working people of the capitalist countries. At the same time the policy of war preparations is linked with continuous encroachments by the ruling imperialist circles on the elementary and vital rights and democratic liberties of the mass of the people. Intensified reaction in all spheres of social, political and ideological life, the use of fascist methods of club law against the progressive, and democratic forces of the people — these are the measures by which the imperialist bourgeoisie are trying to prepare the rear for a robber war.

Thus, like the fascist aggressors, the Anglo-American bloc is engaged in preparing a new war in all spheres: military strategic measures, political pressure and blackmail, economic expansion and the enslavement of peoples, ideological stupefaction of the masses and the strengthening of reaction.

Imperialists Overestimate Their Strength

The bosses of American imperialism are making their plans for unleashing a new world war and for the conquest of world domination without taking into account the actual relation of forces between the camp of imperialism and the camp of Socialism.

Their plans for world domination have even less foundation and are more adventurist than the plans of the Hitlerite and Japanese imperialists. The American imperialists clearly overestimate their strength and underestimate the growing strength and organisation of the anti-imperialist camp. The historical situation today differs radically from the situation in which the Second World War was prepared, and in the present international conditions it is incomparably more difficult for the warmongers to carry out their bloodthirsty plans. "The horrors of the recent war are too fresh in the minds of the people and the social forces in favour of peace are too great for Churchill's pupils in aggression to be able to overpower and deflect them towards a new war." (Stalin.)

The peoples do not want war, and hate war. They are becoming more and more conscious of the terrible abyss into which the imperialists are trying to draw them. The continuous struggle of the Soviet Union, the countries of People's Democracy and the international working class and the democratic movement for peace, for the freedom and independence of nations and against the warmongers, is daily finding ever more powerful support from the broadest sections of the populations of all countries of the world.

Hence the development of the mighty movement of the supporters of peace. This movement includes in its ranks more than 600 million people and is broadening and growing, embracing all countries of the world and drawing into its ranks ever more fighters against the threat of war. The movement of the supporters of peace is a vivid indication of the fact that the mass of the people are taking the cause of safeguarding peace into their own hands, are demonstrating their unswerving will to defend peace and avert war.

We Must Not Underestimate the War Danger

However, it would be mistaken and harmful for the cause of peace to underestimate the danger of the new war that is being prepared by the imperialist Powers, headed by the United States of America and Britain.

The tremendous growth of the forces of the camp of democracy and Socialism should not evoke in the ranks of the true fighters for peace any kind of complacency. It would be profoundly and unpardonably misleading to consider that the threat of war has diminished.

The experience of history teaches that the more hopeless the cause of imperialist reaction, the more it rages, the greater grows the danger of military adventures. Only the most tremendous vigilance on the part of the people, their firm determination to fight actively with all their might and with every possible means for peace, will smash to atoms the criminal designs of the instigators of a new war. In the conditions of an intensifying threat of a new war, a great and historic responsibility rests with the Communist and Workers' Parties.

The struggle for a stable and lasting peace, for organising and rallying the forces standing for peace against those standing for war, must today occupy the central place in all the work of the Communist Parties and democratic organisations. For the fulfilment of the great and noble task of saving mankind from the threat of a new war, the representatives of Communist and Workers' Parties regard the following as their most important tasks:

The Most Urgent Tasks


It is necessary to work still more stubbornly for the organisational consolidation and extension of the movement of the supporters of peace, drawing into that movement ever-new sections of the population and converting it into a nation-wide movement.

Particular attention should be devoted to bringing into the movement of the supporters of peace the trade unions, women's, youth, co-operative, sports, cultural and educational, religious and other organisations, as well as scientists, writers, journalists, workers in the field of culture, parliamentary leaders and other political and social leaders who are in favour of peace and are against war.

Today the tasks loom particularly imperatively of rallying all honest supporters of peace, irrespective of religious faiths, political views and party membership, on the broadest platform of the struggle for peace and against the threat of the new war which hangs over mankind.



For the further development of the movement of the supporters of peace, the more active participation of the working class in this movement and the solidarity and unity of its ranks are of decisive importance. For this reason it is a primary task of the Communist and Workers' Parties to bring into the ranks of the fighters for peace the broadest sections of the working class, to create a firm unity of the working class, to organise joint action of the various sections of the proletariat on the basis of the common platform of the struggle for peace and for the national independence of their country.



Unity of the working class can only be won through determined struggle against the Right-Wing Socialist splitters and disorganisers of the working-class movement. The Right-Wing Socialists of the type of Bevin, Attlee, Blum, Guy Mollet, Spaak, Schumacher, Renner, Saragat, and the reactionary trade union leaders like Green, Carey, Deakin, conducting a splitting, anti-popular policy, are the bitterest enemies of the working class, the accomplices of the warmongers and lackeys of imperialism, who conceal their betrayal in pseudo-Socialist, cosmopolitan phraseology.

The Communist and Workers' Parties, continuously fighting for peace, must day by day expose the Right-Wing Socialist leaders as the bitterest enemies of peace. It is essential to develop and consolidate to the utmost the co-operation and unity of action among the lower organisations and the rank-and-file members of the Socialist parties, to support all truly honest elements in the ranks of these parties, explaining to them the disastrous nature of the policy of the reactionary Right-Wing leaders.



The Communist and Workers' Parties must oppose the misanthropic propaganda of the aggressors who are striving to convert the countries of Europe and Asia into bloody battlefields, with the broadest propaganda for stable and lasting peace among the peoples. They must continuously expose the aggressive blocs and military-political alliances — first and foremost, Western Union and the North-Atlantic bloc. They must widely explain that a new war would bring the peoples most profound disaster and colossal destruction, and that the struggle against war and in defence of peace is the task of all peoples of the world. It is necessary to ensure that war propaganda, the preaching of racial hatred and enmity among peoples, which is being conducted by the agents of Anglo-American imperialism, meets with sharp condemnation on the part of the entire democratic public in every country. It is necessary to ensure that not one single action on the part of the propagandists of a new war remains without a rebuff from the honest supporters of peace.



To make wide use of the new, effective and tested forms of mass struggle for peace, such as committees in defence of peace in towns and villages, the drawing up of petitions and protests, ballots among the population, which have been widely practised in France and Italy, publication and distribution of literature exposing the war preparations, the collection of funds for the struggle for peace, the organisation of boycotts of films, newspapers, books, periodicals, broadcasting companies and of the institutions and leaders propagating the idea of a new war. All these constitute a most important task of Communist and Workers' Parties.



The Communist and Workers' Parties in capitalist countries consider it their duty to join in a single whole the struggle for national independence and the struggle for peace; continuously to expose the anti-national, treacherous nature of the policy of the bourgeois Governments which have become the direct agents of aggressive American imperialism; to unite and consolidate all the democratic and patriotic forces of the country round slogans calling for abolition of the ignominious subordination to the American monopolies, and for a return to the path of an independent foreign and home policy corresponding to the national interests of the peoples.

It is necessary to rally the widest sections of the people in the capitalist countries in defence of democratic rights and liberties, continuously explaining that the defence of peace is indissolubly linked, with the defence of the vital interests of the working class and the working masses, with the defence of their economic and political rights, important tasks face the Communist Parties of France, Italy, Britain, West Germany and other countries, whose peoples the American imperialists want to use as cannon fodder in order to carry out their aggressive plans. Their duty is to develop still further the struggle for peace and for the smashing of the criminal designs of the Anglo-American warmongers.



The Communist and Workers' Parties of the countries of People's Democracy and the Soviet Union have, together with the task of exposing the imperialist warmongers and their accomplices, the task of further strengthening the camp of peace and Socialism, for the sake of defending peace and the security of nations.




The Anglo-American imperialists assign a considerable role in the execution of their aggressive plans, particularly in Central and South-East Europe, to the nationalist Tito clique, which is employed in the espionage service of the imperialists. The task of defending peace and struggling against the warmongers demands the further exposure of this clique which has gone over to the camp of the bitter enemies of peace, democracy and Socialism — the camp of imperialism and fascism.

For the first time in the history of mankind there has arisen an organised peace front, headed by the Soviet Union, the bulwark and standard-bearer of peace throughout the world. The courageous call of the Communist Parties, proclaiming that the peoples will never fight against the first land of Socialism in the world, against the Soviet Union, is being spread ever more widely among the mass of the people in the capitalist countries. In the days of the war against fascism, the Communist Parties were the vanguard of the nationwide resistance to the invaders. In the post-war period the Communist and Workers' Parties are the front-rank fighters for the vital interests of their peoples, against a new war.

United together under the leadership of the working class, all the opponents of a new war — working people and men and women of science and culture — are organising a mighty peace front capable of frustrating the criminal designs of the imperialists. The outcome of the developing gigantic struggle for peace depends to a great extent on the energy and initiative of the Communist Parties. It rests primarily with the Communists, as vanguard fighters, to transform the possibility of foiling the warmongers' plans into an actual fact.

The forces of democracy, the forces of the supporters of peace considerably exceed the forces of reaction. It is a question of still further increasing the vigilance of the peoples towards the warmongers, of organising and rallying the broad mass of the people for the active defence of peace, for the sake of the basic interests of the peoples, for the sake of their life and liberty.



II. Working-Class Unity and the Tasks of the Communist and Workers' Parties


The preparation of a new war which is being conducted by the Anglo-American imperialists, the campaign of bourgeois reaction against the democratic rights and economic interests of the working class and the masses of the people, demand a strengthening of the struggle of the working class to safeguard and consolidate peace, to organise a decisive rebuff to the warmongers and to the onslaught of imperialist reaction. The guarantee of success in this struggle is unity in the ranks of the working class.

Post-war experience shows that the policy of splitting the working class movement occupies one of the most important places in the arsenal of tactical means and measures used by the imperialists for the unleashing of a new war, for the suppression of the forces of democracy and Socialism, and for sharply lowering the standard of living of the mass of the people.

Never before in the whole history of the international working-class movement has working-class unity, both within individual countries and on a world scale, been of such decisive importance as at the present time. Unity in the ranks of the working class is necessary in order to defend peace, to thwart the criminal designs of the warmongers and to foil the imperialists' plot against democracy and Socialism, to avert the establishment of fascist methods of domination, to offer a decisive rebuff to the campaign of monopoly capital against the vital interests of the working class and to achieve an improvement in the economic position of the working masses.

These tasks can be achieved first and foremost on the basis of rallying the broad masses of the working class, irrespective of party membership, trade union organisation and religious faith. Unity from below is the most effective way of rallying all workers for the sake of the defence of peace and the national independence of their countries, for the sake of the defence of the economic interests and democratic rights of the working people. Working-class unity is fully attainable, despite the opposition of the leading centres of all the trade unions and parties, led by splitters and enemies of unity.

The post-war period has been marked by big successes in the elimination of the split in the working class and in the rallying of the democratic forces in general, an expression of which was the formation of the World Federation of Trade Unions, the Women's International Democratic Federation, and the World Federation of Democratic Youth, and the convening of the World Congress of Partisans of Peace. The successes of unity are expressed in the strengthening of the General Confederation of Labour in France, the establishment of a united trade union association in Italy — the Italian General Confederation of Labour — and in the militant activities of the French and Italian proletariat.

In the countries of People's Democracy historic successes have been won as regards unity of the working class. United parties of the working class have been set up, as well as united trade unions, and united co-operative, youth, women's and other organisations. This working-class unity played a decisive role in the successes achieved in the economic and cultural advance in the countries of People's Democracy, ensured for the working class the leading role in the State, and ensured radical improvements in the material conditions of the working masses.

All this points to the tremendous urge of the working class towards consolidating its ranks, and points to the existence of real possibilities of creating a united front of the working class against the united forces of reaction, from the American imperialists to the Right-Wing Socialists.

The American and British imperialists and their satellites in the countries of Europe are striving to split and disorganise the forces of the proletariat and of the people in general, placing particular hopes in the Right-Wing Socialists and reactionary trade union leaders. On direct instructions from the American and British imperialists, the Right-Wing Socialist leaders and reactionary trade union leaders are splitting the ranks of the working-class movement from the top and trying to destroy the united organisations of the working class which have been set up in the post-war period. They have tried to smash the World Federation of Trade Union from within, have organised breakaway groupings — the Force Ouvrière in France, the so-called Federation of Labour in Italy — and they are preparing to set up a breakaway international trade union centre.

Splitting attempts of this kind have also been made by the leaders of the Catholic organisations in certain countries. The appraisal of the treacherous actions of the Right-Wing Socialist leaders, as the bitterest enemies of working-class unity and the accomplices of imperialism, given by the first conference of the Information Bureau of Communist Parties, has been fully confirmed.

Today the Right-Wing Socialists act not only as agents of the bourgeoisie in their own countries, but as agents of American imperialism, converting the Social-Democratic parties of the countries of Europe into American parties, direct tools of United States imperialist aggression.

In those countries where the Right-Wing Socialists are in the Government — Britain, France, Austria, and the Scandinavian countries — they act as the ardent defenders of the Marshall Plan, Western Union and North Atlantic Treaty, and all similar forms of American expansion. These pseudo-Socialists carry out the foulest role in the persecution of working-class and democratic organisations which defend the interests of the working people. Sliding farther and farther down the path of betrayal of the interests of the working class, democracy and Socialism, and having completely disowned Marxist teaching, the Right-Wing Socialists are now acting as the defenders and propagandists of the robber ideology of American imperialism.

Their theory of democratic Socialism, of the third force, their cosmopolitan ravings about the need to renounce national sovereignty, are nothing but ideological camouflage of the aggression of American and British imperialism. The wretched offspring of the Second International (which rotted alive) — the so-called Committee of International Socialist Conferences (C.O.M.I.S.C.O.) — has become the rallying ground of the vilest splitters and disorganisers of the working-class movement. This organisation has become an espionage centre in the employment of the British and American intelligence services.

Only in decisive battle against the Right-Wing Socialist splitters and disorganisers of the working-class, movement can working-class unity be won.


The Information Bureau considers it the primary task of the Communist Parties to struggle continuously to unite and organise all the forces of the working class in order to offer powerful resistance to the insolent claims of Anglo-American imperialism, to frustrate their gamble on a new world war, to defend and consolidate the cause of peace and international security, to doom to failure the offensive of monopoly capital against the standard of living of the working masses.

In the present international situation, it is the direct duty of the Communist Parties to explain that if the working class do not secure unity in their ranks, they will deprive themselves of the most important weapon in the struggle against the growing threat of a new world war and the offensive of imperialist reaction on the standard of living of the working people.

While conducting an irreconcilable and consistent struggle in theory and practice against the Right-Wing Socialists and reactionary trade union leaders and mercilessly exposing them and isolating them from the masses, the Communists should patiently and persistently explain to the rank-and-file Social Democrat workers the full importance of working-class unity, should draw them into the active struggle for peace, bread and democratic liberties, and should pursue a policy of joint action for the achievement of these aims.

The tried method of achieving unity for the working class is unity of action on the part of its various sections. Agreed joint action in individual enterprises, in whole branches of industry, on a town, regional, national and international scale, mobilises the broadest masses for the struggle for the most immediate needs which they best understand, and serves to establish permanent unity in the proletarian ranks. The achievement of unified working-class action from below can be expressed in the formation in factories and institutions of committees in defence of peace, in the organisation of mass demonstrations against the warmongers, in joint action on the part of the workers for the purpose of defending democratic rights and improving their economic position.

In the struggle for working-class unity special attention should be given to the masses of Catholic workers and working people and their organisation, bearing in mind that religious convictions are not an obstacle to working-class unity, particularly when this unity is needed to save peace. Concrete joint action in the field of economic demands, co-ordination of the struggle of the class and Catholic trade unions, etc., can be effective means of bringing the Catholic workers into the common front of struggle for peace.

A most important task of the Communist Parties in every capitalist country is to do everything possible to secure unity of the trade union movement. Today it is of tremendous importance to draw unorganised workers into the trade unions and into active struggle. In the capitalist countries these workers comprise a considerable part of the proletariat. If the Communist Parties properly organise the work among the unorganised workers, they will be able to achieve important successes in the task of securing working-class unity.

The Information Bureau considers that it is necessary, on the basis of working-class unity, to establish national unity of all democratic forces for the purpose of mobilising the broad masses of the people for the struggle against Anglo-American imperialism and reaction at home. Of extreme importance is the day-to-day work in the various mass organisations of the working people: women’s, youth, peasant, co-operative and other organisations.

Unity of the working-class movement and the rallying of all democratic forces is necessary, not only for the solution of the day-to-day and current tasks of the working class and the mass of the working people, but also for the solution of the basic questions which confront the proletariat as a class which is leading the struggle for the elimination of the power of monopoly capital, for the Socialist re-construction of society. On the basis of the successes achieved in securing unity of the working-class movement and rallying all the democratic forces, it will become possible to develop the struggle in capitalist countries for the setting up of governments which will rally all the patriotic forces opposed to the enslavement of their countries by American imperialism, will adopt the policy of stable peace among peoples, will stop the armaments race and will raise the standard of living of the working masses.

In the countries of People's Democracy, the Communist and Workers' Parties are confronted with the task of still further consolidating the working-class unity already achieved and the united trade union, cooperative, women's, youth and other organisations already created.

* * *

The Information Bureau considers that the further success of the struggle for working-class unity and the rallying of the democratic forces depends primarily on improvements in all the organisational and ideological work of every Communist and Workers' Party. For the Communist and Workers' Parties, the ideological exposure of, and the irreconcilable struggle against, all manifestations of opportunism, sectarianism and bourgeois-nationalism, and the struggle against the penetration of enemy agents into the party milieu, are of decisive importance.

The lessons which arise from the exposure of the Tito-Rankovic spy clique imperatively demand that the Communist and Workers' Parties should increase revolutionary vigilance to the utmost. The agents of the Tito clique are today acting as the bitterest splitters in the ranks of the working class and democratic movements and are carrying out the will of the American imperialists. A decisive struggle is necessary, therefore, against the intrigues of these agents of the imperialists, wherever they try to work in workers' and democratic organisations.

The organisational and ideological-political strengthening of the Communist and Workers' Parties on the basis of the principles of Marxism-Leninism is a most important condition for the successful struggle of the working class for unity in their ranks, for the cause of peace, for the national independence of their countries, for democracy and Socialism.




Tito Clique

in Service of the Instigator of a Ne War


By I. Medvedev

December 1950 (Bombay)


"Bolshevik", No 11, June 1950






tried to form the anti-Soviet Balkan Federation

The aim of the Balkan Federation was to separate Albania and other Balkan countries from the Soviet Union. It was a hostile act in the service of world imperialism, namely to weaken the Soviet Union and the Stalinst world camp.

A meeting took place at Lake Bled from 30 July to 1 August 1947 between a Bulgarian delegation, headed by Dimitrov, and a Yugoslav delegation, headed by Tito. At the end of the meeting, a joint declaration was signed (on 1 August) and announced, providing for a conclusion of a treaty of friendship, cooperation and mutual assistance which they intended to sign.
    In a harsh telegram sent to both governments on 12 August, Stalin criticized the initiative, both because it had been taken without prior consultations with the Soviet government and because it might feed Anglo-American opposition to a treaty signed by a country, such as Bulgaria, which would have lost the status of conquered nation won only with the entry into force of the peace treaty on 15 September 1947.
    In early July, in fact, both Tito and Dimitrov had informed Moscow of their intention to imminently sign this Yugoslav-Bulgarian treaty. But Stalin, in his answer to Dimitrov on 5 July, had instructed them to wait until the peace treaty came into force. The Yugoslav-Bulgarian announcement of 1 August 1947, therefore, was a deliberate violation of Stalin’s directives.

Dimitrov’s statement about a federation in Eastern Europe and for Tito’s attempts to send a Yugoslav division into Albania violated the political line both of the Soviets and the Albanians. These hostile actions were directed against the USSR and Albania. After the Soviet's intervention the Yugoslav and Bulgarian delegations admitted their "mistakes".

Dimitrov had publicly and ardently expressed himself - at variance with Stalin - in favour of a Balkan federation until early 1948. In an interview on 17 January 1948, he expressed himself in favour of a large federation including Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, Albania, Romania, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Poland and eventually Greece. The rebuke came from Pravda on 28 January and on 2 February, and consequently, at the second Congress of the Fatherland Front, Dimitrov made "self-criticism" expressing Bulgarian acceptance of the line of Stalin.

The 9th Plenum of its Central Committee convened between 27 and 30 June 1948, having on its agenda analyses of the three letters addressed to the Communist Party of Yugoslavia by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (on 27 March, 4 and 22 May 1948) and the Cominform resolution on Yugoslavia. Unanimous solidarity with and support for the stands adopted by the CPSU and the Cominform against Yugoslavia were expressed. Consequently, all the agreements and conventions which had been signed with Yugoslavia - except the Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Aid of July 1946 (later abrogated by Belgrade in November 1949) - were denounced by Albania. These decisions were made public on 1 July 1948 in a communiquè of the CPA’s Central Committee.