[ The Comintern (SH) published these historical documents for the purpose to better study the early developments of modern revisionism ]



For a Lasting Peace,

For a People’s Democracy!

Organ of the Information Bureau of the Communist Parties in Bucharest

No. 16 (43), August 15, 1949



The International Youth Festival opened in Budapest on August 14. It will be followed by the Second International Youth Congress which will be attended by delegates from 80 countries representing 60 million young men and women.

Preparations for the Festival and the Congress met with widespread response throughout the world, demonstrating the scope of the militant youth movement and the growth and consolidation of the unity of the World Federation of Democratic Youth in spite of the attempts of imperialist reaction and its paid agents—the Right Socialists—to split the ranks of working youth in the capitalist countries.

When the World Federation of Democratic Youth was founded in November 1945, the World Youth Congress was attended by delegates representing 30 million young people. Today the Federation unites 60 million. This doubled membership of the Federation speaks of the sweeping growth of the progressive youth forces of the world who have raised their voices in defence of peace and democracy.

Today, when the aggressive forces of the imperialist camp, faced with economic disaster, are seeking a way out in intensified exploitation of the peoples and in war preparations against the U.S.S.R. and the People’s Democracies, the development of the militant youth movement acquires particularly great importance.

Democrats, Catholics, Protestants, Communists, Socialists and non-party people—hundreds of thousands of young men and women in France, Italy, and Latin-America, in the colonial and dependent countries and also in Britain and the United Slate, itself, led by the youth leagues and democratic organisations, protested against the aggressive Atlantic Pact. At thousands of meetings, rallies and at congresses, they voiced their determination to oppose the criminal plans of the warmonger at all costs.

The young people know that they must do everything to combat the war hysteria and war preparations, the anti-Communist and anti-Soviet slander unleashed by Anglo-American imperialism with the help of the Vatican, the corrupt press, cinema and widely-circulated magazines which specialise in the art of spreading lies. The youth have seen from their own experience that the danger of war emanates from those who are out to divide the peoples, to raise barriers between them, to prevent their unity. The democratic youth in the World Federation is a powerful militant detachment of the camp of peace in its fight against imperialist war, for freedom and the happiness of peoples.

Progressive youth demands a lasting peace and aspires to creative labour for the wellbeing of the working people.

In the Soviet Union the glorious Communist Youth League, guided by the Bolshevik Party, is leading the young working people in the struggle for the fulfilment of the Five-Year Plan ahead of schedule. In factories, on collective farms and in schools young Soviet men and women are displaying the same heroism in peaceful labour that they displayed during the years of World War Two. Soviet young people proudly recognise the great task which history sets them—to be the builders of the first Communist society in the world.

Following the great example of the Lenin-Stalin Communist Youth League of the Soviet Union and led by the Communist and Workers’ Parties, the youth leagues in the New Democracies are becoming real schools of the young builders of Socialism. Educating the mass of the working youth in the spirit of boundless devotion to the Party, in the spirit of selfless struggle in the interests of the working class and a passionate love for their people’s democracy, the youth leagues are true helpers of the Communist and Workers’ Parties in their daily creative work to build Socialism. The youth leagues are combating every form of bourgeois morals, the “morals” of chauvinism and nationalist slander, cosmopolitanism and national betrayal, fascist misanthropy and corruption. The youth leagues are educating the young generation of builders of a socialist society to have a conscious altitude to labour; they are training new cadres and boldly promoting the more capable young people to leading positions in production, on factory committees, in trade unions, cooperatives and machine-tractor depots; they are patiently explaining to the youth of the countryside the advantage of collective cultivation of the land. Young people are beginning to play an increasingly large role in the State apparatus and in the army. With the enthusiasm of youth they are selflessly devoting themselves in all spheres of life to carrying out the great and noble task of building a new society.

In China, the New League of Democratic Youth is showing itself as a reliable assistant of the Chinese Communist Party in the victorious war for the country’s liberation and the building of a new democratic China.

While the youth of the Soviet Union and the People’s Democracies are by their selfless labour constantly helping to raise the wellbeing of the people, are building and studying in an atmosphere contributing to the development of fraternal friendship between peoples and love for peace, the young people of the countries under the imperialist yoke are confronted with the grim perspective of unemployment and poverty. The ruling classes in the capitalist countries keep talking about so-called western culture, or so-called western Christian civilisation. In the name of this they are steadily intensifying the economic and moral oppression of the youth. At least 30 per cent of the unemployed in the capitalist countries are young people. Youth is one of the victims of the capitalist crisis which is again engulfing the imperialist camp. There is no work for young men and women, they can learn no trade.

It is a fact, although the French Government is trying to conceal it that there are 150,000 young people without work in France; it is a fact that there are more than a million young people unemployed in Italy. They are hidden behind the ambiguous category of “unanswered requests for work”.

The bourgeoisie is incapable of finding employment for growing numbers of young people—but it plans to use them in if predatory policy. The war in Greece, Indonesia, Malaya, Burma, Viet Nam and China is being waged with the complicity and open technical, financial and political assistance of the United States. Young people who are thrown out of their lobs at Wall Street’s command are herded into barracks and sent into the slaughter in the interests of the criminal imperialist adventurers. American cannibals of the type of Congressman Cannon and General Bradley cynically state that in the aggressive war against the Soviet Union being prepared with the help of the Atlantic Pact, the American imperialists will equip and send into battle the soldiers of other nations.

In this situation of war hysteria and approaching economic disaster the Communists in the capitalist countries have wide opportunities for work among the youth. The Communist Parties are using these opportunities to develop a powerful and united movement of the youth of all countries against the war danger, against the capitalist policy of poverty and oppression.

The World Federation of Democratic youth rounds off the fourth year of its existence with indisputable important results. At a time when the capitalists have entered a period of open war preparation, the thousands of young men and women who have foregathered in the Hungarian capital have resolutely answered “yes” to the call of the World Peace Congress to consolidate their ranks “regardless of differences in political and religious beliefs in order to rid the bright paths of the future of mass murders”.

The slogan of the World Federation of Democratic Youth is: Youth unite! Forward to a lasting peace, to democracy, the national independence of peoples, for a better future! This slogan, inscribed on the Federation's banners, unites the youth of all countries; it rallies new masses of young fighters for peace and democracy.

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Budapest, August 14 (by telephone from our special correspondent)


The International youth and Student Festival, organised by the World Federation of Democratic Youth and the International Union of Students was officially opened today.

The aim of the festival is to strengthen the unity of the progressive youth of all countries, to consolidate their forces in the struggle for peace, against war, for the friendship of peoples, for a happy future for the young generation.

Delegates from all over the world, representing the youth of more than 80 countries, have arrived in Budapest. Among them are young representatives from the U.S.S.R., Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Rumania, Bulgaria, Albania, Free China, North Korea, the United States, Britain, Italy, France, the colonial and dependent countries, Many of the delegates from the capitalist, colonial and dependent countries made extraordinary efforts to take part in the Festival and some of them were unable to get to it because of bans and restrictions introduced by the various reactionary governments.

The capital of democratic Hungary was festively decorated for the opening of the Festival. A warm and fraternal welcome was extended to the delegates by the Hungarian youth who prepared fine dormitories, hotels, theatres, stadiums and swimming pools for their guests.

The opening day of the Festival was marked by a grand parade of its participants. Tomorrow starts the performances of the various choral and dance groups, soloists, musicians, contests in various fields of art and big sports competitions.

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Every spring, since 1945, thousands of young men and women in Bulgaria leave their homes for two months. They are members of the volunteer youth brigades who go to construction sites to help the cause of socialist reorganisation in their country. In a very short lime they have laid railway lines, built electric power stations, reservoirs, factories, schools.

The brigadiers are specially enthusiastic when they go to Dimitrov-grad, the youth town called after the name of the immortal leader and teacher of the Bulgarian people, Georgi Dimitrov.

Work on Dimitrov-grad began in spring 1947. Originally it was planned to build only a few industrial plants there, but the young people of Bulgaria expressed the desire to build a new town. The Council of Ministers of the Republic considered this desire of the young people and decided to build Dimitrov-grad.

In 1947, 3,000 young men worked in Dimitrov-grad, in 1948 there were 16,000 and this year the number of young builders has reached nearly 20,000.

Dimitrovgrad irresistibly attracts the young people. When they have finished their term in the brigades, hundreds of young men and women refuse to go home, preferring to stay and become citizens of the youth town. They continue to work on the construction sites, in the mines and factories, taking an active part in the life of youth organisations.

In 1947, Mustafa Ahmedov came to Dimitrov-grad from a remote village in the Monchugrad area. Mustafa took a liking to the new town and remained there for the next year. He became one of the best shock workers. But once Mustafa disappeared. The builders decided that he had grown homesick and had returned to his village. However a few days later Mustafa suddenly reappeared. He had gone home to fetch his sweetheart. Now Mustafa is a shock bricklayer and his young wife works in a canning factory.

The young builders of Dimitrov-grad are working selflessly. Two years ago the site was waste land. But now dwelling houses have sprung up on the banks of the Maritsa. Streets, canals, factories, nurseries and gardens are being built.

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On the suggestion of the National Economic Council, the Hungarian Council of Ministers has adopted a plan of field work for 1949-1950. The plan has been [....] out on the basis of the [....] Three-Year Plan and of the successful realisation of this year’s targets.

The new plan sets before the country the task of tilling and sowing every single plot of land. Another important task is to provide abundant supplies of grain for the country. To do this, the plan envisages sowing 35 per cent of the land to cereals.

According to the plan, the area under fodder and industrial crops will be considerably increased.

The machine-tractor depots will be of great assistance in carrying out the tasks facing the peasants. For their services to the cooperatives cultivating the land jointly, and to the working peasants, the machine-tractor depots this year, for the first time, will not be paid in cash but in kind, according to agreements.

An important condition for carrying out the spring sowing plan next year is deep autumn ploughing. Last autumn ploughing was carried out over 3,900,000 holds of land. This autumn 4,700,000 holds of land must be ploughed.

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The working people of the Rumanian People’s Republic are busily preparing for August 23—fifth anniversary of their country’s liberation.

At the forefront of these preparations of the working class who has developed [....] emulation on a wide scale for the [....] action fulfil their part of obligations under[...] [....] workers of the big [....] plant, pledging themselves to go over to planned accounting, operated without State subsidies in July. They have also pledged themselves to exceed the plan for accumulations by 100 million lei. The workers of the Hunedoara iron and steel plant, following the example of the Resitsa workers, produced rolled steel to the value of 32,676,000 lei over and above the plan in the first ten days of August.

In the coal mining industry, Ludovik Popp is the initiator in emulation for the pre-schedule fulfilment of the plan. He fulfilled his 1949 plan on July 7 and is now working on his 1950 plan. His example is being followed by many miners who are already working on their November plan.

The oil workers of Tsintia-Bencoi in their emulation drive in honour of August 23 completed construction work on a derrick and set it operating more than two months ahead of schedule.

Meetings are being held at all enterprises and institutions in the countryside at which reports are delivered on the great anniversary. The Rumanian Writers’ Union is issuing a volume of poetry and prose to mark this anniversary.

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Socialist emulation in honour of the Second Trade Union Congress to be held early next December, is growing in scale in Czechoslovakia.

Groups in many factories and plants are pledging themselves to complete the 1949 plan in eleven months. Great emulation successes have already been achieved in factories and plants in Plzen, one of the country’s largest industrial centres. The Plzen enterprises have carried out the July targets by 107.7 per cent. Most successful have been the city’s metal workers who have fulfilled their targets by 142.4 per cent.

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WARSAW (telephoned by our correspondent).


In the middle of July the winter-sown crops were ripe in Polish fields. It was time to begin harvesting, but suddenly bad weather set in. The peasants made use of every fine period to cut the corn. But before they could cart the stooks it would start to rain. The weather was capricious like this all through the second half of July.

The reactionary elements immediately took advantage of the situation. They did everything to wreck the harvest. It was no accident that on the very eve of the harvest. reactionary clergymen staged all kinds of “miracles” in an attempt to distract peasants from the field work and to whip up feelings against the new Poland. Kulaks tried everything to enslave the poor and medium peasants during the harvest. But all these machinations of the reactionaries failed. Although there were very few sunny days even in the first week of August, the winter corn was harvested successfully because all forces in the countryside were mobilised. Now the cutting of the spring corn is in full swing. During the next few days the whole harvest will be brought in with hardly any losses.

The way the country has carried out the harvesting campaign is an expression of the agricultural policy of the United Workers’ Party of Poland and the results of the strenuous and planned work of the people in rehabilitating agriculture after the war.

This year 158,000 more hectares were harvested than in 1918. Four years ago there were nearly 8 million hectares of uncultivated land in Poland. No wonder that the country was short of its own grain. It was only because of the friendly and selfless assistance of the Soviet Union which, despite its own difficulties, supplied Poland with hundreds of thousands of tons of grain that the Polish people avoided starvation.

The working people of democratic Poland made good use of the generous assistance of the Soviet people. Millions of hectares of waste land were ploughed and sown during the four post-war years. With every year, state industry increased the output of artificial fertilizers and agricultural machines. A persistent struggle was waged to do away with the fact that peasant households had no horses or cows. Stale farms steadily consolidated their positions in the countryside. As a result of this, the people of Poland gathered in a rich harvest in 1948. They were able to fully meet their food requirements and also create state grain reserves.

In the autumn of 1918 and the spring of 1949 the basis was laid for this year’s harvest. The sowing plans were fulfilled in good lime while state farms considerably surpassed their targets. Great work was done to mechanise agriculture. With the assistance of the State and the working class, machine hiring depots with a considerable number of tractors, and machines for sowing, binding and threshing were set up. During this harvest the machine-hiring depots served thousands of peasant house-holds, greatly facilitating their work and speeding up the harvest.

Utilising the experience of the Soviet Union and following its example, the working class of Poland gave even more help to its ally, the working peasantry, during the harvesting campaign. Thousands of workers and intellectuals went into the fields to help peasants to cut and stack the corn.

Groups on the state farms worked with great enthusiasm, Nearly 150,000 state farm workers are competing to produce the best crops. Eager to bring in the harvest without losses and as quickly as possible, they spared no efforts, working day and night.

This year, for the first time, combines brought from the Soviet Union rolled over our fields. In many places they caused a real sensation.

While they are finishing the harvest, the working peasants of Poland are at the same time preparing for the autumn sowing and ploughing in many districts. In the autumn even more tractors and agricultural machines will work in the countryside. Over 2,700 machine-hiring depots with more than 4,000 village branches already possess several thousand tractors, 6,000 threshing-machines, 23,000 sowing-machines, 5,000 potato diggers and many other machines and implements. Peasants will get 520,000 tons of mineral fertilisers for the autumn sowing campaign.

The basis for a rich crop in the next year is already being laid. The good harvest gathered this year will make it easier for democratic Poland to solve the difficult tasks facing it in the year, the first year of the Six-Year Plan, and facilitate the further struggle for the socialist reorganisation of the countryside.

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The Fourth World Film Festival, held at the Czech spa of Marianske Lazne, closed on August 7. It had lasted for two weeks.

Twenty countries, including Czechoslovakia, the Soviet Union, Poland, Bulgaria, Hungary, Rumania, the United States, France and Denmark, took part in the festival.

Examples of Soviet cinema were enthusiastically viewed by festival delegates and visitors. The outstanding Soviet film “Battle of Stalingrad”, shown at the opening of the festival, was particularly successful. Among others, the Soviet films “Meeting on the Elbe”, “Academician Pavlov”, “Michurin”, the documentary film “Vladimir Ilyich Lenin”, (not included in the festival contest), were well received.

Films of the young industries of Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Poland, Bulgaria, Rumania and Germany (Soviet zone), shown at the festival, confirmed that in these countries the film art has achieved major successes in turning cinema into a powerful weapon of building a new life.

A number of films produced by progressive film artists in Denmark, France, the United States and other countries, were demonstrated at the festival. These films raise The urgent problems of the struggle of the working people for their rights, democracy and progress. Among such films are the French film “Daybreak”, produced by Louis Daquin, the Italian film “The Bicycle Theft” produced by Vittorio di Sica, the American film “Native Land” produced by Leo Horwits and Paul Strand. However, as the Czechoslovak press commented, many films produced in the capitalist countries shown at the festival treat the struggle for the rights of the working people from a bourgeois liberal point of view, from a philanthropic reformist and utopian outlook. Among such films, the press included the Danish film “Pietro Sabro” and the American film “The Blue Scar”.

At the Marianske Lazne film festival, the cinema of the Soviet Union and the People's Democracies demonstrated its obvious superiority over the reactionary American film or that of the countries in the grip of American imperialism, This is fully proved by 'the results of the festival. Two of the three main prizes were awarded to the works of Soviet cinema art. Soviet films and representatives of the Soviet cinema also won 6 of the other 15 prizes. The Soviet film “Battle of Stalingrad” deservedly won the festival’s first prize—a crystal globe. Another outstanding example of Soviet cinema, “Meeting on the Elbe”, won the “Peace Prize”.

The Hungarian cinema also won high awards. The Hungarian film “The Soil Underfoot” won the “Prize of Labour”, one of the main prizes of the festival. A number of the works of the cinema industries of Czechoslovakia, Poland, Bulgaria and Rumania also won festival prizes.

Prague (by telephone).

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The working people of France are replying with a more and more active struggle to the systematic lowering of their living standards and growing unemployment.

The delegation of the Bureau of the General Confederation of Labour has informed the Ministry of Labour of the following demands put forward by the working people: return to a 40-hour week with the same wages as for a 48-hour week; maintenance of existing weekly wages although for five days a week electricity for factories is cut; time and a half for night work and time and three-quarters for Sundays.

On the morning of August 8, 4,000 repair workers and attendants for the International Sleeping-Car Association’s cars and restaurants went on strike in Paris, Calais, Strasbourg, Lyons, Marseilles, Toulouse, Bordeaux, St. Denis, Villeneuve, Saint-Ouen and other cities.

The struggle of the French working people for a 5,000 franc holiday bonus is spreading.

The dockers of Marseilles staged a two-hour general strike in support of their demand for a holiday bonus and the return to a 40-hour week without wage reductions.

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The National Congress in Defence of Peace and Democracy, recently held in Havana (Cuba), demonstrated the unanimous desire of Cuban working people and progressives for peace.

Several thousand people from all over the country attended the great meeting held at the close of the Congress.

Several thousand people from all over the country attended the great meeting held at the close of the Congress.

Addressing the meeting, Professor Roberto Leon, leader of

the Peace Organisation to the [....] denounced the imperialist policy of United States ruling circles who are provoking a new world war. He stressed the great role of the Soviet Union and the People’s Democracies in defending peace. The next speaker, the mayor of the large town of Marianao, said he was speaking in defence of peace not only on behalf of the town municipal council but also as a representative of “nearly all the civil, political, cultural, sport and religious organisations of Marianao”.

The meeting unanimously approved the Congress resolution on the fight for peace and also elected delegates to an American continental peace congress to open in Mexico on September 5.

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Every day, from every part of the vast territory liberated from reactionary Kuomintang rule, news comes in of democratic China's new successes in all spheres of economic, political and cultural construction, The war-wrecked economy is being rehabilitated, the life of the people improved, centres of new culture created.

This year, sapper units of the People’s Liberation Army have restored over one thousands kilometres of railway line and 400 bridges. Because of their work, communication has been re-established along the seven main lines in the liberated areas of China to the South from the Great Wall.

In Hankow, industry and transport are coming back to life. Nearly 2,000 enterprises in the city have been given State assistance to the total of 834 million dollars. Fourteen enterprises that had been taken over by the state are back in production. They include an electric power station, a coal mine, a shipyard, a cement works, an engineering plant, textile mills and tobacco factories. Of the total 145,000 spindles at four textile mills, 110,000 are already operating.

In Tai-yuan, one of the industrial centres of Shan-si Province, 2,330 industrial and trade enterprises are now functioning against 1,000 under the Kuomintang regime. This is the result of the policy of supporting private enterprises useful to the national economy, the policy carried out by the organs of people’s power in this city which was so severely destroyed by the Chinese feudal-militarists. The production of many factories and artisans was back to normal a few months after the liberation of Taiyuan.

Recently the first tractor depot in North China with 14 tractors was started in the Western Hupeh. The tractors, left behind by the Kuomintang, have been repaired and will be used to cultivate the land at publicly operated farms.

Powerful tractors belonging to the agricultural institute in Manchuria are ploughing up new areas at a mechanised farm. One of the tractor drivers is a 20 year old peasant girl, Liang Chun, who works with a girl apprentice. Under the old regime,

Liang Chun slaved for the landlord; now she has not only studied at an agricultural college but during the past season has trained nine tractor drivers and has been promoted as assistant instructor to a tractor group where 70 people are studying.

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The Soviet Government’s reply published on August 12, to the Yugoslav Government Note on Slovene Carinthia exposes the double-dealing, treacherous policy of the Yugoslav Government. The reply of the Soviet Government lays bare the roots of this policy of blackmail and deceit of the peoples pursued by the Yugoslav Government which has deserted the camp of democracy and Socialism for the camp of foreign capital and reaction. The reply of the Soviet Government fully exposes the Tito, Djilas, Kardelj, Rankovic clique which is closely connected with imperialist circles and which is waging, to their advantage an unbridled slander campaign against the Soviet Union.

The Note of the Soviet Government gives a profound analysis of the foreign policy of the present Yugoslav Government and enumerates the facts characterising this policy on Slovene Carinthia. The Soviet Note justly qualifies this policy as a policy of deceiving the people of Yugoslavia, a policy of deals with the representatives of the Western Powers to the detriment of Yugoslavia’s national rights.

As is known, among the principal questions of the post-war peaceful settlement is the question of a state treaty with Austria. It is known that, after World War Two, the Yugoslav Government formulated its economic and territorial claims on Austria, of which the central question was that Slovene Carinthia should be handed over to Yugoslavia together with the Slovene border regions of Styria with its area of 2,600 square kilometres and population of nearly 190,000.

In spite of the brutal policy of Germanisation, Slovene Carinthia has to this day remained a territory with a predominantly Slovene population. One of the seats of culture of the Slovene people is situated in Slovene Carinthia. Old ethnical, economic and cultural ties link Slovene Carinthia with Yugoslavia. That is why the Soviet Government from the very outset was in favour of Slovene Carinthia being handed over to Yugoslavia, supporting this demand against the United States, Britain and France at sessions of the Council of Foreign Ministers and at international commissions concerned with drawing up the draft treaty with Austria.

It was natural to expect that the Yugoslav Government, too, would genuinely back these demands of such vital importance to Slovene Carinthia and the defence of Yugoslavia’s national rights. In practice however, matters turned out differently. As early as at the beginning of 1947, the Yugoslav Government had relinquished its [....] Slovene Carinthia and has taken up a new position on this question. As the Soviet Government Note pointed out, the Vice Premier of Yugoslavia, Mr. Kardelj, addressed a letter to A. Y. Vyshinsky in April 1947, on behalf of the Yugoslav Government outlining this new position with regard to Yugoslavia’s claims on Austria.

What was this position? It is evident from this letter from Kardelj, published simultaneously with the Soviet Government’s answering Note, that the Yugoslav Government rejects its claims to Slovene Carinthia and expresses itself in favour of demanding only the small area adjoining the two electric power stations on the Drava River.

Kardelj’s letter of April 20, 1947, with two possible versions of the claim attached to it, prove that Yugoslavia’s claims no longer amounted to receiving at least a small part of Slovene Carinthia’s territory—the first version asked for 210 square kilometres with a population of a little over 9,000, and the second version for 63 square kilometres with a population of 3,000—but amounted to the Yugoslav Government being granted special rights in the administration of two electric power stations on foreign territory.

Kardelj’s letter states that “the question can be settled by introducing a minor border revision, concerning which I am submitting to you the draft in two versions, or, failing this it can be settled by granting the Federative People’s Republic of Yugoslavia special rights in the administration of these stations”.

This was a direct rejection of the demand for Slovene Carinthia.

In this connection the Note of the Soviet Government justly points out that the Yugoslav Government “as early as April 1917 considered it necessary to reject not only the claim to Slovene Carinthia and not only a small territory of Slovene Carinthia but also all territorial claims in Austria.

“This was at a time when the Soviet Government at conferences with representatives of the Western Powers was demanding Slovene Carinthia for Yugoslavia.

“This fact is irrefutable.”

This fact conclusively shows that the Yugoslav Government alone is entirely responsible for the rejection of Slovene Carinthia.

In its Note of August 3, the Yugoslav Government points out that Slovene Carinthia has become “a small coin to be traded with the Western Powers” and that, therefore, “the just demands of Yugoslavia have been lost”. But who has turned Slovene Carinthia into “small coin”? Who has sacrificed Slovene Carinthia to the detriment of Yugoslavia’s national rights?

The Note of the Soviet Government justly replies to this question:

“In its Note of August 3, the Yugoslav Government qualifies the rejection of Slovene Carinthia as treachery, as a betrayal of the interests of the Slovene population of Carinthia, as a violation of the rights to national self-determination, as an expression

of imperialist policy, as a measure turning Slovene Carinthia into “small coin”, and so on. If it really is a question of treachery and betrayal of the interests of Yugoslavia, then, as is evident from Kardelj splatter, it is the Yugoslav Government and the Yugoslav Government alone that must be considered the traitor.”

And is this not also borne out by the fact that behind the back of the U.S.S.R. the Yugoslav representatives held secret talks with representatives of Great Britain during which Slovene Carinthia was used as a bargaining point or, in the language of the Yugoslav Note, was turned into “small coin”. Is it not a fact that it was precisely the Tito-Rankovic Government that betrayed Slovene Carinthia, that betrayed the interests of the Slovene people and Yugoslavia ?

Finally, is it not a fact that the Yugoslav Government also kept the Soviet Government in ignorance of these talks and their results about which the Soviet Government to this day knows nothing, just as it does not know against whom they were directed ? All these are facts—shameful facts from which the Yugoslav Government cannot escape!

By carrying out its plan of rejecting the claim on Slovene Carinthia and reaching agreement with the Western Powers, the Yugoslav Government was pursuing a double-dealing policy toward the Soviet Union. While betraying the interests of Slovene Carinthia and the national rights of Yugoslavia, the Yugoslav Government at the same time tried to create the false impression in the eyes of the peoples of Yugoslavia that, as it claimed, it was still defending its initial demands that Slovene Carinthia should be handed over to Yugoslavia. According to the plan of the Yugoslav Government, the deal was to be put through in such a way as to hold the Soviet Government fully responsible for this rejection. This is conclusively borne out by Tito’s talk with the Soviet ambassador in August 1947 when Tito proposed that the Soviet Government should, on its own initiative and in its own name, advance minimum, curtailed territorial demands which actually amounted to a rejection of Slovene Carinthia. The Yugoslav Government itself refused to put forward such proposals honestly and officially, not wishing to lake responsibility for them upon itself.

As is evident from the corresponding paragraph in the Note of August 11, Tito frankly stated that “if the Yugoslav Government is asked to make an official statement of its rejection of all further claims on Slovene Carinthia, the Yugoslav Government will not be able to make a statement of this kind,” adding that “Yugoslavia would sooner reject its minimum demands rather than make such a statement”.

This is how the Yugoslav Government acted, trying to carry out its double-dealing plan according to which it would remain aloof and take no responsibility for the rejection of Slovene Carinthia which had already been decided upon by the Yugoslav Government in April 1947. It thus reckoned once again on deceiving the Yugoslav people and concealing its political swindling.

With this aim in view, the Yugoslav Government is resorting to all kinds of insinuations and slanderous inventions. For instance, it alleges that in 1946 and 1947 representatives of the Soviet Government proposed to the Yugoslav Government that it should curtail its territorial claims on Austria. These malicious fabrications were immediately officially refuted by the Soviet Ministry of Foreign Affairs which, at the same time, disclosed the provocative role of the Yugoslav representative, Bebler. As a matter of fact, Bebler tried to persuade the Soviet representatives to introduce such a proposal, but they rejected his approaches.

Now the Yugoslav Government is trying to pretend that it is indignant at the decisions adopted by the Council of Foreign Ministers in Paris on the Austrian treaty. With affected indignation it is attacking these decisions, trying to depict itself as the defender of Yugoslavia’s rights to Slovene Carinthia.

But this undertaking has met with complete failure. The facts cited in the answering Note of the Soviet Government conclusively prove the fiasco of the shady intrigues of the Yugoslav Government.

Under cover of lies and slander, the Yugoslav Government tried to conceal from its people and world democratic opinion the secret agreement reached with representatives of foreign capital at the expense of the interests of the Slovenes in Carinthia and to the detriment of Yugoslavia’s national rights. It was exposed in this lie and slander.

By circulating the lie and slander about the promise made by Stalin, to Renner, President of the Austrian Republic, to guarantee Austria’s 1938 borders”, the Yugoslav Government tried to cover up its treacherous rejection of Slovene Carinthia. The Yugoslav Government knew that the report about such a “promise” was fictitious. Nevertheless, it tried to use this fiction for its slanderous purposes. And this time, too, its lies and slander are exposed.

As a result of secret deals with the representatives of the Western Powers, the Yugoslav Government rejected Slovene Carinthia, trying to deceive the peoples of Yugoslavia. Also this deceit of the Yugoslav Government has been fully exposed.

Such are the facts.

The Soviet Government has drawn its conclusions from these facts. These conclusions are irrefutable. The particular significance of these conclusions are expressed in the closing words of the Soviet Note: “May the peoples of Yugoslavia know that the Soviet Government regards the present Government of Yugoslavia not as a friend and ally but as an adversary of the Soviet Union.”

(“Pravda” Editorial of August 13)


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G. Gheorghiu-Dej, General Secretary, Central Committee, Rumanian Workers’ Party

It is now five years since our country was liberated from the yoke of imperialism. Profound political, economic and social changes have taken place during this period: the old order and institutions oppressing the people and bringing them misery have been destroyed; the construction of a new social system free from exploitation and the incurable diseases of capitalism has been started. Rumania has turned from a semi-colony of international capital, one of the most backward European countries, into a people’s republic, and from the political point of view it has joined the ranks of the most advanced countries. The history of Rumania has never before known such a leap forward.

We fully realise that this path was opened to us five years ago by our great liberator, the Soviet Union. The people of Rumania are profoundly and everlastingly grateful to our great friend and ally for saying them from national doom, for liberating them from imperialist slavery.

August 23 will go down in the history of our people as the day of Rumania’s liberation by the glorious and invincible Soviet Army. It was the day when, in conditions created by the rapid Soviet offensive on the Jassy Kishinev front, the patriotic people’s forces led by the Communist Party of Rumania overthrew the fascist Antonescu dictatorship and turned their arms against fascist Germany. The Rumanian Communist Party, a tried leader in the anti-fascist underground struggle, was the organiser of the events of August 23.

On that day armed workers’ detachments organised by the Party captured the ringleaders of the Antonescu regime, seized a number of strategic points held by the German fascist troops, whom they disarmed. With determination and patriotic enthusiasm, Rumanian troops turned their arms against the real enemy, the German fascist imperialists, and joined the Soviet Army, fighting for the liberation of Transylvania and later of Czechoslovakia and Hungary.

From the very beginning the working people of our country understood that the Soviet Army was no ordinary army but that of a socialist state, an army of the Soviet working people who under the banner of Lenin and Stalin were fighting for the liberation of peoples. The fact that it was the Army of a socialist state and no other army that entered our country, and the other countries of Eastern and South-Eastern Europe, determined the historical development in this part of Europe. For the first time the liberated people won real independence and national sovereignty. The path of people’s democracy, goal Socialism was opened for the revolutionary forces.

Events in the [....] state by imperialist armies of the U.S. and Britain entered, were quite different. In Greece, Italy, France, the Benelux countries, and others, the peoples only experienced the illusion of liberation for a short moment. As time went by they realised how bitter was this illusion. The bourgeoisie of these countries came to an agreement with the new invaders, thus proving once again that the bourgeoisie today are national traitors. Now they arc hounding the resistance fighters, while the nefarious quislings are holding state posts.

The Belgrade clique of bourgeois-nationalists has drawn also Yugoslavia into the camp of imperialism. In his zealous servility to the imperialists, Judas Tito has excelled Tsaldaris, de Gasperi and Franco. The heroes of the anti-fascist war fighters decorated with the 1941 Medal who remained loyal to the great cause of the liberation of peoples, have either been killed or thrown into the torture chambers of the blood-thirsty hangman Rankovic. The dark days of occupation have returned to the peoples of Yugoslavia. But the wrath of Yugoslav patriots against the counter-revolutionary agency of Tito and Rankovic is growing rapidly.

The people of Rumania won their desired order through hard battles. They whole-heartedly support people’s democracy and resolutely advance toward Socialism. In these circumstances the patriotism of the working people becomes a source of great exploits, a motive power in our country’s development which is expressed to the full in the struggle of the people to lay the economic basis of Socialism.

Under the bourgeois landlord Rumania was economically and culturally backward. But having won state political power, the working class, in alliance with the working peasantry and under the guidance of our Party, launched a struggle to eliminate this shameful backwardness. The agrarian reform liquidated the landlords as a class. On June 11, 1948, the basic means of industrial production, banks, transport and insurance societies were nationalised. Capitalist employers were driven out. After this revolutionary act the production activity of the proletariat began to develop on an unprecedented scale. As early as 1948, industrial output in a number of basic industries, as for example in the production of east iron, steel, rolled steel, iron ore and natural gas, surpassed the 1938 level. However, the struggle for the socialist industrialisation of our country took organisational shape only when we went over to planned economy. The 1949 Plan envisages a 40 per cent increase in output. It was impossible even to dream of such a rate of development under capitalism. In the first quarter the Plan was surpassed by 7.3 per cent, in the second quarter by 7.4 per cent (targets for the second quarter were increased). These successes are evidence of t he power which a planned socialist economy gains.

A comparison between industrial output during the first six months of 1949 and that of the corresponding period in 1948 shows that output of cast iron was brought up to 164.4 per cent, steel 133.2 per cent, rolled steel 118.2 per cent, iron ore 157.8 per cent, coal 119.7 per cent. No less significant are the figures relating to light industries: during this period the output in the leather industry also went up 296.1 per cent, cotton 146.3 per cent, woollen piece goods 159.1 per cent, sugar 644.2 per cent. The working people are getting more shoes and clothes. As for sugar products, which formerly went only to the propertied classes, they have now become part of everyone’s diet. At present Rumania produces tractors, agricultural equipment including threshing-machines, oil equipment, river boats, electric motors, compressors, locomotives and heavy freight cars. Recently ball-bearings production started, Engineering plants have produced the first combine and the first perfected spinning machine. Formerly all these goods were imported from abroad. What a crushing reply was thus given to the imperialists and cosmopolitan agents who did their [....] to undermine the Rumanian workers and technicians’ confidence in their own strength. The 82 billion lei of capital investments envisaged in the 1949 Plan are four times more than in 1948. Blast-furnaces, smelting furnaces, coking stoves, a huge electric power station in Moroeni, a large-scale oil-refinery in Moldova, two big spinning mills and so on are under construction now. Despite all this, the budget surplus made possible capital investments of 23-24 billion lei in excess of plan during the first two quarters. Thus, the total sum of capital investments is over 100 billion lei. This enabled work to be started on the Danube-Black Sea canal. Many thousands of workers will work on this canal which will bring life to a vast area.

Even now a great proportion of state expenditure is covered by profits from the socialist sector of economy. This makes it possible to systematically reduce the taxes paid by the working people. The new law envisages a total reduction of 25 per cent in the income tax on the poor and medium peasants in the countryside.

The living standards and the cultural level of the working people arc steadily being raised. As a result of the application of the socialist principle of payment on the basis of the amount of work, the general wage fund is increasing with every month as labour productivity grows. Take the metal working industry, for example: here the wage fund increased from 250,847,000 lei last February to 289,836,000 lei in March and an average of 409,487,000 lei in May and June.

It is impossible to imagine all these successes without the fraternal support of the Soviet Union, demonstrated by financial assistance, supplies of materials and manufactured goods and also in direct technical assistance. In the light of this reality, the way the imperialist agent, Judas Tito, tried to accuse the great socialist state of wanting to make Yugoslavia an agricultural appendage is laid bare as the detestable attempt it is. This double-faced and shameless politician reminds one of a thief who in order to divert attention from himself, points over his shoulder shouting at the top of his lungs: “Hold the thief”. But everyone knows that Tito is Marshallising Yugoslavia, which in practice means destroying her national industry and forfeiting her independence. The assistance given by the Soviet Union to the People’s Democracies, is socialist assistance, a fraternal assistance which must contribute, above all, to the development of national industry in these countries.

One of the most effective forms of the socialist type of economic cooperation, are the Soviet-Rumanian Societies. These joint Rumanian-Soviet societies have been formed in transport, insurance and a number of basic industries. The remarkable feature of these societies is not only that such a backward economy as ours receives assistance in capital, technical equipment and raw materials but also the fact that in the leadership of these societies there are Soviet specialists and technicians who are turning them into real centres to spread the advanced experience of socialist organisation of labour, the experience of correct guidance and management of socialist enterprise. Over a period of six months the “Sovrompetrol”, for example, carried out the targets for oil-drilling by 122.2 per cent. This society serves as a model of the correct utilisation of equipment and a bold application of new working methods. The “Sovrompetrol” workers have achieved the greatest average speed in drilling.

The Soviet-Rumanian societies are playing a decisive role in road, river and air transport. With the help of the “Sovromtractor” society we have started mass production of tractors. The people of Rumania could not have made such strides forward in the industrialisation of their country without the help of the Soviet-Rumanian Societies.

As for agriculture, the Rumanian Workers’ Party has clearly outlined its policy, creatively applying the great experience of collective farming in the U.S.S.R. to the concrete conditions in our country. In its class policy in the countryside the Party is guiding itself by the Lenin-Stalin slogan: rely on the poor peasants, consolidate the alliance with the medium peasants and constantly fight against the kulaks.

The Party and the Government have taken a number of measures to support the working peasantry, restrict the kulaks and prepare the material and political conditions for the socialist reorganisation of agriculture. The central lever in this struggle are the cooperatives reorganised along new lines. Comrade Stalin teaches us that to apply the cooperative plan of Lenin means to bring the peasantry from marketing and consumer cooperation up to producer, cooperation, to collective farm cooperation.

On the basis of this principle of Leninism, the first rural collective farms have been formed in our country on the principle of voluntary agreement on the part of the working peasantry. These farms were formed in an atmosphere of revolutionary enthusiasm. This is a victory of the Party’s policy in the countryside. The Party is faced with the task of consolidating these farms, of putting them on their feet and of organising their practical activity.

However, we do not forget that the pre-dominant form in our agriculture are individual households. The Government supports the working peasants and restricts the kulak by prohibiting the purchase of land, by a class tax policy, and by state grain deliveries and credit policy. The mass of the working peasantry has responded to the call of the Party and the Government in the grain deliveries campaign. The kulaks and hostile elements are mercilessly exposed. The laws of the People's Republic of Rumania hit them strongly.

The State apparatus is consolidating all the time. The provisional committees of people’s councils—the political basis of the system of people’s democracy—are a powerful lever in mobilising the broad masses of the people for the struggle for Socialism, in promoting people from below to state posts, in consolidating the working people around the state power of the proletariat and the working peasantry. Thus, the system of people’s democracy is acquiring a firm basis among the masses.

Under conditions of sharpening class struggle when the bitterness of the class enemy is growing as the working people of our country and throughout the world victoriously advance toward Socialism, the forces of people’s democracy suppress and demoralise the enemy. The Party—a leading and directing force; the trade unions with their enormous mass of workers, the tempered builders of Socialism; the League of Working Youth with thousands of young men and women ready to defend our revolutionary gains; the cooperatives with millions of peasants united in the struggle for a better future; the people’s councils (provisional committees) with their apparatus linked with the masses through numberless ways—all this is the embodiment of the Stalin system of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the system which is steadily leading Rumania to Socialism and which is determined energetically to suppress any resistance to our forward advance.

It is significant that now all the working people in our country are fighting and working to greet August 23, the great national holiday, in a worthy manner. They are showing their ardent patriotism in deeds, by fighting to surpass the targets. Responding to the call of three advanced factories, the masses of the workers have joined the emulation campaign. Many advanced workers, brigades and workshops have overfulfilled the 1949 plan and are now carrying out the targets of 1950. Of particular significance is the socialist emulation campaign started at the biggest iron and steel works under the slogan “We shall run our plant without subsidies.” The large-scale Resita and Hunedoara plants have already surpassed the obligations in excess of plan assumed by the factory and office workers, engineers and technicians. Utilising the experience of the Soviet workers in managing enterprises according to a planned economy, our workers have discovered and mobilised enormous internal resources in the struggle to fulfil the plan. This is a reflection of the broadening outlook and higher political level of our working class and the growth of socialist understanding.

A great upsurge is also to be observed at schools and in the sphere of sport and physical culture. The number of schools, pupils and students has increased. The study of Marxism-Leninism at universities and various institutions together with the study of the Russian language at schools of all grades has raised the level of our education. A new generation full of moral and physical health, the generation of the builders of Socialism is growing up.

For the working people of the People’s Republic of Rumania the campaign in honour of August 23 is a decisive reply to the Anglo-American warmongers. The working people realise that their main task today is the fight in defence of peace. The increased fighting capacity of the masses in the patriotic struggle against Anglo-American imperialism and its military plans is reflected in the increased role of the Rumanian People’s Republic as an active factor in the struggle for peace in the front of democracy and Socialism led by the Soviet Union.

The working people of the People’s Republic of Rumania are in solidarity with the heroic struggle of the working class in the imperialist countries and of the colonial peoples. They are tightening more and more the bonds of friendship and alliance with the great Soviet Union, the main bulwark of peace. They have profound love and boundless feeling of gratitude for the great Stalin, whose really fatherly solicitude for our country in big and even small matters is a source of strength and courage to us.

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Reconstructed iron and steel works in Hu nedoara (Rumania). In the first ten days of August, production of the workers of this plant was 32,676,000 lei worth in excess of their plan.


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The publishers of the journal “For a Lasting Peace, for a People’s Democracy” wish to inform all newsagents and booksellers and all readers of the journal that as from September 15, 1949,

For a Lasting Peace,

for a People’s Democracy”


The journal is published in:

Russian, French, English and German

Prices of the journal will be;—

in American dollars — 6 cents

in pounds sterling — 3 pence

in French francs — 10 francs

in German marks — 30 pfennigs

in Soviet rubles — 30 kopeks


For details about subscriptions please

write to: —

Rumania, Bucharest, “MIR” —

Book Distribution Centre.




Victor Michaut, Member, Political Bureau, Communist Party of France

In the struggle against Hitlerism the working youth of France sacrificed the blood of many thousands of its brothers and sisters, giving such legendary heroes as Colonel Fabien, Guy Mocquet and Danielle Casanova. After the liberation, the young people of France, led by the French Republican Youth League, continued their activities notably during the Marseilles demonstrations, during the mass strikes that swept France in October and November 1947, and the heroic miners’ strike in October 1948.

The main theme of the youth campaigns in France is the struggle for peace linked with the fight for the immediate demands of the young generation of the working people and for their future.


In connection with the day of struggle against the colonial policy of imperialism, held on February 21 last, the French Committee of Democratic Youth, rallying the main democratic youth organisations in the country, collected over 500,000 signatures to the petition demanding peace in Viet-Nam. The delivery of the lists of signatures to the prefectures, the National Assembly and the President was accompanied by youth demonstrations at the market-places and on the boulevards of Paris and its suburbs, end by youth marches in Marseilles, Grenoble and Bordeaux.

The preparations for the World Peace Congress helped to draw even wider sections of the youth into active struggle. On the initiative of the French Committee of Democratic Youth which sent out a “Youth Message in Defence of Peace” an international youth week was held in France last April. The leaders and active members of the Catholic, Protestant and Jewish youth movements and also sport, cultural and student organisations, together with the members of the League of Republican Youth and the French Girls’ League signed a demand that “the nation’s labour and money should be used to rebuild our country and for the moral, cultural and physical development of our youth, its professional and civil education and not for preparing a new slaughter”. In this way there was laid the basis for a broad united youth front in defence of peace.

Among the hundreds of other examples of unity, the youth conference at Mantreuil was outstanding. It was attended by 700 representatives not only of youth organisations but also of unorganised youth whose delegates were elected at local meetings and at meetings in the most important enterprises. The Montreuil Youth Council in Defence of Peace elected at the Conference appealed to the young people of France to form the principal youth peace committees everywhere.

At present all the demands for improved living conditions of the working youth are bound up with the question of the war budget and the Government’s policy.

The struggle for drastic cuts in military credits is becoming the main demand on which depends all other demands, such as professional training, the right to work, an end to unemployment, increased relief for young unemployed, equal pay for equal work in the factories, the elimination of the principle of wage-rates based on age or district, more assistance for students, marriage grants, aid to the sons and daughters of peasants and agricultural workers taking up farming, reduction of fares, new gymnasiums, stadiums, courts for games and swimming pools to develop sports, better living conditions for soldiers and sailors, and so on.

Extremely significant in this connection is the campaign for bulk railway tickets for 10 or more people giving a 50 per cent discount.

After Jules Moch’s police had brutally dispersed the demonstration at the Gare de l’Est in Paris organised in support of this demand by young people of all political trends, 53 youth organisations which had jointly started the campaign for bulk travel tickets at a 50 per cent discount, unanimously protested against the Government’s measures and demanded that the young men and women arrested during the demonstration should be released. They continue their unity of action in order to win their demands in full.

The National Assembly was forced to vole unanimously for a resolution demanding that the Government should satisfy this just demand of the youth, after it had been proposed by the Communist Deputy Raymond Guyot, and supported by an MRP deputy.

Very enthusiastic and lively youth meetings were held in Paris and throughout the country under the slogan of militant friend­ship between the Christian Workers’ Organisation and the League of French Republican Youth.

A remarkable feature of the democratic youth movement in France is the increasingly clear and profound desire for unity.

This desire was forcefully demonstrated recently even during the national congress of various Catholic associations. Early in June, the National Council of the Christian Workers’ Youth Organisation came out in defence of some of the principal demands of soldiers and sailors, supported by the French Republican Youth League.

The movement against the war in Viet-Nam becomes broader every day, particularly among young men called up for military service and servicemen who are drafted for Indo-China.

In the Marseilles region a Committee of Action Against War in Viet-Nam, formed in response to the call by the Fighters for Peace and Freedom movement, held a number of meetings, especially in the Ciotat shipyards, attended by members of the Christian Workers’ Youth Organisation. Propaganda is being carried out among soldiers and sailors by leaflets, songs, discussions and posters. Their demands are supported by the working people.

At one military depot in Algeria, 72 out of 132 air force troops who signed up to go to Viet-Nam changed their minds after discussions with a group of soldiers from another unit.


Party conferences held by the Seine, Seine and Oise, and Bouches du Rhone Communist Party Federations to discuss the question of work among youth, outlined concrete ways of carrying out the main directives of the Elevenths Party Congress in Strasbourg on youth work. The main conclusions of the conferences are as follows:

First, to rectify the underestimation of the importance of work among youth on the part of some Party members, and the neglect of democratic youth organisations which arises mainly from an opportunist fear of anything new and from a sectarian disregard for work among the masses.

The help the Party gives the youth should not be confined to appointing “tutors” who hamper the independence of youth organisations and restrict their initiative. It must be a political assistance, a concrete and lively guidance leaving the young people complete freedom to develop independently.

Second, Communists working among the youth should fight firmly against the tendency to indulge in sterile discussions about the manifold desires of young people and the workers organisational forms of the youth movement. On the basis of their experience they should look more boldly for forms of work corresponding to the tasks of struggle and education (for example, peace caravans or preparation for the youth festival in Budapest). On the other hands by ,their active work, the youth organisations should hold the attention of the entire working class and democratic movement, thus obtaining the assistance to which they can and must lay claim. Far from fearing to make mistakes, they should consider inactivity the greatest evil.

Third, in the struggle to unite the young generation of the working people under the banner of creating a broad united front in defence of peace, it is necessary to help the Communists working in mass youth organisations to unite and educate the greatest possible number of young working people wherever they congregate—at work (trade union youth sections, associations of apprentices, university and high school students), in artistic groups, in cultural and sports societies, particularly in the Sport and Gymnastic Federation of Labour and in the principal democratic organisations, such as the French Republican Youth League and the French Girls’ League whose membership is still far from being as large as it could be.

To make use of youth’s natural enthusiasm in the interests of the common cause of peace, to guide, direct and support the activities of the youth striving for new fields, to give it a perspective of the onward movement to Socialism, to promote, educate and temper new cadres in this struggle—this is the duty of all Communists.

We will fight to secure a wider and more active participation of youth in the struggle of the people to break France away from the camp of imperialism and war, to open the way for a government of democratic unity, to secure the victory of peace and the triumph of Socialism.

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Recently the Polish Youth League celebrated its first anniversary and the anniversary of the Unity Congress at which four Polish youth organisations united. Today the League is a mass organisation taking an active part in building socialist Poland.

The first task of the League was to rally in its ranks the former members of the four youth organisations which differed in ideology and organisational principles. The League fulfilled this task.

But in the work that followed it made some mistakes. The youth organisation mechanically adopted the forms and methods of work of the Party. The League did not set itself the aim of becoming a broad mass organisation, uniting in its ranks all the advanced worker, peasant and student youth. As a result, in January 1949, the League had only 581,000 members, that is, only 15 per cent of the young people in the country.

The Central Committee of the United Workers’ Party of Poland helped the League to correct its mistakes and take a correct path.

During the past seven months, the League has been carrying out large-scale activities in town and countryside, initiating new forms of work and taking into consideration the needs and interests of the youth.

This resulted in the League gaining in numbers and strength. Today it has one million members.

The League has devoted much attention to organising activity among young workers. It has developed emulation among over 200,000 people. At factories and plants, 3,200 youth production brigades have been formed.

The League has considerably improved its educational work among the young people. It has now 3,000 clubs, 2,500 dramatic circles and choirs.

The guidance of the scout movement has also greatly improved. With the help of the League this organisation has rid itself of reactionary influence and its nature has been considerably changed. The Youth League sets itself the task of turning this movement into a millions strong children’s organisation in the next few years, an organisation to educate children in the spirit of Socialism.

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Propagandist with workers on a construction job in Budapest.

[Page 3]



Laszlo Biro Chief of Propaganda Department, Budapest Committee, Hungarian Workers’ Party

Over 60 per cent of all the industrial workers in Hungary are concentrated in Budapest. However, Budapest is not only the industrial centre of Hungary; it is also the political and cultural centre of our country.

After Hungary had been liberated Budapest workers led by the Communist Party were the first to launch a struggle to rehabilitate the national economy and at the same time to give political education to the broad masses of the Hungarian working people.

By August 1947, nearly 7,000 comrades were engaged in agitational work in Budapest. At that time the main shortcoming in our propaganda work was that it reached its highest peaks only during separate campaigns (subscription drive for “Szabad Nep”, and the elections) which methods of convincing the people and giving them individual education were not sufficiently made use of. The [....] of propaganda work was also affected by the fact that in Party organisations only one person was charged with directing this work while the Party committee did not consider that its immediate task was to give guidance to propaganda.

The preparations for the general election of last May helped to improve the quality of political and educational work in our Party as a whole. The leadership of mass propaganda passed completely into the hands of the Party committees. Seventy-five thousand people, many of whom had been trained at special courses, were appointed as propagandists. These propagandists began to prepare their work much better. Apart from regularly studying the propaganda journal, “Nepnevelö” (“The People’s Educator”), they also began to make use of the daily press in their work. However, we are far from satisfied at the theoretical level of our propagandists and are planning to open some special schools and courses for them this autumn.

The Parliamentary election was a victory for the democratic forces, and the propagandists’ work among the working people did much to bring about this victory.

While making a qualitative improvement in our propaganda work, we tried at the same time, on our Central Committee’s directive, to organise it better. Propaganda brigades of 10 to 15 people have been formed in the factories, with the task of conducting systematic propaganda among the workers. At dinner time or he lore work, propagandists discuss with the workers the most important political question of the day on the basis of the material published in “Szabad Nep”, our Party’s central organ. Each of the factory propagandists is allocated a group to work with. He also keeps a record of his work, noting remarks and suggestions for improvements. Propaganda is carried. into the people’s homes by street propaganda brigades of 10 to 20 people, who make regular calls at the houses. They have permanent groups of homes to work in where they keep the people informed of political events and mobilise them to carry out new tasks.

The election struggle showed that we had rather neglected questions of propaganda for production. We were able to eliminate this shortcoming quickly. Whereas formerly our propagandists tackled questions of production by merely putting forward such general slogans as “less waste” and “higher productivity”, they are now utilising the experience of Soviet propagandists, exposing serious shortcomings in production by illustrating them with concrete facts. For example, when Comrade Rakosi pointed out at one of the textile mills that production costs had not been sufficiently cut, propagandists at the mill helped to improve labour discipline by counting up and showing to the workers what it means in terms of money, food and fuel if 4,000 workers each waste one minute.

As a result of the growing activity of our propagandists, the technical experts at the various plants began to improve their contact with the propaganda brigade leaders recognising them as their assistants in the struggle to fulfil the production plan successfully. But the propagandists are still meeting with a number of difficulties in their work at the enterprises. One of these is the fact that in the majority of enterprises, production plans are not fully explained in every shop and to every worker. Because of this, propagandists are often unable to carry out concrete propaganda to secure the realisation of certain tasks, and even though they themselves are advanced workers, cannot show by personal example how the task should be carried out, as is the case with propagandists in the Soviet Union. However, we have already made sure that our propaganda work in the factories is combined with concrete activity to raise the productivity of labour. For example, at the “Egyesult” electric lamp factory, propagandists do not allow any hitch in production to pass unnoticed. After discussing it with the factory administration they explain to their fellow workers not only the reason for the hold-up but also how it could be avoided.

In view of the further growth of our industry, new unskilled workers are coming into the factories, workers who have not been through schools of political education under the Party’s leadership, as the old cadres have.

In this connection one of the most important tasks of the propaganda brigades at the enterprises is to give the new workers political education and to help them improve their qualifications. In this we are following the example of the Soviet propagandists in organising a movement to exchange experience in production. At present our propagandists are widely popularising among the new workers the experience of the advanced workers and are righting against the old tradition of keeping production methods secret. The best qualified Communist workers and advanced workers from among the propagandists help the unskilled workers to master their trade. At the “Hoffer” factory, for example, one propagandist helped his two neighbours to increase their average labour productivity, the one from 95 to 125 per cent and the other from 104 to 124 per cent.

The shortcoming in our propaganda work in this field—and also in other fields of propaganda—is that we do not make enough use of political work to impress upon the workers that the experience they have acquired in the course of many years should be shared with new workers not only to enable them to earn more and, particularly, through a general increase in labour productivity to speed up the development of socialist production, improve the people’s living standards and assure the greater security of our homeland. If we want to make the movement to exchange production experience really one of the incentives of socialist labour emulation, then we must turn it, with our propaganda work, into a mass movement of a political nature.

An important task faces our propagandists in the factories also in the sphere of further developing the movement to set up production brigades. Generally it is now becoming a practice that there is at least one propagandist working in each production brigade. He works with the brigade leader and helps him, educates brigade members, inspiring and convincing those who show any signs of vacillation. Another task of the brigade propagandists is to extend socialist emulation between brigades. Through discussions and workshop wall-newspapers and various diagrams and graphs showing how the plan is being fulfilled they keep the workers informed about the developments and results of emulation.

Although we have had some success in propaganda work in Budapest, we know we face big tasks as yet unsolved in regard to the qualitative improvement of the work. But our progress is always helped by the fact that we rely on the rich experience and achievements of the propagandists of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks). Utilising this experience and improving the propaganda work of Party organisations we shall further enhance our Party’s prestige and influence among the working people of Budapest.

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Pietro Vergani, Members, Central Committee, Communist Party of Italy

Milan Province, including the city of Milan, has a population of nearly 2,500,000. Sixty-one per cent of the adult population is engaged in production, 12.4 per cent in trade and only 11.6 per cent in agriculture (mainly agricultural labourers). The fact that the industrial proletariat is so large is adding to the growth of the Milan Communist Party organisations.

In 1921 the membership of Milan Party organisations was 4,500. On the eve of the April 1945 anti-fascist uprising, the figure was 15,000; the following October the membership had already increased to 107,000 and in 1947 to 150,000. This vast Communist membership, unprecedented in our province, is united in 4,300 basic organisations covering 247 municipalities, thousands of farms and hundreds of enterprises. The 4,300 basic organisations are, in their turn, organised in 400 sections.

Difficulty in guiding the large number of basic organisations arose in the first months after our organisation had emerged from illegality. The development of Party cadres could not keep up with the growth in membership and the requirements of the struggle.

The struggle of the working people at the enterprises, in the towns and village has grown sharper and shortcomings in leadership given to the lower organisations from the centre are becoming increasingly clear. Whereas in the past the lower Party organisations were able to guide the struggle independently in the localities often without asking the federation for direction (and sometimes even opposing its interference in local affairs), now they are continually calling upon the higher bodies to help them.

As the struggle of the working people was made more and more difficult and complex by the organised resistance of the Government and the employers, the interference of the church, the treacherous activity of the reformists (the fifth-column in the General Confederation of Labour) and so on, then the lower Party organisations began to insist (even when the situation did not warrant it) that the federation, its various bodies or leaders, should help to settle local problems. This ended the period of autonomous tendencies in our lower organisations—the result of a poor understanding of the Leninist principles of Party—building-and marked the beginning of the period of coordinated action.

In this new situation, the federation has not shown sufficient leadership. The reason for this is not shown much that its functionaries are weak as that the growing scope of work and the organisational forms of leadership no longer correspond to the new requirements.

It became increasingly necessary for the federation to decentralise its practical leadership. This was also necessary in connection with the selection and promotion of cadres and the need to increase vigilance against ideological deviations and hostile provocations. The situation itself helped to develop a new organisational form in the shape of sectors in the towns and zones in the provinces. At first diffidently, but afterwards more boldly, we organised Milan into five sectors, and the 246 communities of the province into six zones. The establishment of sectors and zones confronted us with a number of difficult problems, such as finance. To solve this we had to mobilise the Party’s resources and rely on local initiative. To meet the problem of cadres we transferred 60 Party factory and office workers, 11 of them women, to full-time Party work. For more than three months now these comrades have been successfully guiding their sectors of work and are acquiring greater experience.

Each sector or zone committee is usually made up of four men and one woman who are on the job full time and twenty comrades who carry on Party work after their day in the factories. Each committee covers an area with a population of 230,000 to 250,000, which includes several big and medium enterprises and hundreds of small ones. In the few months that the sector and zone committees have been operating, we have established in what factories, enterprises, banks and so on, Party organisations exist, which Party members are working there and how they are working. No matter how hard it tried in the past, the federation had been unable to accomplish this.

After the sectors and zones were organised, we encountered certain shortcomings which were afterwards eliminated. For instance, in the beginning the sectors and zones did not fight against the tendency of the section and factory committees to hold them) (sectors and zones) responsible for their work. The federation departments also had a tendency to regard the sector and zone committees as the sole, or nearly the sole, medium of transmitting their directives to the sections, an intermediate link in observing and controlling the work of the lower Party organisations. Thus the committees were beginning to act as a substitute for the federation departments and section committees. The timely interference of the federation secretariat and its organisational department to which the sector and zone committees are subordinate, removed these shortcomings.

During the past three months, these committees have brought to the fore many fine local Party functionaries hitherto unknown to the federation or section. (True, there have also been cases of poor functionaries.) At hundreds of enterprises we are now in a position where we can boldly promote cadres and re-educate or remove those who are hampering the work.

Particularly positive experience has been acquired by the sectors and zones in their leadership of the mass struggle. The “Vigentina” sector, for instance, mobilised its sections and branches together with the working people in the factories and at their homes to support the “Caproni” workers. Dozens of factories downed tools, made collections, and sent delegations to the prefect end mayor to protest at the factories being closed down. The working people acted under the direct leadership of the sections which make up the sector. Posters were put up calling for solidarity with the “Caproni” workers. More than seven million lire and several tons of foodstuffs were collected. Also Christian Democrats, Saragat followers and Republicans were drawn into the “Solidarity Committees”. The Venezia sector carried out similar work with the help of the workers in the “Saffar”, “Bezia” and “Castiglon” plants. The Genova sector organised a struggle in defence of the factories on its territory that were threatened with being closed down, “Filotecnica”, “Isotta Frascine” and “Sizma.” The Seato san Govanni zone organised a struggle against dismissals at the “Magneti Marelli”, “Breda” and other plants.

At least one and often several plants in each zone or sector are threatened with being closed down. Under the leadership of the federation, the Party organisations are waging a struggle against this, mobilising the trade unions and all local organisations. The federation alone would never be able to carry out this big job so quickly and on such a wide scale. The decentralisation of the practical leadership justified our expectations and proved to be absolutely necessary at the given stage of the class struggle.

Full-time Party schools and evening courses have been opened, or are being organised, in every sector or zone. The full-time schools cover a two-month course and the evening schools eight to ten days.

In this work, too, which calls for a patient and careful selection of cadres, the sectors and zones achieved good results. The same can be said about enlivening the work of the branches, collecting membership dues, exchanging Party cards, recruiting new members into the Party and democratic organisations and intensifying the struggle against hostile organisations.

The increased scope and complexity of the work confronted our federation with questions of forming sectors and zones. True to the Leninist organisational principles of the Party, the Milan federation abolished the “schematic” approach in relation to organisational questions and introduced these new forms of organisation, confident that they will serve to strengthen our Party and intensify our struggle for work, peace and, Socialism.

[page 3]


The Plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Italy, held in Rome on July 25 to 30, discussed two important questions: Party cadres and cadres of the mass organisations, and propaganda.

As the meeting opened, members of the Central Committee stood to hear a moving speech by Comrade Togliatti in memory of Comrade G. M. Dimitrov.

In his report on the question of cadres, Comrade Secchia, Deputy General Secretary of the Central Committee, thoroughly analysed the organisational situation in the Italian Communist Party, noting the successes achieved by the Party in extending its influence among the working people and in guiding their struggle during the past twelve months. Comrade Secchia quoted many interesting facts and figures demonstrating these successes. (See article in our last issue). Criticising the shortcomings in Party work Comrade Secchia stressed the uneven development of Party organisations in various regions.

He pointed to the Genoa and Novara Party organisations as examples of good work. He stressed the need to work systematically, taking local conditions into account, and urged Party members “to criticise and deliver blows at passivity, lack of political initiative and any manifestation of opportunism”. The efforts of the Communists, Comrade Secchia concluded, should be “concentrated, above all, on factories, particularly in the great industrial areas, and on improving the work of mass organisations, especially trade unions, the Youth Federation and women’s organisations… We must demand better discipline, we must energetically fight against any failure to fulfil political decisions and directives—the main manifestation of opportunism in our Party—and at the same time intensify ideological work in all forms: schools, study groups and reading circles”.

In his report on propaganda, Comrade Gian Carlo Pajetta pointed out that the ruling Christian Democratic Party had attempted to evade discussions on its policy which aimed at creating animosity and disunity throughout the country. This policy used such means as excommunication to transfer the political struggle into the sphere of religion. The excommunication decree means that the enemy is experiencing difficulties and is going over to the defence. Consequently, the Communists should intensify their propaganda still more, rallying the masses around the vital problems of peace, freedom and the main economic demands of the working people.

Referring to the problem of the church, the speaker stressed that without going into ideological polemics with the church, Party propaganda should expose the imperialist, political and social propaganda of the clergy, defending the country's secular traditions and popularising the ideas of Socialism among the people. An even greater circulation of the Party press, particularly of the newspaper “l’Unita”, should be the centre of attention of the entire Party, he said.

Among the deeply sell-critical contributions to discussion Comrade Tozliatti made a speech of great significance for the future work of the Party. He spoke on the political importance of the tasks set in the report given by Comrade Secchia.

[page 3]


Wilhem Pieck, Chairman, Socialist Unity Party of Germany

At its plenum on July 20 and 21, the Central Board of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany discussed the following agenda: work of the Political Bureau, formation of a National Front, Party measures to raise the productivity of labour and improve the material conditions of the people. Before starling its work, the Plenum honoured the memory of the late Comrade G. M. Dimitrov.

The Plenum co-opted as members of the Central Board, Comrade Gerhardt Eisler and Comrade Henreich Rau, Chairman of the German Economic Commission, who was also made an alternate member of the Political Bureau.

In his report on the work of the Political Bureau, Comrade Otto Grotewohl spoke of a number of important decisions taken by the Political Bureau regarding the elections to the Third German People’s Congress, economic questions in the Soviet zone, the 1949 budget and the negotiations of the German Economic Commission to revive inter-zonal trade.

The Party paid great attention to the problem of resettlement. The reactionary forces in the Western zones, led by the Schumacher followers, are using, especially now, the still difficult conditions of the 11 million resettled people to carry on vile propaganda against the Soviet Union and against the democratic order in the Soviet zone. The governments and parties of the zones are dooming these 11 million people to an existence of hunger and stagnation under inhuman living conditions by depriving them of civil rights. And this is being done with the purpose of directing the growing discontent among these people to demand a revision of the Oder-Neisse frontier. Behind all these manoeuvres is the provocative intention to use the resettled people for war against the Soviet Union and the People’s Democracies.

In the Soviet zone, 85 per cent of the resettled people are engaged in production, 86,000 resettled families have received land plots. The resettlement camps have been done away with since all the people who lived in them have now their own living quarters. In the Soviet zone the resettled people are treated as equal citizens and many of them hold responsible posts in political, social and cultural life. Their conditions are now being examined, on the initiative of the Socialist Unity Party, in order to make the necessary improvements in their material and housing conditions.

The Political Bureau also look up the question of increasing the food ration. Our slogan “produce more—live belter” has already helped to increase the productivity of labour. Production targets for the first half of the year in the Soviet zone were exceeded. The [...] output off industrial and agricultural production is steadily increasing.

As in all other Marshall countries, the “Marshall Plan” has increased unemployment in the Western zones. According to the latest figures there are 1,300,000 unemployed and more than a million part-time workers in the Western zones. The indiscriminate export policy of American monopoly capital is resulting in an increasing number of German enterprises being squeezed out of the competitive market and in the impoverishment of the West German workers. Complying with the orders of the Labour Government, the British military administration is dismantling enterprises which threaten competition.

The imperialist powers are worried by this d:fference between the economic relations in the Soviet zone and Western Germany. That is why they are waging a vicious campaign of slander against our democratic order and peaceful construction. The press and broadcasts of the imperialists are filled with inventions about the speedy collapse of our economy. They send agents and provocateurs into the Soviet zone to spread rumours about war and to organise sabotage at our socialised enterprises. The Political Bureau time and again drew attention to these terrorist and provocative attempts and demanded increased vigilance on the part of all Party organisations. The Party leadership came out sharply against the Schumacher agents and exposed their criminal machinations to the people.

After the Paris conference of Foreign Ministers, the Political Bureau stressed the positive fact contained in the closing communiqué of the Conference which, from the judicial and historical point of view, recognises in principle the need for German unity. This is a basis for continuing our struggle for the unity of Germany. The close relationship between German problems and outstanding events in world politics was explained to the German people in connection with the Paris Conference. The tempestuous economic development in the Soviet Union and the People’s Democracies, the historical victory of the people’s democratic forces of China under the leadership of the Chinese Community Party—all this is having its influence on the change in the relation of forces between the imperialist powers and the forces of peace in Germany.


We can register with satisfaction an improvement in work among the young generation. The Political Bureau noted that the Third Congress of the Free German Youth marked the beginning of a big social turning-point among the youth. In a special “Open Letter” to all Party organisations, the Chairmen of the Socialist Unity Party outlined the cardinal tasks of political work among the youth. Nearly 700,000 members of the Free German Youth are waging a struggle, with all the enthusiasm inherent in youth, against the division of Germany, for peace and for democratic construction. This is borne out by the sweeping growth of the movement of young shock workers: in April there were 2,300 youth shock brigades with a total of 10,000 shock workers, whereas by May 15 there were already 9,749 such brigades with 60,000 shock workers. The Third Congress of the Free German Youth and the great closing demonstration of 200,000 young people reflect the new spirit of our youth: the spirit of internationalism, for close friendly lies with the youth of the Soviet Union and the People’s Democracies. It is the task of our Party and the Free German Youth to give every support to building up a millions strong youth front of struggle for unity, peace and national independence.

The principal question discussed at the Plenum was the question of forming a National Front. Comrade Fred Oelssner reported to the Plenum on the results of discussions on this. It was a question of bringing the Party’s policy into line with the changing situation in Germany. Wherein lies this change? U.S. imperialism is trying to entrench itself in Germany in order, with the help of the “Marshall Plan” and by enslaving Europe, to proceed with its preparations for a new war. This means that the German people must join the anti-imperialist front and unite with the forces of peace throughout the world, headed by the powerful Soviet Union. In keeping with the Occupation Statute, the part of Germany occupied by the Western Powers is, according to their plans, to be turned into a colony of American imperialism.

The division of Germany and the economic policy of the Western Powers have already given rise to serious signs of crisis and greatly worsened the material conditions of the people in the Western zones. Even among the bourgeoisie there is a tendency to resist the measures of the Western occupation authorities. The division of Germany has led to a national disaster, to the German people losing their national independence.

The essential task, therefore, is to save the German nation. All forces who, for different reasons, are against the division of Germany must be united throughout the country in common struggle for unity, for the formation of an all-German government, for the speedy signing of a just peace agreement and the withdrawal of the occupation troops. Such is the task and object of the National Front. The Plenum discussion on this item of the agenda disclosed the difficulties still to be overcome before there could be full clarity on the national question.

If the people launch a struggle against imperialism in defence of their national existence, such a national struggle is progressive and not reactionary. When forming, a National Front, a front of struggle for their national existence, their freedom and independence, the German people will find comrades in struggle in the Soviet Union and People’s Democracies. The struggle of the German people is therefore part of the struggle of the peace-loving countries against the imperialist warmongers.

The Plenum stressed the need for painstaking work to build up a united National Front and adopted the following decision on this question:

The Central Board puts before the Party the task of making a serious study of the national question and building a National Front against the enslavement of the German nation by American imperialism, of drawing the German people into the anti-imperialist camp headed by the powerful Soviet Union. It asks the Political Bureau to work out a programme formulating the Party’s position on the question of a National Front which would be submitted to the next plenum of the Central Board for discussion as a Party directive”.

The Chairman of the German Economic Commission, Comrade Hemnen Rau, reported to the Plenum on the successful fulfilment of the economic plan for the first half of 1919. These successes make it possible to considerably improve supplies. The working people are beginning to realise, more and more, that the improvement of the standard of living depends entirely on raising the level of production. The volume and rate of the growth of production depend on whether or not the crop is harvested in time and without loss, and on through preparations for the spring sowing campaign. Comrade Rau quoted concrete examples to prove the importance of inter-zonal trade in attaining the economic unity of Germany.

The Plenum of the Central Board gave the Party new directives on how to promote mass initiative to raise the productivity of labour, to fulfil our Two Year Plan and improve the organisation of mass work.

[page 4]


The governments of the capitalist countries, the financial and industrial monopolies and their subsidised press are now speaking about such aspects of the approaching economic crisis as can no longer be concealed. Here an attempt is made to “dispel the panic” and to put a good face on a losing game by describing the beauties of “economic restoration in Western Europe” and the “growing might of the United States”.

But murder will out! Ugly reality becomes increasingly obvious, even in the statistical reports of various bourgeois organs and international organisations.

Of great interest in this respect is the closing part of the report on the world economic situation published by the United Nations Secretariat on July 28. In this report we read that the post-war growth of industrial and agricultural production slowed down in 1948 in all countries, with the exception of the Soviet Union and the People’s Democracies where, as the report points out, industry and agriculture are developing apace. The beginning of 1949 was marked by a sharp slump in industrial and agricultural production in the capitalist countries.

In the United States industrial production dropped by 3 per cent at the beginning of 1949 compared with the last three months of 1948. Also the value of the dollar depreciated. Unemployment has increased not only in industry but also in agriculture. In 1948 the number of agricultural workers was 1,800,000 lower than in 1947. Even according to United States official figures, there are now 5 million unemployed in the

country, and there is every reason to believe, as Henry Wallace warned recently, that this figure may run into 10 million next year.

According to official statistics, industrial production dropped by 10 per cent between March and June compared with the maximum post-war figure. Steel smelling decreased on the average by 24.2 per cent in July.

In spite of loans and the “Marshall Plan” dictate, U.S. exports are decreasing. Compared with 1947, U.S. exports in 1948 dropped by 18 per cent in value and 23 per cent in volume.

In an effort to avert the crisis at the expense of the ruin and enslavement of other capitalist countries, the profit-fattened U.S. monopolists are only aggravating the economic difficulties of these countries. By throwing these countries also into a crisis, they are in no way saving themselves from catastrophe. This is the logic of the development of capitalism.

Industrial production in the countries of Western Europe dropped in the first quarter of 1949 compared with the same period in 1948. Unemployment is increasing rapidly. In three months of 1949 alone the number of registered unemployed in France increased [...] and British zones of Germany it nearly doubled, in Holland it doubled, in Norway early doubled, in Switzerland nearly trebled, and so on.

In 1949 agricultural production, which in the majority of the West European countries did not even reach the pre-war level, began to slump. In most of the countries of Western Europe the consumption of meat in the first quarter was only 60-70 per cent of the pre-war figure. The report notes that in Western Europe prices continued to rise in 1918 on products and essential commodities while wages only went up by a much smaller percentage. This brought down the real earnings of the working people.

Trade between the West European countries in 1948 reached only 70 per cent of the pre-war level. The United States directed the foreign trade of these countries which are dependent on her, along the most advantageous channels from the American point of view. The U.S. exported grain, coal, timber, textiles and other products to these countries, all of which they could have successfully purchased in Europe on far more favourable terms. By increasing its exports to Western Europe, the U.S. intensified the “hard dollar famine” in the West European countries. In 1948 West European exports did not even reach the 1938 level, the lowest of all the pre-war years, and came to only 66 per cent of the 1947 figure. However, U.S. exports to Western Europe exceeded imports from these countries by 246 per cent. As a result Western Europe’s foreign trade with the United States in 1948 registered a deficit of 3,247 million dollars.

Analysed according to countries, this deficit presents the following picture: Britain—390 million dollars, France—509 million dollars, Italy—297 million dollars, Western Germany—862 million dollars, Holland—246 million dollars, Belgium and Luxemburg—200 million dollars, Switzerland— 69 million dollar, Norway—57 million dollars, Sweden—30 million dollars, Denmark—35 million dollars, and so on.

Thus, in addition to depriving the West European countries of their political independence, the U.S. is now tightening the dollar noose around their necks and dragging them into the gulf of economic crisis. The first signs of this crisis are at hand: decreased production, growing unemployment, devaluation of currency, sharpening of class contradictions inside the capitalist countries and contradictions between these countries, a fact which is also mentioned in the report of the U.N. Secretariat.

At the end of World War Two, the United States increased the flow of its capital to the countries of Latin-America, Asia, the Far and Near East and to Africa, squeezing out British capital everywhere. In 1948 U.S. loans and subsidies to foreign states, as well as direct U.S. monopoly capital investments in foreign countries, totalled 6,693 million dollars. Special note is made of the fact that 45 per cent of direct American monopoly capital investments which reached the sum of 1,498 million dollars in 1948, was invested in colonial and semi-colonial countries. The intensified penetration of American capital in the British colonies and in the West European countries can only cause alarm among the West European trusts and monopolies which are not inclined to give up their sources of superprofits to the stock-brokers on the other side of the Atlantic without a fight. It is clear that the contradictions inside the imperialist camp will intensify as the crisis draws nearer.

The conclusions arising from the U.N. report speak of an approaching crisis in the capitalist countries. These conclusions are daily borne out by new data. According to the U.S. Federal Reserve Administration, the July index of industrial production will show a further drop of from 4 to 6 points, which means a decline of more than 16 per cent during the last months. The number of bankruptcies in the United States is increasing. According to the “Dann and Bradstreet” statistical bureau, 4,581 firms went bankrupt in the first half of the year, their liabilities exceeding 232 million dollars, whereas in the first half of 1948 the number of bankruptcies reached 2,543 with liabilities standing at 97 million dollars.

The British press also reports a further worsening of Britain’s economic and financial position. Thus, the financial observer of the “Daily Mail” writes that the general uneasiness about the financial and economic prospects has again led to sales on the stock exchange.

The tentacles of the approaching crisis are reaching out wherever the laws of the capitalist method of production prevail. Thus, in the Western sectors of Berlin, the economic situation is sharply deteriorating and the press reports that unemployment is “growing at a frightening rate”. In the last two weeks of July alone the number of unemployed increased by another 16,000 and, according to official figures, reached nearly 200,000. Industrial production in the Western sectors of Berlin was cut by half compared with the end of 1947.

All these facts make it clear that the notorious “Marshall Plan”, so highly praised by Wall Street’s West European lackeys, has been an utter failure. Not only has this “Plan” failed to promote the economic recovery of the West European countries. On the contrary it has brought these countries face to face with an unprecedented crisis which threatens to set back West Europe’s economy tens of year. Only the blind cannot see this. Nor, for that matter, has the “Marshall Plan” saved the United States from crisis. That is why its author was compelled to go into retirement, and why U.S. ruling circles began to turn their attention to the colonies of their West European satellites. That is why they are now mapping out an extensive armaments programme both for the United States and for Western Europe. The rulers of the capitalist countries are now resorting to their last radical measure to ward off the approaching crisis: armaments and war preparations, directing this, above all, against the Soviet Union and the People’s Democracies.

This is quite comprehensible. Along with the capitalist system of economy there exists the socialist system and the system of the People’s Democracies which have taken the path of Socialism. In the steady growth of their national economy, the flowering of their culture and rapid improvement in the material well-being of the working people they are demonstrating to the world the superiority of the socialist system of economy over the capitalist system. It suffices to point out that in the second quarter of 1949, industrial production in the Soviet Union increased by 20 per cent compared with the second quarter of last year. The average daily (24 hours) gross output for 1949 is 41 per cent higher than the 1940 pre-war level. This is something the bourgeois press cannot conceal, neither with false statistics nor with fancy phrases about the “prosperity of the West”.

It is no accident, therefore, that the “Gazette de Lausanne”, in an article entitled. “Economic Difficulties”, (July 2), gloomily wrote: “The Western world ... which has politically just shown its superiority in a debate with Russia (are they referring to the policy of the high-handed dictate which has proved all utter failure? P.T.), may suffer an economic setback which would therefore jeopardise everything”.

Comparing the successes of the socialist economy in the Soviet Union and the successes of the national economies in the People’s Democracies which have taken the path of building Socialism with the decline in production, growing unemployment and the worsening economic situation in the capitalist countries with its impoverishment of the working people—the working people and progressives of the world are more and more beginning to realise the truth of Comrade Stalin’s words that the capitalist system of economy is unstable and bankrupt, that it is already living its last days and must give way to another higher, Soviet, socialist system of economy.

Life itself shows the people’s masses of the capitalist countries that the only way they can escape all the consequences of the approaching crisis is to strengthen the democratic camp and intensify the struggle for democracy and Socialism.

P. Todorov

[page 4]


Jerzy Albrecht, Member, Central Committee, United Workers’ Party of Poland

At the present stage of the struggle for Socialism in Poland, the tasks of shaping a new, socialist outlook among the people and the Party’s struggle for a culture with a socialist content are becoming of decisive importance.

The criticism of our cultural life, made by the Plenum of the Central Committee of the Polish Workers’ Party in August 1948 marked the starling point of the Party’s offensive on this important sector of the ideological front.

Exposing the danger of the Right and nationalist deviation in the Party, the Plenum also pointed to its harmful effect on the cultural front: a liberal and eclectic attitude to questions of cultural development the influence of hostile bourgeois ideology on literature and art and lack of resistance to these harmful and dangerous tendencies.

The Unity Congress extended the criticism of the state of culture by pointing out that creative work was being isolated from the main problems of life, and the struggle and aspirations of the working class. It further showed that the cultural front was seriously lagging behind the general front of the Party’s struggle for laying the foundation of Socialism in Poland.

The sharpening struggle between the forces of progress, peace and Socialism led by the Soviet Union, and the imperialist camp has faced us with the urgent task of fighting cosmopolitanism in culture, for it is with the help of this weapon that American imperialism hopes to weaken the peoples ideologically.

The April Plenum of our Party drew the serious attention of the membership to the danger of the penetration of hostile ideology in our ranks. In his report on the Party’s tasks in the struggle for peace, Comrade Bierut, Chairman of the Central Committee of the Party, said: “In our country cosmopolitanism in culture is expressed by an under estimation of the people’s cultural achievements, by rejecting our own progressive traditions, by worship of decadent capitalist culture and its various perversions and often by a servile admiration for American science, literature and art. In our country the struggle against cosmopolitanism, against this worship for everything foreign and against nihilism goes hand in hand with the struggle against nationalism and chauvinism which up till now were the main expressions of anti-proletarian ideology”.

The Party faces the task of fighting for a new culture closely bound to the life and struggle of the working class, infused with the spirit of proletarian internationalism, of genuine patriotism and a love for the homeland and—in contrast to cosmopolitanism and nihilism—with a profound love for the progressive cultural heritage of our people.

Fighting for a culture national in form and socialist in content, we must bring about a profound change in the political and ideological outlook of our intellectuals, helping them to free themselves from the pernicious ideological heritage. We must expose the reactionary and decadent nature of the degenerating culture of the imperialist world and discover a new way to express in art the beginnings of a new, socialist life.

Aware of these tasks, looking for new con lent for our culture expressing the socialist nature of the country’s development and which, at the same time, is linked with our great historical heritage, we celebrate the anniversaries of Mickiewicz, Slowacki, Chopin and Pushkin. For the first lime millions of people in Poland are able to appreciate and understand the real, undistorted greatness of their advanced and humanitarian creative work.

We are also faced with the task of developing culture among the broad masses of the people.

The struggle of the Party on the Polish cultural front is now developing along these two lines. In this struggle we already have some achievements to our credit although on many sectors we are still lagging behind our tasks.

In the Party’s offensive on the cultural front we try to utilise the rich experience of the Soviet Union, the experience of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks), the builder of the socialist culture of the Soviet peoples. The experience of the Soviet Union leaches us of the great creative role played by the Party’s Marxist criticism and by the deep interest taken by the Party in developing socialist culture. In our press and among our progressive intelligentsia, we have been able to popularise the cultural achievements of the Soviet Union and the decisions of the CPSU(B) on ideological questions. But this work is still insufficient.

We were faced with specific tasks in the struggle for a new literature which would reflect Polish life and the construction of Socialism. The literature which is developing is still to a large extent based on old subjects and on passive descriptions of the life of the people under the German occupation. There is little reflection of the life and the struggle of the working class and the creative development of our life today.

Our Party is giving much attention and effort to the ideological education of Party and non-Party writers and to improving literary criticism. In view of this, the Congress of the Writers’ Union held early this year in Stettin was very significant. It had been preceded by a number of Party meetings and ideological discussions.

The national conference of playwrights and theatre critics held in June concentrated its work on giving a critical estimation of modern Polish drama. It was marked by business-like criticism and self-criticism and by the strenuous efforts of our writers to reflect the new features of our life in their plays.

Until this year, our theatres were flooded with feeble plays often with a hostile ideology. This year’s theatre shows a marked change. The number of plays of no social value are now at a minimum. But there are now 40 plays by Soviet authors running, instead of 18 as before. The Soviet plays are very successful and are a model for modern Polish drama, helping to crystallise the features of Poland’s realistic theatre. The festival of Soviet plays scheduled for this autumn will, undoubtedly, make the achievements of the Soviet theatre still more popular and will accelerate the process of the ideological transformation of our own theatre.

A big change has taken place in our theatre audiences, although their composition still does not fully satisfy us. More and more workers and intellectuals are now visiting our theatre.

In our struggle for socialist realism and to cleanse art from hostile characteristics, we are meeting with great difficulties in the plastic arts. Plastic arts, particularly painting, are still greatly influenced by the decadent trends prevailing in the West—formalism and its most degenerated form, abstractionism. A considerable section of Polish painters and sculptors are still following these decadent trends. The Congress of the Painters’ Union held in June in Katowice and which had been preceded by a national Party conference of painters, carried out its work under the slogan of fighting for socialist realism against formalism. A practical result of the Congress decisions will be the exhibition of painting and sculpture to be held early in 1950.

The national Party conference of architects held in June critically considered modern trends in architecture, exposed the sources of the formalist trends and outlined ways of developing our architecture as an art which should correspond to our development along the path to Socialism, basing itself on the traditions of the creative work of our people.

The struggle against formalism in music started last autumn and has already been reflected in the first strivings of our composers. A valuable contribution to this was made by the festival of folk art in Warsaw. But music and music criticism are still bogged down by formalism and remain the most backward sector in culture.

Our Party is strenuously fighting to rid science of harmful bourgeois theories and to do away with the servile attitude of some scientific workers, and their uncritical altitude to the bourgeois science of the West. It should be pointed out that propaganda of the advanced achievements of Soviet science, particularly the wide popularisation of the result of the research of Michurin and Lysenko, have had a great effect on Polish scientist. A considerable role was played by the conference of Polish biologists called on the initiative of “Nowe Drogi”, the Party’s theoretical organ. The discussion following Professor Dembowski’s report met with a lively response from scientific workers.

Along with the unremitting struggle for socialist reorganisation of our culture, the Party is strenuously working to popularise the achievements of culture and to eliminate the cultural backwardness of the masses. Success in this work is expressed by a rapid growth of the circulation of books and periodicals and the steady increase of reader. Whereas in 1939 the total circulation of newspapers in Poland was 1,480,000, that is one newspaper for every 32 people, this year the total circulation is more than 3,750,000, or one newspaper for every 6 people. The total circulation of weeklies is 7,500,000, while the circulation of books is more than two and a half times above the pre-war figure. A large-scale campaign is being carried out to eliminate illiteracy, a bitter legacy of the capitalist system.

The growing desire of the people for education and culture is evident from the mass scale of the cultural and educational work being carried out by trade unions and the Peasant League of Mutual Assistance. In factory clubs there are now 2,000 amateur dramatic circles and 1,300 workers’ choirs—and their number is going up all the time. At present the Party is devoting much attention to raising the ideological and political level of this mass cultural and educational work now developing in the workers’ and peasants’ clubs.

All these measures are merely the first steps in the struggle for a socialist con lent in culture and for the liquidation of the backwardness in the cultural development of the broad masses of the people. The tasks facing us call for further efforts and the complete mobilisation of all the Party’s forces for work in this important sector of the ideological front.

[page 4]


(In Memory of Ernst Thaelmann),

Walter Ulbricht, Member Political Bureau, Chairman of Secretariat, Socialist Unity Party of Germany


Five years ago, in August 1944, Ernst Thaelmann, outstanding leader of the German working-class movement, was murdered on orders of the fascist government. On August 18, the German workers and peace-loving forces of the world will honour the memory of the great leader of the working class who, during the Weimar period, led the struggle of the working people of Germany against the revival of German imperialism, for peace and the rights of the peoples.

For eleven and a half years the fascist jailers kept Ernst Thaelmann in solitary confinement, isolating him from the outside world, subjecting him to horrible torture. But no Gestapo, no farfetched stories about the “strength of the Hitler State”, no reports about the temporary military successes of the German army could shake Thaelmann’s profound confidence in the victory of the progressive forces. On one occasion when a Gestapo official, studying a pile of German newspapers, began to predict the collapse of the Soviet Union, Ernst Thaelmann replied: “The Soviet State has already existed for 20 years. The Third Reich will not last that long.”

When German troops were near Moscow and Leningrad a Gestapo jailer mockingly asked Thaelmann: “Well, what have you to say for yourself now? Soviet Russia is done for!” “Stalin will break Hitler’s neck!” replied Thaelmann.

The fascist bandits feared Ernst Thaelmann even when he was in prison. His name became the symbol of fearless struggle against fascist German imperialism and militarism, the struggle for peace, freedom and a better future for the people. When Hitler fascism was mortally wounded by the Soviet Army and the Hitler clique felt its end drawing near, it decided to get rid of Ernst Thaelmann.

The murder of the leader or the German working class was well planned. In 1943, Ernst Thaelmann was transferred from prison in . Hanover to the Bautzen prison. Even after they had decided to murder Thaelmann, the Hitler-ites wanted to cover up any clue to their crime. That is why the Gestapo arrested Thaelmann’s wife and comrade, Rosa, and their daughter Irma. In this way the murder was hidden for some time. Ernst Thaelmann was secretly removed from Bautzen and killed by the Gestapo. The newspapers, however, reported that he was killed in Buchenwald during an Anglo-American air raid. Before their end, the Hitler beasts had decided to inflict a heavy blow on the German working class and the German people by murdering Ernst Thaelmann.

After August Bebel and Karl Liebknecht, Ernst Thaelmann was the most popular leader of the German workers, a people’s tribune of the new type. While Karl Liebknecht, in the autumn of 1914, took up the struggle against the imperialist war and and the domination of war criminals in his country, thus saving the honour of the German working-class movement at a time when the Right social democrat leaders had sunk so low as to vote for war credits, Ernst Thaelmann was tempering a mass party of the German working class to guide the struggle against imperialism and slavery, and for Socialism.

Ernst Thaelmann embodied the finest traditions of the German working-class movement, of the militancy displayed during the period of Bismark’s Anti-Socialist Law, of the struggle for the purity of the teachings of Marx and Engels, the struggle against Prussian militarism, the heroism of Karl Liebknecht and the striking workers of 1917-1918. Ernst Thaelmann combined these priceless qualities with the teachings of Lenin and Stalin. On the basis of scientific Socialism, Marx and Engels built up an independent working-class movement in Germany which was later betrayed in the period of militarism, at the beginning of the first world war, by the leadership of German social democracy. The historical service rendered by Ernst Thaelmann lies in the fact that he transformed the Communist Party, founded by Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg, into a revolutionary mass party, that he was the first to systematically introduce the teachings of Lenin and Stalin into the German working-class movement and among the German people.

During the Weimar Republic, when the German imperialist magnates and big landlords consolidated their power and began to pursue their policy of revenge, when the social democratic leaders proclaimed their allegiance to Hindenburg, it was Ernst Thaelmann who showed the German people the path to national liberation. It was Ernst Thaelmann who raised the question of the Party boldly taking the Lenin line on questions of foreign policy and struggle against the Versailles system and the Young Plan. Thaelmann wrote:

“It must be stated once and for all, comrades, that anti-Leninist views are current in our circles, conceptions that we ought not to be proud of our role in the period from Versailles to the present day, the role of the only Party which is waging a resolute and honest struggle for the national liberation of the working people of Germany, conceptions to the effect that contradictions allegedly exist between our policy and proletarian internationalism.”

Thaelmann went on to say that all obstacles to national liberation had to be removed without loss of time.

Ernst Thaelmann tirelessly warned the working people of the dangers of fascism and war. In his speech of June 10, 1929 he stated that never before had the fascist danger been so near as then. Pointing to the fascist coup d’état in Yugoslavia, to the “colonels’ government” in Poland and to the fascist movement in Austria he went on to say:

“We are faced with the fact of the growing fascist movement in Germany, the spread of fascism in the factories, the growth of fascist military organisations, the increased votes for the National Socialists during the elections in Saxony. The forms and methods applied by fascism in the different countries to attain power vary, but everywhere it acts not only as the strongest weapon of suppressing the workers but also as the instigator of war against the Soviet Union.”

When drawing up the programme of the national and social liberation movement in December 1931, which the Communist Party proposed to the working people as a basis for uniting all forces, Ernst Thaelmann again showed up the danger of fascism and war against the U.S.S.R.

When Germany was in the grip of a profound crisis, Ernst Thaelmann pointed out to the mass of the people the fundamental difference between the crisis, unemployment and ruin of the working peasantry in the capitalist countries and the elimination of unemployment, the construction of new huge industrial enterprises and of large-scale collective and state farms, and the triumph of Socialism in the Soviet Union as a result of the realisation of the Five- Year Plan in four years.

Ernst Thaelmann was a great champion of the truth about the Soviet Union. With passionate enthusiasm he impressed upon the German people that the way to a happy future was possible only in close contact with the land of progress—the Soviet Union. In 1932, when an anti-Soviet campaign was whipped up, Ernst Thaelmann stated:

“We know of a country where there is no fascism, where it would be impossible for fascist murderers to do their bloody work on the streets of workers’ districts, as is the case in Germany. That country is the Soviet Union. It is the country where there is no unemployment. It is the country which is showing the proletariat of all countries a great example of the revolutionary solution and of socialist construction. The struggle against fascism is, at the same time, a struggle in defence of the Soviet Union.”

Ernst Thaelmann realised that it was all-important to convince and unite the working class. He tirelessly explained to the workers how to organise a united militant front in the factories, in the towns and villages. He gave concrete detailed instructions and advice on how the working people should defend their democratic rights, the right of assembly, of demonstrations and freedom of the press, how to defend the trade unions and other workers’ organisations against the terror of the Storm troopers.

In July 1932, Ernst Thaelmann held a conference with Social Democratic workers who put questions to him. He outlined the situation to them and explained the need to establish a united front, to organise a joint anti-fascist struggle. Replying to the question of the Social Democrats as to whether the Communists were genuine in their desire for a united front, Thaelmann said:

“How can we, Communists, be anything else but genuine in our desire for a proletarian anti-fascist united front in face of the danger of Germany being turned into a country of gallows and medievalism?”

In July 1932, the Prussian Government was overthrown as a result of the von Papen coup d’état Ernst Thaelmann suggested to the Central Boards of the Social Democratic Party and the Trade Unions that they should organise a general strike. The Social Democratic leaders, however, opposed this mass movement, for, in their opinion, it was necessary to appeal to the State Tribunal” and “wait for the results of the coming election”.

On January 30, 1933, when Hindenburg relinquished power to the gangster Hitler—an hour of great danger for the German working class movement and the German people— Thaelmann proposed to the Social Democrat and trade union leaders that a joint struggle should be launched to do everything to overthrow the Hitler Government, on the lines of the successful struggle in 1920 against the Kapp putsch. The leadership of the Social Democratic Party ref used to cooperate.

But at that time the German working class and the anti-Hitler forces of the German people could not muster sufficient strength to prevent fascism coming to power.

By taking advantage of the disastrous situation caused by the crisis, the treachery of the Social Democratic top leadership, Nazism succeeded in once again splitting the German working class. Sectarian mistakes and weaknesses in Communist Party policy hampered the Party from overcoming the difficulties facing it and creating an anti-fascist united front.

The Communist Party organisations that went underground fought together with the Social Democratic groups and the democratic intelligentsia against fascist barbarity. The cadres educated by Ernst Thaelmann in the spirit of Marxism-Leninism passed through the most terrible trials. The majority of the people who worked in the closest contact with Ernst Thaelmann, such as John Scheer, Edgar Andre, Fiete Schulze, August Luttgens and many others, were murdered by the fascist hangmen. German anti-fascists had fought in the ranks of the “Thaelmann” battalion in Spain. And when German fascism attacked the Soviet Union, German Communists fought in partisan detachments behind the lines at Minsk, in East Prussia, in Poland and Silesia.

Ernst Thiemann’s conviction that the heroic Soviet people would smash German fascism was true. Under the guidance of Generalissimo Stalin, esteemed so greatly by Thaelmann, the Hitler armies were destroyed and the basis for peaceful democratic development laid in a third of Germany’s territory. Ernst Thaelmann did not live to see victory. But his work has been carried on by Wilhelm Pieck. Under the leadership of Wilhelm Pieck and Otto Grotewohl, working class unity has been won and the Socialist Unity Party created, the Party which bases its work in the struggle on the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin.

In close friendship with the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks) and the working class parties in other countries, the Socialist Unity Party will complete the work for which our comrade, Ernst Thaelmann, gave his strength and his life,

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In 1945, sometime after Rumania had been liberated by the Soviet Army, there were 4,223,751 illiterate and semi-illiterate people in the country, that is, over a quarter of the total population. The elimination of illiteracy became one of the vital tasks of the People’s Democratic Republic.

But due to the large-scale explanatory work carried out by Party, trade union and women’s organisations and also by the Ministry of Education in 1948-49, 501,105 people attended illiteracy schools compared with 325,657 in the previous school year.

In the last school year 38,410 teachers and 16,215 volunteers from among workers and intellectuals took part in the work to wipe out illiteracy. Courses were organised at 14,163 schools. In places where there were no schools, teachers held classes a home. In many regions the attendance was particularly high.

In the Tecuci, Odorhei, Batosani and Mures regions there were one and a half limes more students than on the official registers. The success of the courses is explained by the people’s great thirst for knowledge. Having finished the course, a 47 year old Jassy worker, Odaischi Jon, said : “I have not only learnt how to read and write. My mind has become clear. I know what path we must follow. I know who are our enemies and who are our friends.”

The people’s democratic power in Rumania sets itself the task of completely eliminating illiteracy in the country in the next few years.

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In spite of intimidation by the Australian Labour Party, the Australian coal miners have decided to continue their strike until their demands are granted.

The fact that the Australian Government has brought in over 1,000 troops to work open-cast mines, in an attempt to break the strike, has heightened their resolution to stand firm.

The altitude of the Government can be judged by the statement of Mr. Calwell, Minister for Immigration, who declared: “The best place for these people (the miners) is a concentration camp.”

It is interesting to note that while they are launching large-scale attacks on the miners who are demanding better living conditions and nationalisation of the mines, the Government has at the same lime officially invited the crew of the Amethyst to “honour” Australia with a visit. The Amethyst is the British warship which opened fire on the Yangtse as the Chinese People’s Liberation Army advanced.

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The anti-Communist and anti-democratic witch-hunt which goes hand in hand with the policy of preparations for a new war is steadily growing in scale in the United States. The “ideological purge” is sweeping through nearly all U.S. universities.

Well-known professors of ten or fifteen years’ standing are sacked from their pasts on suspicion of having “dangerous thoughts”.

Dr. George Baxter was expelled from the Evansville Methodist College in Indiana two days after he had taken the chair al a Wallace meeting. Dr. Richard G. Morgan, curator of the Ohio State Museum for twelve years, was sacked for his anti-fascist activity. Another professor, Lyman R. Bradly, has lost his post in Washington Square College, New York, for helping refugees from Franco Spain. These men are only typical examples of dozens of similar cases quoted in the journal “Masses and Mainstream.”

But this is not all. The campaign against “dangerous thoughts” has now spread to text-books. In several institutions, the administrative councils are now scouring text-books for suspicious phrases.

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Each year more and better summer holidays are becoming available for Poland’s children.

This year the Executive of the Miners’ Union allocated 416 million zloty for holidays for miners’ children, which will send 72,000 children away. The Miners’ Union is also opening rest homes for mothers with children for the first time this year.

The Iron and Steel Worker’ Union is giving 39,000 children holidays.

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Although the semi-feudal, reactionary Teheran Government has banned the Tudeh Party of Iran, the working class Party of democracy and peace, the Party is continuing to fight for Iran’s national independence.

In a recent declaration, the Party’s Central Committee called on the people not to submit to the dictatorship of ruling circles, to fight every new attack on their liberty and every new oppression, to be in the vanguard of the fight for peace.

The declaration exposes the corrupt anti-popular policy of the Iran Government which is in the grip of the Anglo-American imperialists.

Encouraged by Wall Street, the Iran Government has intensified open persecution of democratic organisations and people in the country. Recently a Teheran military court sentenced five member of the Tudeh Party to death in their absence.

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Bedri Spahiu, Secretary, Central Committee, Workers’ Party of Albania

The recent trial in Tirana, capital of the People’s Republic of Albania, of the traitor group headed by the enemy of the people, Kochi Xoxe, is still further proof of the criminal designs of the traitor Tile’s bourgeois-nationalist clique against our country. Pushed to the wall by irrefutable facts, the traitors to the Albanian people, headed by the arch-bandit Kochi Xoxe were not only compelled to admit their ties with the bourgeois degenerate Tito whom they served, but also to lay bare, link by link, the whole chain of foul intrigues which the bourgeois-nationalist clique of the Belgrade Duce had been carrying on for a number of years against the People’s Republic of Albania,

The Tito-ites started their evil intrigues against the Albanian people long ago when tens of thousands of Albanian patriots were waging a heroic struggle alongside the courageous peoples of Yugoslavia against the Hitler hordes. Inflated with ideas of a Greater Serbia, the nationalist Tito ascending to power hoped to take advantage of the favourable situation brought about in the Balkans by The Soviet Army’s historical victories to carry out his predatory imperialist plans. Under cover of socialist slogans Tito tried to gain a dominant position in the national-liberation movement of the Balkan peoples, to take command of the people’s armies in the Balkans and, in the guise of a Balkan Federation, build up a Greater Serbian empire which, as is now apparent, was to serve as a base for future aggression against the Soviet Union.

Dreaming of turning Albania, as well as other Balkan countries, into his colony, the third-rate Belgrade tsar decided first of all to remove the main obstacle—the Albanian Communist Party. With this aim in view the renegade Tito sent his agent Tempo (Vukmanovic) to Albania as early as the spring of 1943 with the assignment of forming a Trotskyite group from the least stable elements in our Party. Vukmanovic found loyal assistants and agents for the nationalist Tito in Kochi Xoxe and Pandi Kristo who held leading posts in our Party. Skilfully playing on the ambition of these careerists, infected with a petty-bourgeois ideology, Vukmanovic was able to whet their desire for power. Making use of these people, he began to interfere in the internal affairs of the Albanian Communist Party.

The first hostile act against the Central Committee of our Party taken by Tito through Vukmanovic was to accuse the Central Committee of opportunism in connection with its attitude to the Albanian nationalist organisation “Balli Kombetar”.

Formed and guided by the reactionary Albanian feudal nobility, this semi-fascist organisation which, while presenting itself as the leader of the national-liberation movement, in actual fact pinned down the forces of the Albanian people and did everything to hold them back from taking action against the Italian fascist occupiers, was as much an enemy of the Communist-led people’s liberation army, as were the Italian invaders. But there were many genuine patriots in the “Balli Kombetar” who had been deceived into joining this anti-people’s organisation. That is why the Central Committee of our Party resolved, before taking armed action against the organisation, to win away from its pro-fascist leadership the mass of workers and peasants by exposing the aims of the organisation, and its ties with the occupiers. The Tito-ites, however, being interested in weakening the Albanian people’s liberation front and in pursuing their evil aims, insisted on immediate action against the “Balli Kombetar".

It is worth noting that, at the time, the Italian Black Shirts were inciting the leaders of “Balli Kombetar” to provoke a speedy armed struggle against the revolutionary troops of the People’s Liberation Front. Thus, as far back as the spring of 1943 the aims of the traitor Tito with regard to the Albanian people fully coincided with the plans of Mussolini.

The Central Committee of our Party defended the only correct line of struggle at the time and, in spite of the foul accusations made by the Yugoslav Trotskyites, refused to be hurried into instigating an internecine struggle. In a short space of time the Albanian Communists, through extensive explanatory work, won over the mass of the more conscious workers and peasants from “Balli Kombetar” and subsequently cleared the organisation of the remaining bandits.

Though they had been defeated in their first attempt to bring pressure to bear on our Central Committee and to dictate to it, the Tito-ite nationalists still did not lay down arms. They continued, with the help of their agents Kochi Xoxe and Pandi Kristo, to undermine the unity and consolidation of our Party, doing this with increasing insolence and persistence. As a result of gross interference in the internal affairs of the Party carried out under the slogans of Communism and Internationalism by Tito’s representative, Velimir Stoinic, the Belgrade nationalists succeeded—thanks to the splitting activities of Kochi Xoxe, Pandi Kristo and their accomplices—in starting an anti-Marxist trend at the second plenum of the Central Committee of the Albanian Communist Party, held in Berat in November 1944. The aim of this group was to subordinate the Party’s policy to Tito’s nationalist headquarters, to remove Enver Hodja and other leading figures who held a Marxist position from the Party leadership, to break the friendship between Albania and the Soviet Union and to prepare the ground for the annexation of our country. Applying putsch methods, the Yugoslav Trotskyites imposed a programme on our leading organs at the Berat plenum, This programme, the antithesis of the national liberation struggle and the independent development of our country, became known as the “Berat turning point.”

Addressing the plenum with a speech in justification of the “programme” which was nothing less than an expression of the imperialist, predatory aims of Tito, this representative of the Yugoslav traitor, Velimir Stoinic, openly proclaimed that there was only one path, only one perspective open to Albania after her liberation; and this was “Balkan confederation and even, perhaps, something bigger than a confederation.” The Tito emissary did not use the word “colony”, but the subsequent course of events showed that this was the fate the Yugoslav nationalists were preparing for Albania. In a tone that brooked no opposition, Stoinic demanded that the Albanian Communists should impress upon their people the need and inevitability of Albania joining a Balkan confederation, that they should marshal all forms of propaganda—both oral and published—to sing Tito’s praises.

Speaking of the Berat plenum, mention should be made of the complete change of front presented by the political adventurers of the Tito gang. Only a year and a half before, they had accused the Central Committee of opportunism because plans to strike a crushing blow at the “Balli Kombetar” and destroy the out-and-out fascist gangsters excluded the thousands of honest peasants and workers drawn into the treacherous organisation under false slogans. But when the country was on the eve of its complete liberation, when masses of loyal patriots broke all contact with the organisation, when the miserable remnants of its gangs were smashed and the "Balli Kombetar” ceased to exist as a political organisation, when the ringleaders of the organisation, such as Tsen Elezi, were on the verge of being arrested and brought up for trial for their crimes against the people—then the political gangsters of Tito’s outfit sow fit to insist, through Velimir Stoinic, that the ringleaders of the “Balli Kombetar” should be included in the General Council of the People’s Liberation Front.

It goes without saying that the need to extend the basis of the people’s liberation front was the explanation offered for this change of tune which they claimed was based on Marxist

dialectics. Actually the Yugoslav nationalists needed this “extended basis” in order to strengthen their agency in Albania by placing rabid fascists of the “Balli Kombetar” in the country’s leading organs, and then with its help, gain full control of our country. Such are Tito’s colonising “dialectics.”

After our country had been liberated from the Hitler invaders, the Yugoslav Trotskyites, taking advantage of the split in the leadership of our Party which followed the Berat plenum and was maintained by the group of Kochi Xoxe and Pandi Kristo, began to come out more and more strongly against Enver Hodja, Mehmet Shehu, Nako Spiru and other leaders of our Part y who defended its general line, fought for Albania’s national and economic independence, friendship with the Soviet Union and the further strengthening of economic, political and cultural ties with the land of Socialism. In their vicious attacks against the Marxist backbone of the Party, the Trotskyite provocateurs of the Tito gang accused a number of Central Committee members of betraying the national interests of Albania. The systematic campaign of slander and threats levelled by Kochi Xoxe—then organisational secretary of the Central Committee and Minister of Home Affairs—drove Nako Spiru to commit suicide. A leading member of the Party, Nako Spiru had boldly exposed the colonising, imperialist policy pursued by Tito in relation to Albania.

Subordinating the Party to the control of the security organs and acting on orders from Belgrade, Kochi Xoxe organised the shadowing of any Communist who might be considered “suspicious” from the Yugoslav nationalist point of view. He openly persecuted anyone who expressed himself in agreement with the General Secretary. As Minister of Home Affairs the bandit Xoxe ruthlessly hounded the active functionaries of our Party who supported Enver Hodja and other consistent Marxists. He carried out the programme of the usurper Tito with diabolic brutality, steadily getting rid of the Party’s finest and most honest cadres—the Party’s gold reserve. He slandered and removed from responsible posts Mehmet Shehu, Liri Belishova and a number of other comrades who enjoyed great authority in the Party, comrades whose political and personal reputations were unsullied. Many Communists and functionaries of local Party committees were thrown into prison or shot on the basis of false information fabricated on his instructions. Finally, at a word from Belgrade, Kochi Xoxe drew up a plan to murder Party and Government leaders. Fortunately, he did not succeed in putting this plan into effect.

As organisational secretary of the Central Committee, the provocateur Kochi Xoxe actually drove the Party underground. Communists were instructed to conceal their Communist Party membership from the people. “Not to frighten away the masses” was the fantastic and ridiculous reason given for this. At Tito’s command, Kochi Xoxe pursued a policy of merging the Party with the Democratic Front. Eventually, this would have resulted in the liquidation of the Party, the vanguard of the Albanian working class, the leader and organiser of our people. The Belgrade nationalists needed all this in order to Facilitate the realisation of their criminal plans of colonising Albania.

Immediately after the war, while they were politically preparing their policy to annex Albania, the Yugoslav nationalists embarked on economic intervention against our country. Hypocritically pretending to be friends of the Albanian people and to be concerned with their prosperity, speculating on the friendship of the Albanian and Yugoslav peoples, this gang of bourgeois degenerates from the ruling circles of Yugoslavia bent all their efforts from the very beginning on obstructing the development of Albania’s productive forces, preventing the country’s industrialisation and turning our country into an economic appendage of Yugoslavia, into a colony.

In July 1946, under cover of Marxist phraseology, the Belgrade colonisers imposed on us an agreement of friendship, mutual assistance and post-war cooperation. This agreement actually became a channel through which the greedy tentacles of the Yugoslav nationalists could stretch to the very heart of our country, gaining an ever stronger grip on its economy. The subsequent agreement on coordinating the economic plans of the two countries and the abolition of customs barriers, the unification of prices and foreign currency, the Albanian-Yugoslav societies formed to exploit our natural resources—all these measures, widely advertised by the Tito-ites as an example of close economic cooperation and “disinterested”'aid on the part of Yugoslavia, were to the advantage of Yugoslavia alone. They served one single aim: to control completely Albania’s economy and merge it with Yugoslav economy, isolating our country from the Soviet Union and the People’s Democracies.

For instance, the customs union which our people regarded as a measure facilitating the exchange of goods, was used by the Yugoslav nationalists as a frontier gap to purchase goods on the Albanian market unhampered and sell them through speculators in Yugoslavia. Taking advantage of the right to cross the border unhindered, Yugoslav speculators flooded Albania’s markets and returned with whole caravans of goods, stripping our country and making huge profits out of it. Like locusts, they swallowed up all our supplies of marketable and valuable goods in the course of some months.

From the very first days the Yugoslav nationalists began to run our country, leading cadres of our Party and many rank and-file Communists realised that there was something wrong about the effusiveness of our “friends”. But at that time the trust of the Albanian people and their leaders in the friendship, disinterestedness and honestly of the people whom we considered to be our friends, was so deep that any thought that the independence of our country was being encroached upon simply seemed monstrous. Only the letter of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks) and the Resolution of the Information Bureau of tile Communist and Workers’ Parties saved our Party and country from the inevitable disaster into which it was being led by a handful of renegades and traitors. Under the influence of these historical documents, the vacillating members of the Central Committee who would have followed Kochi Xoxe and Pandi Kristo, drew away from the leaders of the Trotskyite opposition, leaving them in isolation.

The first Congress of the Albanian Communist Party, held last November, completed the destruction of the Trotskyite group in the ranks of our party started by tile Eleventh Plenum of the Central Committee. The Congress, held on a high ideological and political level, showed that Kochi Xoxe and Pandi Kristo with their small group of followers were nothing but renegades and traitors to their people who had no roots in the Party nor among the people. The Congress showed that in its mass the Party was a healthy party, that its organism had not been touched by nationalist corruption, that the Party was united in its loyalty to the principles of Communism and consolidated around its Central Committee which is leading the Albanian people along the path shown by Lenin and Stalin.

And no matter how the bourgeois-nationalist gang of Tito-Rankovic-Djilas fume and storm in Belgrade, no matter what diabolical measures they resort to, they will sooner or later like Kochi Xoxe, have to answer to their people and pay with their heads for the crimes they have committed against the camp of Socialism and proletarian internationalism.

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On August 8 and 9, the first Hungarian agricultural cooperative congress was held in Budapest. The congress analysed the results of the year’s struggle and work of the cooperatives. During this period the kulaks were purged from the cooperatives; the leading role of the poor peasants was consolidated in them; successes were achieved in drawing middle peasants into the cooperative movement.

In the course of the year the membership of general cooperatives (mainly consumer and marketing) in the country went up from 425,000 to 870,000. Contact between non-producer and producer cooperatives improved. Regional cooperative boards were formed. At the congress a national cooperative board was formed.

There are over 3,000 general cooperatives in the country. They signed contracts with the Government to grow various crops on an area of over 850,000 holds (one hold equals 0,57 hectares), and to develop cattle-breeding. They also helped the State to organise the machine-tractor depots and gave great assistance to producer cooperatives. The general cooperatives are helping the State by purchasing agricultural products from the peasantry and by supplying industrial goods in return. Cooperatives have over 4,000 stores. They have done much work in organising emulation among peasants during harvesting and the fulfilment of state deliveries.

As the Congress pointed out, the main task of the cooperative movement is to develop the existing producer cooperatives, to organise new ones and also to increase the number of general cooperatives whose membership target is 1,200,000 by end of the year.

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The irrefutable exposure by the command of the Greek Democratic Army and the “Elefteri Ellada” agency of the treacherous activity of the Yugoslav bourgeois nationalists against the Greek patriots has thrown Tito off balance.

In a recent speech at Skoplje, Tito, accusing the democratic camp of hostility toward Yugoslavia, simply lost his head and went so far as to threaten the neighbouring states of Bulgaria and Albania.

The vicious attacks of the enraged Tito were received with a round of applause by world reaction. “Tito has gone farther than ever before,” was the approving comment of the French newspaper, “Le Monde”. The “Washington Times Herald” enthusiastically welcomed Tito's open switch-over to the international gang of warmongers. Commenting that every such speech was of direct assistance to the “West”, the paper suggested that Tito should be encouraged with substantial assistance—though this, of course, should not be advertised—and, as an immediate step in this direction, proposed a small loan.

However, although Tito is only too eager to carry out the wishes of the American imperialists, his fear of the Yugoslav peoples gives him no peace of mind. Thus, soon after his delirious speech at Skoplje the Yugoslav ambassador to the United States made a confused statement from which it appeared that Tito “was misunderstood” by his American masters, that he threatened no one, and so on and so forth. One can well say: thievish as a cat and as timid as a hare.



In his same speech at Skoplje, Tito, ringleader of the restorers of capitalism, boasted inordinately and went so far as to “invite” workers of the People’s Democracies to visit Yugoslavia and see for themselves how “Socialism was being built” in the country.

All this cheap demagogy is refuted by the Yugoslav nationalists themselves. On July 29 “Rad”, organ of the Yugoslav trade unions, wrote that in spite of all the measures to keep workers in the factories, no headway has been made in this direction. For instance, the Subotitsa district committee of the People’s Front was able to organise a brigade of only four people instead of the originally planned 100, and the Kostolats district committee only 22 instead of 200.

Matters are even worse in the mines. During two weeks of July, 4,306 men were sent to the Bor mines but 5,070 left the mines at that time. At the Kreke mines, 700 people on the average fail to report for work each day, in Alexinatse the figure is 500, at the Senski mines 800 people, in Bor 500 people, and so on. The newspaper dolefully concludes: “Such is the state of affairs in nearly all the mines”. This, undoubtedly is one of the forms of struggle of the working class of Yugoslavia against the military police regime imposed by the Tito-Rankovic clique for the purpose of unbridled exploitation of the working people.

In addition to everything else, the newspaper “Rad” writes that the workers in the mines are not provided with premises and food. The barracks that do exist “are in an unsanitary condition”.

And so they would have workers visit the country to see how far they have gone... from Socialism.







Prof. George Thomson, Member, Central Committee, Communist Party of Great Britain

A special responsibility rests on the Communist Party of Great Britain to mobilise the British people in defence of peace, democracy and national independence, and particularly to expose the treacherous role of social democracy in the present situation in Britain.

The economic basis of British opportunism was laid in the last century, when the bourgeoisie used the super-profits of colonial exploitation to build up and bribe a “labour aristocracy” within the labour movement. Social democracy in this period saw its role as winning concessions for the working class within the capitalist system; and, just as the growth of British imperialism was exceptionally rapid and extensive, so the exponents of opportunism and reformism, already deeply rooted in the labour movement, were able to establish themselves in an exceptionally strong position.

Having no intention of making decisive inroads on capitalism, the Labour leaders put forward their theory of the “middle way”, implying that there is another way to Socialism besides the way of class struggle. Some of them have come out openly in defence of capitalism. Thus, Douglas Jay, Economic Adviser to Attlee, has written: “Profit is a payment for risk bearing in just as real a sense as wages are for work, and risk bearing is just as necessary as work for the production of goods and services.” On the other hand, they tell us that since 1945 we have had a “socialist Britain”, and some of the Labour leaders go so far as to declare that “the proletariat as such has ceased to exist in Western Europe”.

To-day, faced once more with the prospect of a slump, the British capitalists are attacking the liberties and living standards of the workers and preparing for war against the Soviet Union.

The capitalist policy of wage cuts and war preparations is meeting with growing resistance from the militant sections of the working class, led by the Communist Party. The anti-Communist drive launched by reaction has encountered severe rebuffs, and the ideological offensive against Communism has aroused in the minds of the workers some fundamental questions to which only Marxism can provide the answer. It is becoming increasingly clear that the only guarantee of peace, without which everything is in jeopardy, lies in friendship with the Soviet Union and the New Democracies. The rapid progress of those countries, and the heroic victories of the Chinese people, contrast with the creeping paralysis of the approaching economic collapse in the imperialist camp. In the face of these developments the British worker’s traditional indifference to theory is breaking down. Published only recently. Comrade Gallacher’s book, “The Case for Communism”, has already achieved a mass sale. The sharp battle of ideas is revealing itself as a battle for and against Marxism-Leninism.

In this battle the reactionaries possess considerable material advantages. The educational system, the radio, cinema, theatre, and almost the whole of the press are at their disposal. They control the key positions in the professions, which are occupied by specially trained members of the ruling class selected from the older universities. But what have the bourgeois intellectuals to offer? In economics, the idea that a planned economy is incompatible with individual liberty (Hayek): in history, the idea that the heritage of classical antiquity is embodied exclusively in “Western civilisation” (Gilbert Murray): in art, the idea that, drawing his inspiration from some unknowable source, the artist lives for himself alone, indifferent to the aspirations of the people (T. S. Eliot): in science, the reactionary idea that man's attempt to impose his power on the world of nature is an act of “cosmic impiety” and so doomed to failure (Bertrand Russell). They have nothing but a message of despair. They have lost all faith in themselves and are animated only by fear and hatred of the people.

These idealists, who fix their gaze so intently on the “eternal values” of “Western civilisation”, are blind to the imported filth which day by day is destroying the heritage of British culture. It is estimated that nearly 80 per cent of the fiction and 55 per cent of the films circulating in this country come from America, all portraying the “American way of life”, which consists, if one were to judge from these products, of kidnapping, theft, horror, rape, and murder. Such are the cultural benefits of Marshall Aid. Meanwhile British authors cannot find a publisher and British film actors are out of work.

These reactionaries have betrayed that very heritage which they claim to hold so sacred — the heritage of our national culture. But life moves on making place for the new. That is why the scientific obscurantist’s, full of disgust and self-contempt, vilifying human nature are insulting the dignity of man. They want to turn back to fascism which destroys all culture, destroys life itself. They tried to fill the minds of the British people with the idea that only subordination to the American dollar can save Britain. Under these conditions the Communist Party is combating reaction in ideology as the most dangerous enemy of the British people.

This year is the 300th anniversary of the English Revolution. Our Party is commemorating it in a series of special articles, lectures, meetings and pageants. Our aims are: first, to reveal the English Revolution of 1649 along with the French Revolution of 1789 and the Great October Socialist Revolution of 1917 as stages of human progress and emancipation advancing toward the goal of Communism; secondly, to demonstrate the Marxist-Leninist theory of the state by showing how our own bourgeoisie in the days of its youth attacked the old feudal monarchist slate and smashed it; thirdly, to demonstrate the Marxist-Leninist theory of democracy by showing how, as it developed, bourgeois democracy revealed its inherent limitations, which can only be transcended by the socialist revolution; and fourthly, by reminding the people of past achievements, which the contemporary bourgeoisie had distorted or suppressed, to show that Marxism, the theory and practice of the Communist Party, embodies, preserves, and develops all that is most precious in our national tradition.

The battle of ideas calls for the participation of all Party members, workers and intellectuals alike; and in order to participate effectively, each of them must be constantly waging the battle to master Marxism.

For these reasons our intellectuals are required to work in their local branches, which are basic units of the Party.

Our intellectuals are also organised in professional groups for the purpose of discussing their special problems and carrying out their two special tasks, which are, first, to make original contributions to Marxism, and, secondly, to maintain a running fire of polemics against the barrage of bourgeois propaganda.

The successes of the Communist Party in polemics with bourgeois ideologists on questions of culture and art cannot satisfy us. In April last year the National Cultural Committee, which supervises the work of the professional groups, convened a national conference on the battle of ideas, attended by delegates, industrial and professional, from all parts of the country; this has been followed by a number of district conferences of the same character. The National Cultural Committee has also organised discussions on the resolutions of the C.P.S.U.(B.) on questions of culture. But this side of our work is still weak. In his report to the Central Committee in February. Comrade Pollitt said: “We should be lacking in our duly if we did not also draw attention to another important task. That is the urgent necessity of combating the capitalist attacks on Communism in the scientific and cultural field. On these questions it must be admitted we have shirked our responsibilities, and we have been far too slow to take the offensive, strengthened as we well could be by our knowledge of the scientific and cultural achievements of the Soviet Union.”

It is essential to reveal the ideological basis of the predatory, aggressive policy pursued by the U.S.—a policy which finds clearest expression in the Marshall Plan and in the North-Atlantic Pact.

Giving utterance to “progressive” phraseology, the ideologists of U.S. imperialism are continually attacking the idea of national sovereignty, claiming that national sovereignty has outlived itself. The bourgeoisie of the countries now within the U.S. orbit need the defeatist doctrine of “world” government and the abandonment of national sovereignty as justification for their treachery. In dread of their people, the capitalist governments entertain the hope of maintaining their exploitation of the people under the aegis of U.S. imperialism.

While combating the anti-patriotic policy of the capitalist governments, the Communists will continue to fight for the interests of their people and for the cultural heritage of their people. Defending proletarian internationalism, the Communists remain staunch champions of national sovereignty.

In carrying forward the battle of ideas our other tasks include: first, to expose the reactionary propaganda of the capitalists, and especially of the right-wing leaders of the Labour Party, who are leading the country into war; secondly, to improve and extend the organisation of our professional groups, so that the Party may mobilise all its force for the ideological struggle; thirdly, and above all, lo deepen our own understanding of Marxism, so that we may convey its message simply, confidently and thereby help to build a mass Party in Britain.

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Antonio Cordon

Modesty, restraint, a feeling of selflessness and moral purity—such are the qualities which, when combined with the all important devotion to the Party, entitle one to the high calling of a Communist. Nothing is more alien to a Communist than the pursuit of fame, a high post or a brilliant position, or again vanity and bureaucracy. When a Communist holds a leading position it means that greater responsibility and selflessness are demanded of him. Only, if he possesses these qualities can he carry out the tasks entrusted to him by the Party.


Anybody who has ever had the feast contact with Tito (and I, as a representative of Republican Spain in Belgrade often had occasion to come in contact with him), could see that he lacks these fundamental Communist qualities. Judging by his life, his world outlook, his aspirations and conversation, Tito is a narrow-minded, vainglorious, superficial individual devoid of any modesty. The psychology of this upstart is constantly reflected in his political statements and personal behaviour, in his efforts to present himself as a “world celebrity”. Rising rapidly, due to circumstances that had little to do with his personal qualities, he soon lost his head (a very mediocre one) and began to regard himself as the salt of the earth.

Soaring far beyond his political and moral stature. Tito was soon played out and the inherent emptiness of the man was disclosed. Tito is the type of ambitious, untalented and corrupt bourgeois politician described in the last century by the Spanish writer Mariano Jose de Larra, in his essay “The Bubble Man”.

“Take a look at the bubble-man with all his attributes. What a lot of noise! He floats higher and higher! A celebrity. Undisputed authority. Look how he swells. Who questions his abilities? Like all bubbles, we marvel at its grandeur, brilliance and glory while it is at our level. But the higher it floats the smaller it grows. By the time it has reached the palace roof it is reduced to the size of a nut. It is the same with the bubble man. He is nothing: a little gas, a great, empty bubble. As was to be expected, having risen, he has lost control of himself.”

It is only necessary to attend two or three luncheons given by Tito to hear more than enough about his relations with Churchill, how Churchill praised Tito’s talent, called him a “great statesman”, and so on.

For instance there is Tito’s story of how he visited Churchill on a warship at Malta. “Although I arrived incognito he gave me a royal welcome.” Tito never tires of closing his story with the words: “Churchill is a sly old fox; he tried to win me over by every kind of flattery. He is very clever and, it must be admitted, likable. He knows how to handle things, even though he is a reactionary.”

A corrupt politician in public fife and a petty individual in personal affairs, such was the man that most suited Churchill and the other imperialists. It was easy to buy him over, and cheaply at that, as the agents of the imperialist intelligence services found out. The following incident is characteristic of him.

As soon as Belgrade was liberated he put all military matters aside, even though he was head of the army, and devoted himself solely to flitting out his residence. His main concern for many months was redecorating the White Palace, former residence of Prince Paul, into which he planned to move. To the paintings, carpets, furniture and treasures of the Palace were added works of art from other Belgrade villas. Accompanied by his attendants, Tito would visit the Palace twice daily, morning and evening. Lavish with threats and mailing scenes with those who dared cross his path, he had the furniture moved and the pictures rehung time and again, driving frantic his subordinates who had been turned from military officials into domestic servants.

Having risen to the post of head of the state it would only have been natural for Tito to try and master the culture he lacks in every respect and devote a great part of his time to study. But nobody has ever seen him with a book. He has other passions. Clothes and decorations are the object of many sessions and long discussions. Most of all he likes parades at which he can show off in all his glory. His passion for jewellery, for gold and silver objects and especially for watches is at times ludicrous. A frequent gesture is to check his chronometer wrist-watch with his pocket watches. Another is to watch the brilliants flashing on the diamond ring he wears on his right hand. At one time he was served coffee in a small gold cup while everybody else was served in porcelain cups.

His palace is the scene of regular banquets and receptions which he plans personally. Any foreigner who in Tito’s estimation carries even a little weight ran rest assured that he will be invited to a Palace reception where he will be treated to a Tito harangue. At one reception Tito made no fewer than fourteen long-winded toasts. They were so inane that one of his followers whispered to me : “He is drinking far too much and saying too much. He wants to show off but all he is doing is making himself and us look ridiculous”.

One of Tito’s overriding passions is to present himself as a great military strategist. The arrival of any military man inevitably leads to talk about military life and bragging about his military knowledge which takes a rather naive and peculiar form: “I, too, have been a soldier — an N. C. O. in the Austrian army. We were put through our paces. The Austrian N .C .O. knew his military science ...”

True enough, Tito’s military education does not go beyond the training of an Austrian N .C .O. In the spacious Palace library there is a map of Yugoslavia and it is to this map that Tito invariably leads his foreign military guest.

Pointing out the area with his finger, this armchair strategist once explained how a division had held an area of 300—400 kilometres. The Marshal not only revealed his military illiteracy to the astounded listener, but also his absolute ignorance of the situation and military forces which he “commanded”.

The ignorance and conceit of this mediocrity in military affairs jumps to mind when you recall one of his foulest crimes: the assassination of General, Arso Jovanovic, chief-of-staff of the Yugoslav army. General Jovanovic, who enjoyed undisputed authority in the army, placed Tito’s false military authority in the shade. Jovanovich’s outstanding military service, as well as his noble and outspoken love for the Soviet Union as a Communist and an honest man, were not to Tito’s liking. The general was a great military specialist, a cultured and modest person who passionately wanted to go to the Soviet Union to enrich his military knowledge in order, as he modestly put it, to become a full-fledged military man.

Jovanovic was one of the ablest and most talented officers in the Yugoslav army, and greatly influenced the course of the liberation war. Tito was compelled to use him. But after the war Tito lost no time in having him removed from his post and did everything to gloss over his services.


Such are some of the characteristics of the traitor and bubble-man Tito. And it is only natural that anyone studying the “Tito affair” from a distance naturally asks the question: How was this reactionary able to pose as a revolutionary, how was this nonentity able to rise to such a position and seize power over such a fine people as the Yugoslavs?

The answer to this question can be found in Marx's description of General Espartero written nearly a hundred years ago. General Espartero, who came from the people, was regarded as a progressive figure in the Spanish revolutionary movement. But after the seizure of power he became an out and-out reactionary. Marx wrote: Espartero is one of those men of the past whom the people at a time of social crisis, out of habit, raise shoulder high and whom it is afterwards as difficult to get rid of as it was for Sinbad the Sailor to get rid of the Old Man of the Sea who clung to his neck.

However, the international and internal situation in Yugoslavia is totally different from that in Spain at the time of Espartero. The forces of the camp of Socialism and democracy are not only superior to the forces of the Tito clique but also to the imperialist camp backing this clique. And those who know the fine and courageous Yugoslav people are confident that such a people led by genuine Yugoslav Communist, will soon deal with Tito and his gang.

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Gian Carlo Pajetta, Member, Political Bureau, Communist Party of Italy

The Catholic and pro-American press tried to depict the Vatican’s excommunication decree as the biggest political event of recent times and planned to start around it an even more vicious anti-Communist campaign throughout Italy and the whole world than had yet been seen.

It is now clear that those who prepared and issued this decree, as well as those who inspired it and raised such a loud campaign around it, are bitterly disappointed al the first results and even disorientated at the behaviour of the Communists who they thought should have been helpless in the face of this new blow.

The intention to present excommunication as an absolutely new fact, as a turning point in the Catholic church’s attitude to the Communists, was doomed to failure first of all in Italy where the Church had brazenly supported one side in the election campaign of April 18, 1948, and where the Pore had openly interfered to break the strong resistance to the Atlantic Pact among Italian Catholics and inside the Christian Democratic Party itself.

The excommunication decree against Communists and their sympathisers is a new and direct instance of clerical interference in the internal policy of countries with a Catholic population. But it merely completes the series of political, organisational and propaganda activities with which we are acquainted in all Catholic countries, especially during the past few years. While the prelates in such People’s Democracies as Hungary and Czechoslovakia acted as plotters and saboteurs, in Italy the cardinals and bishops and their supreme head organised and guided the most unbridled campaign against strengthening the country’s healthy forces, using the entire church apparatus and every possible religious motive for this purpose.

After the elections of April 18 the Christian-Democratic Party itself gave the Church and Catholic Action organisations, directly guided by the Vatican, a free hand in the election struggle and in all other actions against the working masses. Religious processions took the place of political demonstrations, church sermons look the place of reports and meetings. “miracles” and prophesies took the place of political arguments and discussions.

What then is the reason for the excommunication decree and the whole “build up” started around it? If, from the international point of view, it is meant to bolster the last effort of the reactionary forces in the People’s Democracies and is an expression of a policy directly guided by America, then in relation to Italy this act—an extreme theological weapon in the anti-Communist struggle—is, above all else, an attempt to divert the attention of public opinion, especially the attention of the Catholic masses from the cardinal problems of the day. There are signs of obvious discontent even among those who vote for the Christian-Democratic Party, signs of open hostility to the Atlantic Pact.

The Communist Party firmly stands at the head of the ever broadening and increasingly open movement of popular opposition, which is mobilising millions upon millions of men and women in the great campaign for peace. The Church is trying to hold back this wave, to buttress the reactionary government and carry out a widespread diversionist manoeuvre.

Excommunication is by no means an ideological act of condemning the philosophical teachings which the Church has always rejected. It is not an act in defence of religion, for it is directed against parties which are not today waging a struggle against the Catholic religion but which, on the contrary, count millions of Catholics in their ranks Excommunication is the Vatican’s contribution to Truman’s imperialist and anti-Soviet policy. It is an attempt to prevent the Communists from carrying on work among the Catholic masses, enlightening them on political and social problems, uniting them in the united front of Socialism and peace.

A certain authoritative church commentator once explained that the habit of reading the Communist press should be considered a sin for the reader naturally ended lip by agreeing with its arguments! It is clear that it was not theological disputes nor heretical remarks about dogma that worried this prelate and forced him to consider the reading of Communist newspapers a sin. Just the contrary. What worried him were the ordinary dispatches about the American crisis, about the war preparations, the strength displayed by the striking workers and the successes of socialist construction in the U.S.S.R.

Appraisal of the excommunication decree as a new political act of the Church determined the behaviour of the Communists : they did not succumb to the provocation: their struggle against reaction, for peace and the demands of the working people was no diverted to religious disputes and endless comments about the Latin language of the Inquisitors.

The firm and confident behaviour of the Communists and the fact that the working people understood the political nature of the Vatican’s decree caused obvious confusion in Catholic circles. The propaganda campaign which they planned to steadily intensify immediately took a flaccid, defensive tone and dwindled down to a series of attempts to restrict the framework of excommunication and its consequences.

Naturally, the Church could not admit the failure of its measures, could not admit that millions of Italian Catholics do not agree with its political directives and are not afraid of its sanctions. That is why it is now offering the explanation that the various actions are due to a certain unclarity in the decree’s text and is trying to save from its sentence at least some of the Catholics who continue to remain in the Communist Party, who still write in its papers and read its press.

The Vatican decree did not affect the strength of the opposition, and still less the strength of the Communists: not a single member of the Communist Party has left its ranks, the number of readers of the Party press is increasing; not a single Catholic in the progressive and trade union organisations ,led by the Communists, has given up the struggle against de Gasperi and United States policy.

However, we must not lose sight of, or underestimate the importance of this political act of the Church. It interfered as a determining factor in the big election swindle of April 18, 1948, and today by its actions it again comes forward as an essential element in reactionary imperialist policy. It is the, task of Italian Communists and democrats to increase and strengthen their ties with the Catholic masses, to establish real unity in the social struggle and in defence of peace: only in united action can the lever be found to switch the axis of Italian policy.

It is not a question of a theological dispute from which we remain aloof. The task of the Italian Communists is to expose vigorously, on the basis of weighty arguments, the political interference of the clergy and the political and social motives determining this interference.

The behaviour of the Italian Communists should not be taken as a lack of understanding or indifference: their reply to the new clerical attack is to strengthen their policy of unity and struggle. The millions of signatures to the Peace Petition, the consolidation displayed in the great victorious strikes, the development and strengthening of the Party and mass organisations, a fact that was stressed at the last Plenum of the Central Committee of the Italian Communist Party, show that the Italian Communists are meeting with increasingly new successes along this path of unity' and struggle.


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Printed and Published in Rumania, Journal “For a Lasting Peace, for a People’s Democracy” appears on the 1st and 15th of every month. Address of Editorial Office and of Publishing House: Bucharest Valeriu Braniste 56 Tel. 5.10.59