[ The Comintern (SH) published these historical documents for the purpose to better study the early developments of modern revisionism ]



For a Lasting Peace,

For a People’s Democracy!

Organ of the Information Bureau of the Communist Parties in Bucharest

No. 18 (45), Friday, September 16, 1949




The history of the struggle of the working-class contains not a few examples of crafty and insidious attempts on the part of the bourgeoisie to undermine the revolutionary forces, to demoralise and break-up their ranks and ruin the cause of the revolution, democracy and Socialism. Cunning and baseness are inherent in the bourgeoisie which is greedy, craven, cynical and arrogant.

Imperialism, having suffered defeat in World War Two from which the Soviet Union emerged stronger than before and from which the People’s Democracies arose, began to weave a network of conspiracies against the liberated countries advancing toward Socialism. The vanguard of international reaction—the U.S. rulers—mobilised their paid agents, all the dregs of society in these countries and gave them the job to wrest the People’s Democracies from the Soviet Union and restore capitalism in these countries.

The indictment against Raijk and his accomplices in Hungary is replete with facts showing how the American secret service gathered to itself spies and provocateurs of all shades who had lost their previous masters as a result of defeat by the Soviet Army. Raijk and his accomplices were the paid agents of the Horthy police, but they were completely bought over by a bigger boss—the American intelligence service. It is precisely these types—police spies who became notorious by sending hundreds of the finest sons of the working class to their death, people devoid of any semblance of honesty and conscience—that are needed by the American imperialists who are bent on world domination.

In Hungary, and in the other People’s Democracies, the American imperialists organised a series of counter-revolutionary conspiracies against the people’s power, utilising for this purpose the bourgeois and kulak parties, clerical organisations, the the right wing of the social democratic party, and others. These conspiracies were exposed and crushed by the State power of the working people. After suffering a number of defeats, international reaction—which continued its provocation, espionage and plotting—gave priority to professional informers and provocateurs against the people’s power which is carrying out the functions of the dictatorship of the proletariat. These elements wormed themselves into the Communist Parties where they organised conspiracies and espionage groups. They set in motion Trotskyite methods—which earlier had been exposed in the Soviet Union—of undermining the Party from within, double-dealing and diversion, and of course, terrorist acts and preparations for coups d’état with the help of outside intervention and foreign spies holding high Government posts.

American reaction placed at the head of the storm detachment of provocateurs, the fascist-Gestapo Tito-Rankovic clique. The advancement of this clique to the forefront was connected with the fact that in liberated Yugoslavia, American spies, provocateurs and Trotskyites had gained power. These included 150 agents despatched by the Gestapo in 1941 from French concentration camps, for espionage work in Yugoslavia. These spies constituted. the main part of Tito’s immediate circle, and utilised their position to oust, systematically, honest Yugoslav partisans faithful to the people. The American imperialists assigned to this gang of spies and provocateurs the task of bringing the People’s Democracies into the camp of imperialism. Raijk stated: “Rankovic, the Yugoslav Minister of Home Affairs, simply told me that the People’s Democracies must combine with Yugoslavia, with Tito at the head”.

The indictment and the preliminary investigation of the Raijk case provide irrefutable evidence who Tito, Kardelj, Djilas and Rankovic really are. They are paid agents of the imperialist intelligence services, men who seized power in Yugoslavia by means of false pretences. It is now clear what master this Belgrade clique serves. It serves but one master—Washington, and its sole concern is how best to carry out the orders of Washington. Tito’s personal representative, Colonel Nedelkovic, told the spy Palfi that Tito’s aims are feasible because they have the backing of the United States.

So suspicious were the activities of the Titoites that the Soviet Government announced to the world that strong threads link the Yugoslav Government, or leading individuals in this government, with, the imperialist groups. It is now perfectly clear what these threads are, with whom Tito, Kardelj, Djilas and Rankovic are connected, whose orders they obey and whom they serve!

The repulsive countenance of the fascist hangmen Tito, Kardelj, Djilas and Rankovic, who lay claim to the role of future dictators of Southeasters Europe, is now bared to the international working-class movement, to world public opinion. In December 1947, Rankovic the executioner, told the would-be executioner Raijk: “The plan consists in this: carefully to lull the vigilance of the governments of the neighbouring countries and then to draw these countries into the orbit of Yugoslavia with Belgrade as the centre ... Orientate on the nationalist, chauvinist elements in the army, police and State organs, on the petty bourgeois elements in the town and especially in the countryside”. The Tito clique as the vanguard of the American intelligence service, rallied round themselves all the malevolent and bitter enemies of the U.S.S.R. and the People’s Democracies. The political directives to Raijk from Tito included the instruction: rely on the supporters of Horthy and Szalasi, Catholic reaction and the kulaks, Rankovic ordered Raijk to stress the example of Yugoslavia “where Tito is not taking any action against the kulaks”.

Following the publication of the Information Bureau Resolution, the Belgrade fascist clique elaborated a “brilliant” new plan. At a meeting that look place in October 1948, the assassin Rankovic told Raijk that the plan which had been prepared personally by Tito, was known only to him (Rankovic), Kardelj and Djilas. Just as that other agent of international reaction, Trotsky, in his day did not dare acquaint his disciples—apart from the narrow group of Pyatikovs—of his “plan” for the restoration of capitalism in the U.S.S.R., so, too, the Tito espionage gang did not dare openly announce its “plan” to the people, or even to a ,larger group of followers. Nor could it be otherwise, since according to the Tito plan the Yugoslav fascists would mobilise, the peoples of Yugoslavia against the U.S.S.R., augment and organise the anti-Soviet elements in the People’s Democracies, and utilise the differences between the U.S.S.R. and the Anglo-Americans.

The Tito fascist clique realised that it was easier to prepare this treacherous anti-people’s plan than to carry it out. Consequently, the most foul methods were employed. At first the Titoites decided only to “criticise” the Information Bureau Resolution, but “not to allow any criticism of the U.S.S.R. and its leaders”. Later, in the words of hangman Rankovic, they were “gradually but ever more resolutely...” to show that the U.S.S.R. is responsible for the failure to realise Yugoslavia’s Five-Year Plan and the plans of socialist construction, and especially for the failure of our promises to raise the standard of living of the masses”. In this way, these degenerates hoped, with the aid of a monstrous falsehood, to undermine the sympathies of the Yugoslav peoples for the U.S.S.R. and to justify the orientation on the capitalist powers whose paid agents they are.

Raijk’s admission is confirmed by the entire course of the treacherous activity of the Tito clique. And these scoundrels still claim that they are “Communists”, that they are “building Socialism”!

Tito the bubble man, an addition to declaring himself lord and master of Yugoslavia, wants to “plan” the destinies of other countries, He forgets that he is simply a hireling, a mercenary of the American warmongers, that the Yugoslav people will not tolerate that the government of their country should be headed by an adventurer such as Tito. No terror unleashed by Rankovic will save the fascist Gestapo regime in Yugoslavia.

Once more Comrade Stalin’s words are confirmed, that the weaker the enemy the more extreme his methods of struggle. The People’s Democracies, the Communist and Workers’ Parties will sharpen their vigilance and expose all enemies of the people who have wormed their way into the ranks of the Parties, will ruthlessly crush all spies, diversionists, murderers and counter-revolutionary conspirators.

And let the Anglo-American imperialists rage and fume: they have suffered yet another crushing defeat, yet another of their agencies has been smashed, this time a most treasured one. The Tito fascist espionage clique which had long masked itself has been fully exposed, and, for that matter, so have its masters. No quarter for the despicable agents of imperialism!

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EDITORIAL — Gang of Fascist Conspirators, Spies and Provocateurs

V. TCHERVENKOV — Toward New Successes of Socialist Construction in Bulgaria (p. 2)

J. BERMAN — Counter-Revolutionary Coup in Yugoslavia (p. 3)

W. ROCHET — Struggle of French Peasantry and Communist Party

Work in the Countryside (p. 3)

J. KOPLENIG — Austria Before the Elections (p. 4)

I. EHRENBURG — Americanism (p. 4)

JAN MAREK — Political Notes (p. 4)


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Guided by the decision of the First Congress of the Albanian Party of Labour, the Executive Committee of the Party has defined the forms of educational work among the members and has elaborated a corresponding programme.

The Party school will be the higher stage of the ideological education of Party cadres. Each year this school will graduate 120 leading functionaries for work in the Party and in the State organs.

Five schools with four-month courses will function in the main centres of the country. These will be attended by leading functionaries in the province Party organisations and by workers in local government bodies. Seven hundred and fifty students will complete these courses duping the year. In Tirana, studies have just been completed in the four-month course.

Twelve refresher courses of a month's duration will be opened in the provinces for group and branch secretaries and members of the local councils. These courses will cater to 2,100 members. Similar courses will be opened in Tirana, Durazzo, Scutari and other towns.

Members and candidate members are being catered for in schools and lecture courses where the subjects include home and foreign policy, the Rules of the Party, life in the U.S.S.R. and in the People’s Democracies.

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Addressing a meeting of 100,000 in Castellamar di Stabia (Naples) which was attended by representatives from all provinces in Southern Italy to mark the opening of the “l’Unita” press month, Comrade Togliatti, describing the serious situation now facing Italy as a result of the policy of the Christian-Democrat Government, stated: “There is but one reason for the humiliation we are made to feel on all vital questions of foreign policy, and that reason is that we have rulers who are guided by the interests of national and international reaction and not by the interests of the country. They reckon that when the working people are on the eve of new and decisive victories over the privileged classes, American soldiers and aircraft will come to their aid in order to crush the Italian democratic and socialist movement.

Referring to home policy, Comrade Togliatti stated that instead of the recovery of the country, American “aid” had brought it crisis and unemployment.

Continuing, Togliatti said: “We insist on Italy breaking with the policy that has split Europe into two camps, and which, inevitably, will lead our country into another world war…

“For the purpose of improving the conditions of the working people it is necessary to realise the points in the Constitution and the reforms contained therein, which can be reduced to the following:

Land to the peasants, workers’ control at the plants and factories, settlement of urgent questions concerning the South and the Italian islands, abolition of the privileges enjoyed by the plutocratic caste which today rules Italy”.

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On September 9 the People’s Democratic Republic of Bulgaria celebrated the fifth anniversary of liberation from the German fascist invaders. From early morning the streets and squares of Sofia were filled with working people from all districts of the city, marching with flags and banners to take part in the great popular demonstration. Shortly before 9 a.m., the members of the Political Bureau of the Bulgarian Communist Party and the Council of Ministers took their places on the tribune of the mausoleum where lies the body of Georgi Dimitrov, unforgettable leader and teacher of the Bulgarian people. Present on the tribune were members of the Political Bureau of the Bulgarian Communist Party, members of the Council of Ministers headed by Vasily Kolarev, Chairman, foreign delegation: the Soviet delegation headed by Marshal Bulganin, Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the U.S.S.R.; the Rumanian delegation headed by Teohari Georgescu, Secretary, Central Committee, Rumanian Workers’ Party and Minister for Home Affairs; the Polish delegation headed by Skrzeszewski, member of the Political Bureau, United Workers’ Party and Minister of Education; the Hungarian delegation headed by Istvan Kovac, Secretary, Hungarian Workers’ Party; the Czechoslovak delegation headed by Dr. Ion, member, Central Committee Czechoslovak Communist Party and Chairman of the National Assembly; the Albanian delegation headed by Huli, member of Central Committee, Albanian Party of Labour and Minister of Education; Auguste Lecoeur member Central Committee French Communist Party, Phil Piratin from the British Communist Party, Francesco Leone, member Central Committee, Italian Communist Party; members of the Diplomatic Corps, Comrade Rosa Dimitrov; veterans of the anti-fascist struggle, representatives of the People’s Army, shock-brigade workers from industry and agriculture, and representatives of science and the arts.

Exactly on the stroke of nine, on the 9 September Square, the military parade began. With heads erect, the glorious heroes of the 9 September uprising, defenders of the freedom and independence of Bulgaria, marched past the tribune. The military parade was followed by a popular demonstration.

The columns of standard bearers were followed by an endless stream of people carrying portraits of Lenin, Stalin, Dimitrov, of members and candidate members of the Political Bureau of the Bulgarian Party, portraits of leading State and political figures in the People’s Democracies. Under the banner of the Fatherland Front, inspired by the heroic Bulgarian Communist Party, loyal to the Dimitrov behests and to the vow made to the immortal leader of the Bulgarian people, with slogans and placards the working people of Sofia proclaim their readiness to secure even greater labour successes, to build Socialism in the Bulgarian People’s Democratic Republic, linked in eternal friendship with the great Soviet people, with the other People’s Democracies, and with the peoples in those countries fighting against Anglo-American imperialism.

Similar celebrations were held in all the towns of the Republic.

The keynote of this grand celebration of liberty and the people’s victory was indissoluble Bulgarian-Soviet friendship and sincere gratitude and loyally of the Bulgarian people to the mighty Soviet Union, the tried and wise Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks) and to Comrade Stalin, the best friend and defender of the people of Bulgaria.


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The call of the World Peace Committee to hold International Peace Day on October 2 has met with wide response throughout France. Addressing a meeting of members of the Seine Federation of the Communist Party, Maurice Thorez and Laurent Casanova, member of the Political Bureau, outlined the tasks of the Communists in the struggle for peace.

Comrade Casanova outlined the principal aims of the campaign launched on the initiative of the World Peace Committee: on October 2 to hold big demonstrations in all departments in defence of peace, to conduct a peace ballot in the country.

Popular organisations, headed by the C. G. T., will participate in the campaign. Peace committees have been formed in factories and offices. The Federations have despatched the peace ballots to all trade unions.

“L’Humanite” celebrations held in the Vincennes Forest on September 4, in which more than a million people took part, turned into a powerful demonstration in defence of peace. Together with the working people of the provinces, the working people of the Paris district enthusiastically took part in the peace ballot—papers being filled in at an average rate of 200 a minute.

The signing in the Vincennes Forest marked the opening of the peace campaign in Paris and the provinces. In many enterprises the workers have already filled in their ballot papers.

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On September 6 the workers of Milan held a three-hour general strike in protest against the brutal attack of Scelb’'s police on the workers of Sesto San Giovanni.

On the previous day a delegation of “Breda” workers on their way to protest against the non-payment of wages and the attempt to dismiss 3,600 workers, were suddenly attacked by police, The delegates were brutally beaten up and many of them arrested.

When the workers of the Sesto San Giovanni suburb learned of this they hastened to the assistance of their comrades. When they entered the city they clashed with the police who opened fire on them. The workers fought back and forced the police to withdraw and release the arrested.

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With another general election on the horizon, in Britain, the Communist Party is putting before the people its socialist alternative to the Bevin-Churchill American policy which has brought Britain to the verge of bankruptcy.

Normally, the election should take place about the middle of 1950, but persistent rumours have it that due to the altogether serious economic plight of the country, it may be held earlier.

The Central Committee has submitted its draft election programme—the Socialist Road for Britain—for discussion by the Party membership.

After discussion in the branches and at area and district conferences, the programme will come up for final approval at the Party Congress to take place at the end of November.

“Must Britain go down along the path of mass unemployment, subjection to America and a new world war?

“Or shall Britain go forward, in unity with the progressive peoples of the world, along the path of socialist reconstruction to a future of secure employment, rising standards of living and lasting peace?”

These, says the programme, are the real alternatives before the electors at the coming general election.

Communist candidates will contest one hundred constituencies in the election.

Thus, the Party will participate in the electoral struggle on a far wider, scale than in any previous general election.

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London workers who crowded St. Pancras Town Hall on September 11, gave a great ovation to Harry Pollitt who has just completed his twentieth year as General Secretary of the British Communist Party.

Tribute to Comrade Pollitt’s selfless devotion to the cause of the working class was made in speeches by Palme Dutt, J. R, Campbell and others.

A letter of greetings to Comrade Pollitt from the Central Committee of the British Party, from the Central Committee of the C.P.S.U.(B), and numerous congratulations from the other fraternal Communist Parties were read at the meeting.

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Under the leadership of the Communists the Union of Hungarian Working Peasants (Delos), is successfully carrying out emulation for the fulfilment and overfulfilment of the State grain delivery plan. Emulation between regions, villages and individuals has spread throughout the country. By September 9, 8,400,000 centners of grain, had been delivered, that is, 220,000 centners more than for the whole of last year. The annual plan for grain deliveries has already been fulfilled by 96 per cent. Up to September 9 the peasants had delivered to the State 1,051,000 centners of grain over and above plan. This is three times more than for the same period last year. The State is stimulating grain deliveries by introducing a premium system of payment for prescheduled deliveries and for deliveries in excess of the plan.

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General Hsiao Hua, People’s Liberation Army of China

The Chinese youth movement is inseparable from the Communist Party of China and is an integral and most important part of the national and social emancipation movement of the entire Chinese people. Ever since the May 4 movement in 1919, the Chinese youth has been fighting heroically in the forefront of all revolutionary campaigns. Its contribution to the Chinese people’s revolutionary struggle has been outstanding and immense.

Under the guidance of the Communist Party of China and the leader of the Chinese people, Mao Tse-tung, the Chinese youth enthusiastically joined and supported the Chinese People’s Liberation Army. Realising that without armed struggle there would be no place and no victory for the Chinese people, thousands of young people shouldered arms and marched to the front. It was they who continuously infused new blood into the Liberation Army enabling it to grow into a mighty and invincible force capable of winning the gigantic victory of today. Of the present People’s Liberation Army of four million strong, youth constitute 70 to 80 per cent. They displayed great heroism and self-sacrifice on the battlefield and have countless legends to their credit. For instance, Commander Liu Kuei-chi of the shock regiment which defeated 30,000 enemy troops at Chou village, has been wounded nine times. And he is only twenty-four. In the famous battle of Huai Hai in which 620,000 Kuomintang troops were destroyed the twenty-six year old battalion commander, Chang Ying-ts'ai led his men in resisting day-long attacks by an enemy division and killed more than a thousand of the enemy. Last year in the battle of Lung-hua in Jehol, a twenty-year old soldier, Tung Ts’un-jui gave his life in blowing up an enemy bridgehead to prepare the way for the advance of his comrades. In the battle for the liberation of Chingchow, in Manchuria, the twenty-four year old political director Tien Tsai-wen led thirty-nine comrades in defending an isolated house, beat off repeated attacks by an enemy brigade, and finally engaged in hand-to-hand fighting with the enemy. In the battle for Szepingkai, the hero Li Kuang-chang who, in the course of a single night, tried twelve times to blow up an enemy stronghold in the face of heavy crossfire, is only twenty-five. It would be impossible to enumerate all the young model soldiers, gunners, tank men and fighting heroes who have distinguished themselves in battle in the service of the people.

In addition, young people have been exemplary in political and cultural activities and have become the driving force in all kinds of creative work among the troops. Over 60 per cent of the commanders, political and technical personnel of the Chinese Liberation Army are outstanding young cadres. And many division and brigade commanders are former young workers and peasants once illiterate but who have since acquired education and have became qualified cadres both in fighting spirit and in knowledge. Thus the Liberation Army has proved to be a most practical training school for the young.

In production work young workers and peasants have been a heroic shock troop. In village and factory, in transport and other undertakings, they have organised emulation which has resulted in an endless flow of young working heroes and model workers.

Our students, too, have their own glorious traditions. Under the dark reactionary rule of Chiang Kai-shek, their persistent patriotic movements in face of brutal oppression have won for them the sympathy and respect of the whole population. The situation of students in Liberated China is, however, the opposite of that in the Kuomintang areas. Here they live and study in an atmosphere of complete freedom and democracy. They eagerly study Marxism-Leninism, the works of Mao Tse-tung and the experience of the Soviet Union and the New Democracies. They are linking up closely their theoretical studies with practical conditions of life. The close bonds between the intellectuals and workers and peasants have brought from the ranks of the former a considerable number of revolutionary cadres like the fifteen thousand university and school students from Peiping and Tientsin who volunteered recently for work in the newly-liberated areas in South China.

The revolutionary spirit of the Chinese youth is shown not only in the various phases of the revolutionary struggle, but also in the unification and strengthening of their organisation. In April this year the New Democratic Youth League was formed. This organisation is guided by the Communist Party of China, by the principles of Marxism-Leninism. It is a mass organisation having as its aim the complete realisation of new democracy, with the young workers, peasants and intellectuals as its basis, rallying around it broad strata of all progressive youth. It has a membership of over four hundred thousand, and is growing daily. Besides the League, there are the All-China Students’ Federation with a membership in excess of one million and the All-China Federation of Democratic youth with a total membership of 4,400,000. These organisations are growing steadily as the revolutionary situation develops and the liberated areas are extended. The New Democratic Youth League of China acts as the backbone of all the youth organisations. It unites the entire youth round the Communist Party, forming a broad democratic youth front for the participation in the struggle and construction work.

Now that nation-wide victory is already in sight, there lies before us more serious and long-term tasks: the construction of New China, the industrialisation of our motherland, and the realisation of a still happier life under Socialism.

The struggle of the Chinese youth is by no means isolated. On the contrary, it is closely connected with the struggle of the democratic youth of the world. The growing strength and solidarity of the democratic peace camp headed by the Soviet Union is the sure guarantee of our victory. The youth of China raise high the banner of Mao Tse-tung and are fighting shoulder to shoulder with the democratic youth of the world, for the independence of our people, for a lasting peace, for a people’s democracy, and for a better future for the coming generation.

Stalin’s light shines over the whole world. Let us march toward it in unison.

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The democratic press in Rumania, with the newspaper “Scanteia” in the lead, is widely popularising the basic points of the country’s first Five-Year Plan.

By 1955 the Plan foresees an annual output of steel of 11/4 million tons; iron, one million tons; rolled steel, 800,000 tons; coke, 700,000 tons, coal, 8 million tons.

During recent years representatives of “Standard Oil” and “Royal Dutch”, who have been deprived of the possibility of exploiting the people of Rumania, circulated rumours to the effect that Rumania’s oil resources were giving out. The figures for oil output in the new Plan effectively scotch these slanders. By the end of the Plan, that is in 1955, annual output will be several million tons in excess of the peak pre-war figure.

The Plan provides for a twofold increase in output for the engineering industry which will also go over to production of heavy equipment.

Tractor output is scheduled at a rate of 6,000 units a year, and by the end of the Plan the country will have at its disposal 25,000 tractors.

Electrification receives high priority. The output of electric power will reach 2 million kilowatt hours, compared to the 600,000 kilowatt hours in bourgeois Rumania.

The national income will be doubled, while ,the standard of life, compared with 1949, will rise by 80 per cent.



In Hungary the working peasants are forming more and more cooperatives.

The newspaper “Szabad Nep” reports that in the Debrecen area twelve cooperatives were organised a year ago. This year the yield from the cooperative fields was considerably higher than that gained by the individual households. There are now 30 cooperatives in the Debrecen area. Whereas last year the total area of the twelve cooperatives amounted to 5,250 holds, the present 30 producer cooperatives embrace an area of 12,000 holds.



September 11 was celebrated in Czechoslovakia as Miners’ Day.

In this connection the journal “Tvorba” featured a special article by Comrade Klement, Minister for Industry. Increased coal output, wrote the Minister, played an important role during 1945-46 in restoring the country’s industry, and helped in a big way to secure the success of the Two- Year Plan. As a result of the conscientious labour of the miners, coal output is rising year by year. The biggest increase was registered during the current year. Compared with 1948 labour productivity is up by 20 per cent. One hundred and sixty mines are taking part in socialist emulation. The leading mines appear in the honours list and miner shock workers have received decorations. President Gottwald warmly greeted the mine workers.

Much has been done by the People’s government to improve living conditions for the miners. Several thousand new dwelling houses, nursery schools, clubs, recreation halls, clinics and youth centres have been built in the mining areas. Miners enjoy extra food rations.

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Vilko Tchervenkov, Secretary, Central Committee, Bulgarian Communist Party

The people of free Bulgaria celebrated the fifth anniversary of the uprising of September 9, 1944 with great joy and profound satisfaction. On September 9, 1944, our people, consolidated in the Father-land Front under the leadership of the Bulgarian Communist Party and supported by the victorious offensive of the glorious Soviet Army, effected, as stressed many times by our leader and teacher, Georgi Dimitrov, an historical turning point in the development of Bulgaria.


The outstanding feature of the September 9 uprising lies in the fact that it merged with the victorious offensive of the Soviet Army in the Balkans. This not only ensured the victory of the uprising, but added to its strength and cope.

The anti-fascist people’s uprising could not but shatter the foundations of the capitalist order in the country. Since the people rose to overthrow monarcho-fascism in the country and liberate it from imperialist dependence, they encroached naturally, on the foundations of capitalism.

The uprising marked the beginning of profound political, social, economic and cultural changes, changes which paved the way for the creation and consolidation of a truly people’s democracy in the country—a form of proletarian dictatorship. The rationalisation of the capitalist enterprises and banks, carried out at the end of 1947, vas a decisive step in this direction. The path of development toward Socialism was clearly charted. The building of Socialism, the laying of its economic and cultural foundations, became the vital task of the day, became the general line of our entire development.

But we would not have had this happiness, would not have possessed this possibility, without the victory of the Soviet Union in World War Two: we would not have achieved this without the might of the Soviet Union, without its enormous international prestige, without its constant invaluable help.

Inviolable Bulgarian-Soviet friendship is the cornerstone of our existence as an independent nation. There can be no national independence of our country without indissoluble Bulgarian-Soviet friendship, without our sincere gratitude and devotion to the Soviet Union, to the tested and wise Communist Party of the Soviet Union Bolsheviks), to Comrade Stalin—our best friend and defender.

The Soviet Union delivered us from German fascism. It saved our country from the real danger of foreign imperialist occupation, from the fate and situation in which monarcho-fascist Greece finds itself today. It helped us restore our devastated economy. Would we have had people’s democracy and would we have been able, with our own forces, to guide our country along the pathway of national and social progress without the support of the Soviet Union? Of course not. Yet another striking example of the Soviet Union’s invaluable assistance is the 160,000 tons of wheat the Soviet Government is sending us in connection with the poor harvest in our country this year.

Never in its history has Bulgaria had such strong international ties, such true friends as today. A firm guarantee has ensured our national independence and territorial integrity in the course of the past five years. Our friendship with the Soviet Union is the cornerstone of this guarantee.

Slanders and provocative lies are being spread against the Soviet Union by the traitors to Socialism of the Tito clique who have deserted to the camp of the imperialists in order to please their New York and London masters and to undermine the natural sentiment of trust and friendship which the Yugoslav peoples have for the Soviet Union whose army liberated them from the German yoke. Only contemptible deserters from the front of struggle for a lasting peace between peoples, only zealous agents of the instigators of a new war, only bitter enemies of peace and Socialism can use such language and act in this way against the Soviet Union—the bulwark of peace and Socialism throughout the world. The cunning and treachery of the Tito clique which has been so forcefully exposed in the Soviet Notes and in the Raijk indictment, clearly show what nationalism stands for, the harm it causes the People’s Democracies . Treacherous nationalism is the banner of the enemy. The “Socialism” which the Tito agents of imperialism are “building” without the aid of the Soviet Union and the People’s Democracies and in struggle against them, is nothing but a despicable screen designed to camouflage their treachery and the passing of the rulers of Yugoslavia into the camp of the enemies of peace, democracy and Socialism.


What was Bulgaria prior to September 9, 1944 ?

The country was actually a semi-colony of German imperialism with an extremely poorly developed industry, extremely backward agriculture, a barbarous fascist regime which kept the working people in a state of inequality, which ruthlessly exploited them and brutally persecuted their organisations and liberation struggle. It was the booty of the rapacious capitalist cliques, headed by the Coburg dynasty.

A new, people’s democratic, independent Dimitrov Bulgaria has arisen, a Bulgaria pulsating with vitality, a Bulgaria which, in fraternal alliance and cooperation with the Soviet Union and the People’s Democracies, is boldly advancing toward Socialism.

The changes and successes of the people’s power in the sphere of the national economy are far-reaching. The past five years have been distinguished by economic changes which are completely transforming the appearance of our country. The socialised sector today predominates in industry, banking, transport, foreign trade, internal wholesale trade and also, to a considerable extent, in retail trade. Private capital has been drastically curtailed also in agriculture through the agrarian reform, by buying up large-scale agricultural implements and through our tax policy.

Our people successfully carried out the first Two- Year Plan which aimed to restore the economy which had been devastated by war and fascist rule, to reach the pre-war level of production, to lay the foundation for the rapid industrialisation of the country, to promote the electric power industry, mining, agriculture, livestock, transport, handicrafts, home and foreign trade. This Plan was successfully realised. The pre-war level of production was exceeded by 71.5 per cent.

The successful fulfilment of the Two-Year Plan and the nationalisation of industry, the mines and banks, furnished the conditions for drawing up our first Five-Year Plan. The prime object of this Plan is to lay the economic and cultural foundations of Socialism through the industrialisation and electrification of the country, through the development of the cooperatives and mechanisation of agriculture.

The plan for the first half of 1949 was completed successfully. It has been carried out by 101.6 per cent, for instance, in industrial production as a whole. This means that once we mobilise all our resources and utilise our own possibilities, develop our economic cooperation to the maximum with the states friendly to us, the Five-Year Plan will be carried out and this will open up brilliant perspectives.

The output of the nationalised industries in 1948 surpassed the 1947 level by 40 per cent. The rate of production is growing. The value of the goods produced by the enterprises of the Ministry of Industry was 34.5 per cent higher in the first seven months of 1949 than for the same period in 1948. The mining industry is steadily increasing its output. Taking 1939 as 100, it has reached 253 during the years of people’s administration. The coal mines have also increased their output (1944—100; 1949—163.9); output at the ore mines has gone up 2.5 times compared to 1944.

The average productivity of labour, according to data of the Stale Planning Commission, has risen 10.95 per cent this year, while wages are up 9.7 per cent compared to last year. Parallel with this, a campaign is being conducted to economise materials, fuel and electric energy which will help to lower the cost of production.

In the course of 50 years, the capitalist governments of Bulgaria electrified only 784 villages. The people’s power in the past five years alone, has already electrified 1,100 villages. The output of electric power in 1948 increased approximately by 80 per cent. Work has started on 26 powerful hydro-electric and 4 other power stations. The “Nadezhda” central heating station, the “Mezdra”, “Toplika”, “Midzhur”, “Falkovets” hydro-electric power stations and the “Kula” diesel station have been put into operation. Also the “Ruse” substation and 225 transformer units have been built.

Our industry is indebted for its achievements, above all, to the invaluable economic aid which Bulgaria has been receiving from the great Soviet Union.

The Fatherland Front is sparing no effort to reorganise and develop agriculture, which undoubtedly is lagging compared with industry. But here, too, we can register certain success.

After the Fifth Congress of the Party, at which Comrade Dimitrov stressed that the “agricultural cooperatives already constitute a stable new form in agriculture, the only form which, with the help of the machine-tractor depots, is capable of mechanising and modernising our agriculture, of improving the life of the rural population and guiding agriculture along the path toward Socialism”, the development of these agricultural cooperatives forged ahead. Thanks to the generous aid and all-round support of the government and our Party, the number of these cooperatives is rapidly increasing and today reach 1,600, uniting 147,000 households with 5,400,000 dekars of land. The cooperative cultivation of the land has made possible the introduction of agro-technique and mechanisation which have helped to increase he yield of the cooperatives. According to data of the State Planning Commission 98 per cent of 130 cooperative house-holds investigated reaped a harvest 25 to [...] per cent higher than the crop gathered on the individual farms, while some of the

cooperatives, on certain crops gathered in a harvest of 50 to 100 per cent higher than individual households.

Agrotechnical measures are being introduced in the cooperatives such as deep ploughing, drilling, artificial fertilizers, autumn ploughing and so on.

The agricultural cooperatives are pioneers in the socialist reorganisation of our agriculture. Their future depends on their full and proper development. Our government will continue its policy of encouraging and promoting the development of the agricultural cooperatives with still greater vigour. But it follows from this that the cooperatives must be strengthened organisationally, and casual and alien elements expelled from them.

The State farms today are an important socialist sector in agriculture. They are gradually becoming model farms and supply the agricultural cooperatives with select seed and pedigree cattle. There are 91 State farms in the country with 850,000 dekars of land.

The State effected the compulsory purchase of 3,350 tractors, 3,700 threshers, 1,660 tractor-drawn ploughs and other agricultural equipment from big landowners. The greater part of these implements have been placed at the disposal of the machine-tractor depots which have also received many of the latest high power Soviet tractors. There are 86 machine-tractor depots in the country, servicing the agricultural cooperatives and also private farms. These depots are helping to raise the yield, to economise working time, to improve agricultural measures and so on.

The people’s power has also made great strides forward during the past five years in the spheres of education, science and culture.

Fundamental changes have been introduced in public education. Prior to September 9, 1944 there were 7,736 schools (excluding universities) attended by 1,011,546 pupils. The figure for 1948—49 is 9,480 educational establishments, attended by 1,091,161 pupils. In other words during the past five years the number of educational establishments has increased by 22.54 per cent and the student body by 8 per cent.

The people’s power has taken measures to promote the education of the national minorities. In the past, the schools of the national minorities were a private affair and were run by the communities of the national minorities. Today, all the schools of the national minorities are public schools where studies are conducted in the native language. These schools are financed by the State like all other schools in the country. Since September 9, 1944, 100,000 adults have learnt to read and write, including 60,000 during the 1948—49 school year alone.

However, we are only at the beginning of the difficult path leading toward the socialist reorganisation of Bulgaria. We still have to solve many tasks, to overcome many shortcomings. Our cardinal task is to ensure the fulfilment of the Five-Year Plan.

Much remains to be done in the further reorganisation of agriculture and to rectify mistakes committed.

The July meeting of the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party recommended introducing essential changes in the system of food purchases from the population, increasing the price of grain bought by the State, guaranteeing the right and possibility of the agricultural producer to market his products after meeting State deliveries, economically planning agricultural development by strengthening and extending purchasing as the principal lever in establishing contact between State industry and the agricultural producer. This calls for a decisive reorganisation of our cooperative and trading organisations. The July meeting recommended measures which would give the agricultural producer added interest in increasing the crop. The meeting did not retreat a single step from our policy of establishing and strengthening the agricultural cooperatives.

In our work we are learning from the great Bolshevik Party, from Lenin and Stalin. We realise that the greatest danger to a revolutionary party, especially when it is in power, is to become dizzy with success, to be uncritical toward its work.

Our Bulgarian people’s republic is vibrant with energy, confident of its strength, surrounded by strong and true friends, and, relying on the support and friendship of the great Soviet Union, is boldly marching forward.

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Growing unemployment and rising food prices are stimulating the activity of the working people of France in their struggle for better conditions. The Communist Party, alone of the political parties is supporting the battle of the working people. In this respect “l’Humanite” reported a highly instructive fact. Recently, the Unemployed Committee in Champaign (Marne Department), which numbers 450 unemployed, wrote to their deputies requesting support for the modest demands of the town’s unemployed. However, neither the Socialist, M.R.P., nor de Gaulle deputies replied to the Committee’s request. Only the Communist deputies responded. At the beginning of the month Maurice Thorez visited Champigny and on behalf of the Communist deputies assured the unemployed of wholehearted support.

Thorez told the unemployed workers that the Marshall Plan was the cause of their misery and poverty. The Communists, said Thorez, exposed the Marshall Plan since 1947, and are continuing to do so. Maurice Thorez also outlined the Party’s plan for struggle against the catastrophic situation arising from the policy of the government which is bowing to the orders of American imperialism.




The latest issue of the journal “New Central European Observer”, published in London, contains an article by a visitor who has just returned from Yugoslavia. The journal does not give the name of the author. However, his testimony is of quite considerable interest.

“The crime for which a person in Yugoslavia is imprisoned,” writes the author, “may be that he is hungry and has had the audacity to say so, or that he has been caught listening to the Moscow radio ... or perhaps in his talk he has shown knowledge or admiration for the Soviet Union, or, worst of all, has dared to say that he agrees with the Cominform statement... If they agree with the Cominform criticism they are dubbed as fascists, and imprisoned immediately with very serious consequences, usually torture and death”.

The author reports that the war-time quislings and other reactionaries, rubbing their hands gleefully, say that “now the regime is busy getting rid of the Communists, with the result that we reactionaries are quite safe.” The standard of living of the people, writes the author, is steadily dropping. The average wage in Yugoslavia is said to be 3,000 dinars a month but after deductions a worker usually gets about 2,500. For four months in the winter people did not get any meat, vegetables or fruit.




The American journal “Labour” recently reported the trial in Virginia of an active trade unionist named Mac Worther. It appears that Mac Worther had taken part in organising a strike picket outside a clothing factory where the workers were protesting against the misery caused by growing unemployment. Mac Worther was charged with using improper language in public.

“Labour” points out that the charge was based on the text of a song sung by the strikers in which well-known words such as “scab”, “strike-breaker”, etc. appeared. Mac Worther was sentenced to 3 years imprisonment and fined 250 dollars.

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Numerically, the present Yugoslav army numbers far more men than the People’s Liberation Army of Yugoslavia did at the end of the war. Tito, the imperialist lackey, is brandishing the sword at the Balkans. The troop concentrations along the borders of Hungary, Rumania, Bulgaria and Albania, the transformation of entire villages into military camps, the evacuation of civilians from the border areas and the feverish fortification work in progress along the border — all this is being done for the purpose of creating a war psychosis among the people of Yugoslavia. Army leave has been cancelled. Belgrade has been turned into a vast barracks. There are not enough premises to house the troops who are being quartered in hutments on the outskirts.

Road building equipment for the strategic Trieste-Belgrade highway gets priority in Yugoslav imports from capitalist countries, especially from the United States. Hundreds of thousands of “volunteers”, forcibly mobilised by the authorities, and dozens of Army divisions are engaged in building this highway.

The Yugoslav army is closely controlled by the military counter-intelligence organisation KOS—a branch of the secret police. The Yugoslav fascist rulers are destroying all that is democratic and Communist in the army. The slightest display of sympathy for the Soviet Union or the People’s Democracies means imprisonment. The Tito clique brutally murdered General Jovanovic, one of the finest soldiers in the People’s Liberation Army. Thousands of officers and men who fought against German fascism have been thrown into Rankovic’s torture cells. Among these are Generals Juiovic and Hebrang, founders of the Yugoslav army, people’s hero of Yugoslavia Savo Stanojevic, Generals B. Petricevic and M Krdjic, and many other splendid heroes of the Yugoslav people.

All mention of the Soviet Union and its heroic army has been eliminated from the curriculum of the army. Yugoslav army newspapers circulate vicious fascist propaganda aimed at inciting hatred for the socialist camp, and laud “heroes” who have distinguished themselves in border provocations against the democratic countries, and in murdering Yugoslav Communists. They feature articles about the U.S. air force, the atom bomb, the experience of Anglo-American troops during World War Two, and so on. Officers who have returned from studies in the Soviet Union are shadowed by the secret police and are not given responsible posts, even though they have expressed themselves against the Information Bureau Resolution, which today is the main criterion in enjoying the right to live. The personnel of special divisions, picked by Tito, are studying the English language and also the armaments of the U.S. army.

With the aim of making sure of the top Army bureaucrats and in order to isolate the army from the people, the fascist rulers of Yugoslavia endow them with privileged positions: high salaries, special rations, additional uniforms (foreign make), and so on. Black market speculation is rife among the army officers who dispose of flour, fats, and consumer goods. Black-marketing assumed such dimensions that the Political Department of the Army was compelled to issue an order, prohibiting the “misuse of supplies”.

The Army has lost the esteem of the people and its former prestige has been dissipated. Troops are used in scouring the forests for Communists who have remained loyal to internationalism, and who, when caught, are made to work at construction sites which the people and the youth are evading, and also as the Yugoslav press has admitted, to “take part” in forming agricultural cooperatives. However, the ranks of the Army contain not a few Communist internationalists who are waging a determined struggle against the fascist terror, against turning the Yugoslav army into an anti-popular, anti-Soviet Soviet instrument.


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Article by Harry Pollitt

In an article published in the “Daily Worker” on September 10, Harry Pollitt, General Secretary of the Communist Party of Great Britain, sums up the work of the British Trades Union Congress. Pollitt writes:

“The Bridlington Trades Union Congress has been blazoned in the newspaper headlines, and on the B. B.C. as a ‘defeat for the Communists' “ in an effort to conceal the fact that Bridlington was a defeat for the rank and file of the trade union movement. Not only the Communists, writes Pollitt, but all workers will pay for this treacherous policy of the Right wing leaders. Comrade Pollitt points out that no matter how far the reactionary leaders go in their readiness to support capitalist policies they will never be able to go far enough for the capitalists, who will increase their pressure on the workers to the extent that the Communist are attacked. Proof of this is seen in the capitalist press which, while praising the General Council for “courage” and “realism” has followed this up by demanding support for “drastic cuts in the social services” and lengthening of the working day.

A year from now, unless a real mass fight is made against the disastrous policies adopted at Bridlington, many delegates who have clapped their hands with joy over alleged “Communist defeats” will be wringing them in anger because they “never thought that things would turn out like this”.

Harry Pollitt writes that the Bridlington decisions are reminiscent of the shameful Swansea Congress in 1928 when the General Council called upon the workers to collaborate with capitalism. He recalls that the failure of this policy was fully revealed in 1930-31 when wages were reduced by millions of pounds. This policy prepared the way for three million unemployed, for the great industrial centres becoming known as “the Depressed Areas”, for the cutting of the social services by ten per cent, for the split in the Labour Party in 1931. Finally, it helped to unleash war in 1939.

Denouncing the shameful withdrawal from the World Federation of Trade Unions, Pollitt says: “The British working class will soon need international solidarity more than any other workers in the world. What a price will have to be paid for that withdrawal.”

Commenting on Attlee’s speech at the Congress, Pollitt noted that Attlee made it plain to every employer and to the National Arbitration Tribunal that they can now refuse any wage advances.

Pollitt denounced as a downright falsehood Attlee’s statement that the Communists would welcome the return of a Tory Government. He writes that the present Labour leaders and their government are the best friends the Tories have. It is the Labour leaders’ betrayal of the class struggle and all that follows from that which helps the Tories. It is the unprincipled alliance and subservience to American Big Business in its war aims against the Soviet Union that helps to disillusion people about what ought to be the real aims of labour.

Comrade Pollitt calls on the Communist Party to make the Bridlington decisions known everywhere, to explain and expose them in the factories, trade unions, clubs, and so on. He calls on all workers to help the Communist Party in the struggle to defend working class conditions, avert dependence on the U.S. and prevent mass misery, unemployment and war.

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“Couriers and Spies”, by Heinz Kuhne, is the title of a book issued recently by the publishing house of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany. Kuhne was formerly chief courier and, later, head of the Berlin branch of the so-called Eastern Bureau of the German Social Democratic Party. Having seen for himself how far the Schumacher leadership of the party had gone in its betrayal of the working class and all the German people, and no longer willing to be a party to a shameful and criminal purpose, Kuhne decided to break with the Schumacher and left for the Soviet zone. His book is a faithful record of the crimes of Schumacher and his clique.

The author describes in detail the formation and activities of the so-called Eastern Bureau. The facts tell how this Schumacher organisation is controlled by the British “Field Secret Service” and the American “Civilian Information Centre”, and, acting on orders from these organisations, engages in espionage and subversive work.

“The Anglo-Americans,” writes the author, “were interested in the military units disposed in the frontier areas of the Soviet zone, their numerical strength, location and equipment.

The assignments of the “Eastern Bureau”, writes Kuhne, included subversive work in the Soviet zone, undermining its economy, discrediting the measures of the Soviet Military Administration, and discrediting the political parties and organisations.

The manufacture of slanders about the Soviet zone features prominently in the work of the Bureau. “Falsehoods are concocted, and everything brought in by the agents—credible and incredible—is rehashed for the press.

The Schumacher spies are not fastidious. They even send out letters containing slanders and provocative material.

Kuhne describes in detail the special, militarised organisation of the Schumacher-ites. “This organisation is headed by a political staff. Its function, in addition to work in Berlin, is underground activities in the Soviet zone and in Western Germany and also to keep contact with the Nazi underground.

These facts are but a brief account of the criminal activities of the Schumacher’s.

The right people have been selected to guide these “activities”—former Nazis who fled from the Soviet zone, former Gestapo agents, Nazi jailers and professional spies.

These criminals who have nothing in common with the German working class and the German people, fear the German workers, fear exposure. Lacking any support among the people, they turn for protection to their British and American masters. Kuhne relates how the leaders of the Berlin branch of the “Eastern Bureau” were given a special telephone number and password to be used “should the need arise” for summoning the British military police.

Kuhne’s book rips the mask from the f ace of the reactionary leadership of the German Social Democratic Party. It exposes the Schumacher’s and their hirelings as the lackeys of the Anglo-American imperialists, shows the vile role being played by these new-look “Fuehrers.”

And although many honest German workers are still Influenced by Schumacher demagogy, the number of those who are beginning to see through this demagogy is growing. More and more Social Democratic workers are breaking with the Schumacher lackeys of the Anglo-American imperialists and are joining the ranks of the fighters for a united democratic Germany.




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J. Berman, Member, Political Bureau, United Workers’ Party, Poland

Fifteen months have passed since the Resolution of the Communist information Bureau concerning the situation in the Communist Party of Yugoslavia was first published.

The ignominious desertion of the Tito clique from the camp of democracy and Socialism to the camp of imperialism and fascism, and the degeneration of the State system in Yugoslavia were completed with remarkable speed during those fifteen months. The bombastic phrases of the double-dealers about their “Socialism” cannot drown the voice of the Yugoslav Communists and patriots who have been thrown into prison by the janissaries of Rankovic. The mask is off. The repulsive countenance of the present oppressors of the peoples of Yugoslavia, the treacherous Tito-Kardeij-Rankovic-Djilas clique, stands revealed in all its fascist brutality and rabid fanaticism.

What is the essence of the coup that has taken place in Yugoslavia? What is the essence of the degeneration of its State system?

What is the nature of the regime that today oppresses the peoples of Yugoslavia?

In order to answer these questions it is necessary to dwell on the main features of the Tito regime—on its class essence and its role in the struggle of the two camps—the imperialist and anti-imperialist—in the international arena. These features are indissolubly linked with each other and take shape against the background of the Bonapartist, military-bureaucratic dictatorship imposed on the peoples of Yugoslavia by means of the forcible abolition of the system of people's democracy.

This forcible liquidation of the regime of people’s democracy was reflected in the fact that the Tito clique destroyed, and threw into prison and concentration camp the best elements of the Yugoslav Communist Party and the people’s democratic State, replacing them with bourgeois nationalists, kulaks and the dregs of society—spies and provocateurs—thus usurping the power of the people and establishing a fascist-Gestapo regime in the country.

In 1927 Comrade Stalin gave this definition of Bonapartism: Bonapartism is an attempt to impose the will of the minority on the majority by force. Bonapartism is the forcible seizure of power in the party or in the country by the minority against the majority. (Stalin, Vol. X, p. 164. Russ. ed.)

The fact that the Bonapartist coup in Yugoslavia was effected under cover of “legality” in no way changes its essence.

Polemising against Martov in 1904 Lenin, analysing the meaning of Bonapartism stressed a very characteristic feature: In my opinion it means taking power in a formally legal way, but actually against the will of the people (or party). (Lenin, Vol. VII, p. 347. Russ. ed.)

Like the other People’s Democracies Yugoslavia was able to win its independence and take the path of socialist construction only thanks to the victory of the Soviet Union over Hitler Germany. Without underestimating the significance and heroism of the partisan struggle it should he stressed that the restoration of Yugoslavia’s independence, the defeat of the Yugoslav bourgeoisie, and the establishment of people’s democracy would have been impossible without the defeat of the fascist invaders by the Soviet Union.

Without the heroic efforts of the Soviet Union, without the millions who sacrificed their lives to make possible the historic victory of the Soviet Army which saved the world from fascist barbarism, the struggle of the Yugoslav partisans would have been but an heroic episode, doomed to defeat. In the final analysis, not the partisan operations in Yugoslavia, but the historic battles at Moscow and Stalingrad decided the outcome of the war, paved the way for the entry of the Soviet Army, the Liberation army, into the countries of Central and South-eastern Europe, including Yugoslavia, and decided also the destiny of that country. Those who fail to see this, fail to see the meaning of World War Two, the character of our epoch—the epoch of struggle for Socialism: they understand nothing of Marxism.

Those who try, as the Yugoslav traitors are trying, to argue the “self-sufficiency and decisive” significance of the national struggle in their country and who counter pose this to the struggle of the Soviet Union, thereby giving free rein to rabid chauvinism, are deliberately adding grist to the mill of imperialism, are going into the camp of the enemy or have long been enemy agents in the working-class movement.

The deep going solidarity between the People’s Democracies and the U.S.S.R., the indissoluble community of their destinies have been vividly reflected during recent years, in the period of rehabilitation and in the first beginnings of socialist construction which in the People’s Democracies took place in conditions of ever sharpening class struggle.


One of the laws governing the development of people’s democracy—the system which, historically, took shape in conditions of the victory of Socialism in the U.S.S.R. and which is fulfilling the functions of the dictatorship of the proletariat— is the immense increase in the offensive power and influence of the working class in the People’s Democracies precisely because of the solidarity and all-round support of the Soviet Union.

The increased strength of the working class and the weakened position of the bourgeoisie, its fear of the Soviet Army, furnished the pre-conditions for a series of victories in the class battles waged in the People’s Democracies.

Those who do not understand this fail to understand the really decisive factors in the development of people’s democracy toward Socialism.

Those, who, like the Tito-Rankovic clique, seek to counter pose the working class of “their” country to the Soviet Union, seek to crush the revolutionary spirit of the working class.

At the first conference of the Information Bureau, Comrade Zhdanov clearly revealed the mechanism of postwar imperialist policy and outlined the tasks of the anti-imperialist camp. It became obvious, more than ever before, that only the profound principled ideological solidarity of the People’s Democracies with the U.S.S.R., only the closest cooperation of the Communist and Workers’ Parties with the Communist Party of the Soviet Union would give the consolidation and firmness needed to secure the sovereignty of the People's Democracies, repulse all encroachments by imperialism, ensure the successful construction of Socialism and improve the wellbeing of these countries.

In 1928 Comrade Stalin said: It would be stupid to imagine that international capital will leave us in peace. No, comrades, this is not so. Classes exist, international capital exists and it cannot calmly view the development of the country building Socialism ... It is one of two things: either we continue to pursue a revolutionary policy, rallying round the working class of the U.S.S.R. the proletariat and oppressed of all countries—and international capital will then in every wav hamper us in our forward march; or we reject our revolutionary policy, agree to a number of fundamental concessions to international capital—and then international capital will, in all probability, have no objections to “helping” us in the degeneration of our socialist country into a “good” bourgeois republic. (Stalin, Vol XI, pp. 54—55. Russ, ed.)

What profound meaning these words hold for the People’s Democracies twenty years later!

The Thermidorian Tito clique took the second path against which Comrade Stalin warned. The results are clear: with every passing day Yugoslavia is sinking deeper into the mire of colonial dependence on American imperialism.

And the truth about the enslavement of the peoples of Yugoslavia cannot be white-washed by hysterical outbursts on the part of a Djilas, Pijade, or any other contemptible renegade about alleged injuries caused Yugoslavia, or by their slanders against the Soviet Union or by insidious attempts to defame its attitude to small nations.

In his speech at a dinner given in honour of the Finnish Government delegation on April 7, 1948, Comrade Stalin said:

“There are many who believe that there cannot be equal relations between big and small nations. But we Soviet people think that such relations can, and should, exist. Soviet people are of the opinion that each nation, whether big or small, has its own qualitative features, specific peculiarities, which belong to it alone and not to any other nation. These peculiarities are the contribution made by every nation to the common treasure house of world culture, thus adding to it and enriching it. In this sense all nation, small and big, are in the same position and each nation is the equal of any other nation”.

The People’s Democracies fully appreciate this. The experience of the past five years has proved irrefutably that, in the most difficult period of drought and economic hardships, the Soviet Union lent a fraternal helping hand to each of the People’s Democracies, often at the expense of its own vital stocks.

The experience of the past few years has proved irrefutably that the Soviet Union has given generous and disinterested aid in promoting the industrialisation of the People’s Democracies by supplying them with industrial equipment and invaluable technical assistance. This is done on the basis of complete equality and fraternal solidarity, which is unthinkable in relations between capitalist countries. The Council for Mutual Economic Aid is functioning on the basis of friendship.

The Soviet Union is giving the People’s Democracies every help in strengthening their economic and political sovereignty.

The Yugoslav slanderers and falsifiers in the Tito-Rankovic gang will not be able to conceal these facts much longer from their peoples, all the more so since every day brings additional proof of Yugoslavia’s growing dependence on the American imperialists.

In their servility to the Wall Street magnates the fascist “theoreticians” of the Tito police regime have gone to the length of slanderously accusing the Soviet Union (and not bellicose Anglo-American reaction!) of fomenting war hysteria, of whipping up a war psychosis which, it is alleged, it needs to keep the People’s Democracies in subordination. According to the theoreticians of the Yugoslav Thermidor it appears that it was the Soviet Union which, by its policy, compelled the Anglo-American imperialists to conclude the aggressive North Atlantic Pact. Capitalism, on the other hand, as Kardelj, the servile philosopher of Wall Street recently stated in a speech in Slovenia, “is fully consolidated and does not need war”. Surely these declarations by Kardelj coincide with the “peace-loving statements” of Truman? Surely this is a refrain from the Goebbels’ repertoire about “red imperialism” and the “lofty” aspirations of national-socialism?

It is not for nothing that the entire imperialist press, beginning with the stolid “Times” and ending with the yellow rags, have nothing but admiration for Tito, Kardelj and the other Thermidorian swashbucklers who get a pat on the back every day.


In order to indicate the class essence of the Tito regime it suffices to look at the course of its home and foreign policy. An economy in the hands of a Bonapartist stale is no longer the property of the people. What is the economic policy of the Tito Thermidorians?

It is a policy of extending State capitalism by means of intensifying the exploitation of the working class. State capitalism, becoming more and more dependent on foreign capital, is, at the moment, a convenient way of draining off all profits from Yugoslavia and, in due time, will furnish the conditions for the complete restoration of capitalist relations.

What is the policy of the Tito Thermidorians in the countryside?

In the past, certain Yugoslav “theoreticians” tried to introduce anti-Leninist policies in relation to the peasant question and in the question of the hegemony of the proletariat. But these attempts merely anticipated the headlong degeneration that set in during the past two years. The double-dealing of the Tito fascists is also seen in the fact that they continue to talk about the leading role of the working class for the purpose of deceiving the masses. But in practice they are creating conditions that secure to the kulaks the dominant role in the countryside. Such is the case with the agricultural cooperatives. These cooperatives, which the kulaks are obliged to join, are based on the contribution made in land, cattle and agricultural implements. Inasmuch as the income is distributed according to the scale of the contribution and not according to the amount of work put in, these cooperatives represent a form of capitalist exploitation of the poor and medium peasant, since rent constitutes the main source of income.

Moreover, Yugoslavia is in the grip of a police terror, typical of a Bonapartist regime.

Analysing the agrarian Bonapartism pursued by Stolypin, Lenin wrote in 1908 that the liberals disliked the police nature of this policy, the idiotic interference of officialdom in peasant life, and so on, but they supported this policy. Lenin pointed out that capitalist elements had developed within the peasant communities, that the autocracy could play up to these elements, could say to them “enrich yourselves”, “plunder the community, but support me”.

The Tito policy in the countryside is also characterised by Bonapartist methods on the one hand, and, on the other, by its bourgeois essence.

Kulak, capitalist elements constitute the class basis of the anti-people’s, anti-Communist Bonapartist State system in Yugoslavia.

Actually, a bourgeois order in conditions of carrying out a counter-revolutionary coup can rely only on a bureaucratic military-police apparatus. That is why Yugoslavia has been turned into a military camp. Eight hundred thousand men, that is 6—7 per cent of the population, are under arms today in the army and police force in Yugoslavia, whereas at the height of the war against the Hitler invaders Yugoslavia’s partisan army numbered 300,000 men. What an enormous burden the working people are made to bear for the upkeep of this army which buttresses the military-fascist regime of the Tito clique.

The activities of the imperialist intelligence services are an important factor in the counter-revolutionary coup in Yugoslavia. There is nothing new in the provocative methods used in the struggle against the revolutionary working-class movement.

It is now clear to all that Tito, Kardelj, Djilas and Rankovic are the agents of American imperialism. For that matter the majority of their circle consists of spies of foreign capital. The Tito clique, carrying out the direct orders of the American imperialist, concocted delirious plans to liquidate the people’s democratic system in the neighbouring countries, to set them against the U.S.S.R and subordinate them to the American imperialists.

The indictment against Raijk and his accomplices in Hungary reveals that Tito and his clique hoped with the aid of military intervention, counter-revolutionary conspiracies and the help of the United States, to stage coups also in the other People’s Democracies. The hangman Rankovic, informed Raijk the spy, of the plan personally prawn up by Tito: “The plan consists in this: carefully to lull the vigilance of the governments of the neighbouring countries and then to draw these countries into the orbit of Yugoslavia with Belgrade as the centre ... “


What are the perspectives of the struggle against the Bonapartist regime in Yugoslavia?

In August 1917 Lenin wrote: If we analyse the beginnings of Bonapartism, and, fearlessly looking truth in the face, say to the working class and all the people that the beginning of Bonapartism is a fact, we shall, in this way, help to launch a serious and stubborn struggle for the overthrow of Bonapartism, waged on a wide political scale and based on deep class interests. (Lenin, Vol. XXI, p. 62. Russ. ed.)

The stubborn struggle of the Yugoslav Communists who are now regenerating their Party and its finest traditions will, undoubtedly, accelerate the disintegration of the Bonapartist regime and lead to its rapid downfall. The Communists of Yugoslavia are conscious that it is their duty to recapture the Yugoslav revolution that has been defiled by the Tito-ites. There are in the ranks of the working class and working peasantry of Yugoslavia inexhaustible forces who will wage a ruthless struggle against all who have besmirched the banners of the heroic Yugoslav partisans and revolutionaries who sacrificed their lives for freedom and the victory of Socialism.

The exposure of the Tito clique, thanks to the vigilance and foresight of the CPSU(B), has played a tremendous role in consolidating the international Communist movement, in clearing its ranks of alien elements, and in the Communist and Workers’ Parties mastering the principles of Marxism-Leninism.

This lesson enabled the Polish Workers’ Party to overcome the Right and nationalist deviation in its leadership and, on the platform of Marxism-Leninism, to unite the working class in the United Workers’ Party of Poland while continuing the struggle against the survivals of social democracy and opportunism, against nationalism and cosmopolitanism.

The other fraternal Communist Parties too, have drawn their conclusions from the Yugoslav lesson.

In the struggle against Bonapartism, against the counter-revolutionary coup in Yugoslavia, in the struggle against imperialism, for peace and Socialism, all the Communist and Workers’ Parties, all the revolutionary forces of the world have rallied still closer round the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks), the leading Communist Party, the Party marching at the head of progressive mankind.

[page 3]


Waldeck Rochet, Member, Political Bureau, Communist Party of France

The catastrophic drop in prices of agricultural products and the increased tax burden caused by the Government’s policy of war preparations are causing deep discontent in the French countryside. This discontent is particularly expressed in a broad movement of resistance against the heavy taxes. The slogan “1949 taxes no higher than 1948” has become the slogan of millions of peasants throughout France.

Hardly a week passes without the press reporting actions by the peasants, in response to the call of the Defence Committees, to prevent the auctioning of the properly of the small land holders who refuse to pay these heavy taxes. On June 29-30, the National Council of the Landholders’ Association which is made up, in the main, of reactionary elements closely linked with the Government parties, was compelled to adopt a general resolution condemning the Government’s policy.

Since the end of 1948 there has been a truly catastrophic drop in agricultural prices. This has not been accompanied by a drop in the cost of living. The fall in the prices paid to the growers does not affect the market price of agricultural products because the profits of the middleman and especially the increased taxes send food prices soaring.

Unquestionably, had the slump in prices been general, in other words, had it affected all stages and all products, including manufactured goods, and had taxes also been lowered, the peasants would have been the first to agree to price cuts for their produce.

But this is not the case: compared with 1938 prices the index of industrial prices is 22, while the index of production prices for agricultural goods stands at 15 and for some products, at 10 and even 8. In view of this discrepancy between agricultural and industrial prices the small and medium peasants are obliged to use less fertilisers, to do without the necessary agricultural machines and implements and, in general, are forced to reduce their purchases of industrial goods considerably.

Thus the agrarian crisis is contributing to the development of the general economic crisis and to the growth of unemployment.

It goes without saying that if there is no market for a certain amount of agricultural goods, this does not mean that there is a surplus of meat, butter, eggs and wine compared with the actual demand. On the contrary, the working people are underfed. The agricultural crisis is the outcome of three factors: the reduced purchasing power of the working people which is affecting the home market; the loss of a number of foreign markets; the import of agricultural products from America as stipulated by the “Marshall Plan”.

These three reasons, the direct result of the policy of subordination to American imperialism, will make themselves felt more and more so long as France fails to regain her independence.

The growth of unemployment is further lowering the purchasing power of the working people. Not only is the export of agricultural products promised by the Government becoming more and more illusory, but American competition organised with the help of the “Marshall Plan” is already beginning to have a disastrous effect on the French market.

At the end of 1948, when prices on a number of goods had dropped sharply, the Government was importing large quantities of potato flour and wines from Greece, Italy and Chile, lard and canned milk from the United States. The import of these products continues, despite the sharpening agricultural crisis.

On March 3 the figures of U.S. exports to France fixed by the “Marshall Plan” were revised and increased. And so, in 1949, France will have to import from the United States agricultural products to the sum of 29,275 million francs, the greater part of which could be supplied by French agriculture.

Another example of American expansion is the international grain agreement signed in Washington on March 29, 1949. The French Government repeatedly boasted that France could balance her trade in 1952 by exporting 15 million quintals of grain. But with a stroke of the pen, the Washington agreement has nullified these boastful statements of the French rulers. This agreement is in the interests of American exporters who are out to seize all foreign markets in order to ward off the economic crisis in America by exporting it to other countries.

Millions of small and medium peasants in France see ever more clearly that for them the “Marshall Plan” means crisis, ruin and war.



Class Differentiation among the French Peasantry

The small and medium peasants are those most hit by the crisis in agriculture and the fall in prices, especially the small and medium peasants in those departments where a variety of crops is cultivated and cattle breeding developed. The few products not affected by the fall in prices, such as grain, sugar beet and other crops, are cultivated by the capitalist landholders of Brie, Picardie, Beauce and other big agricultural areas.

Even in the event of the fall in prices affecting the produce of the landowners, their vast technical superiority would enable them to find a way out, while, for the small peasants, these difficulties are insuperable.

The crisis, which is forcing the peasant to curtail his purchases, to use less fertilizers and to forego the use of machines and modern implements, is accelerating the process of the decline of French agriculture and the rate at which the big capitalist farms are being increased at the expense of the small producers being put out of business.

The sharp fall In agricultural prices, together with the rise in prices on manufactured goods and the increased taxation, means that the smaller the peasant holding, the more disastrous the consequences.

The overwhelming majority of the French peasants possess holdings under 10 hectares. Data published by the National Statistical Institute of an agricultural survey made in 1929 show that an area of 10,281,182 hectares, or 22 per cent of the entire land, is owned by 2,878,598 households possessing up to 10 hectares each, while 114,383 households with more than 50 hectares each, own 13,487,357 hectares, or 30 per cent of all the land.

In other words, 114,000 households, farming 50 hectares and more, comprise but 3 per cent of all the households. They possess more land than the 2,878,000 small households which constitute 73 per cent of all the landholders. Analysing these figures the Statistical Institute’s bulletin reached the following conclusion: of every 100 landowners in France, 10 of the biggest possess as much land as the remaining 90.

Here it should be noted that a considerable number of small and medium peasants are tenant farmers or sharecroppers. The land which they cultivate does not belong to them. In France according to the 1946 census, there are some 1,200,000 agricultural labourers, 800,000 tenants and 200,000 sharecroppers, that is, half the total number of peasants tilling the soil. The remainder consists, for the most part, of very small households.

French agriculture is constantly changing its structure. Speaking at Macon in November 1947, Maurice Thorez stated that between 1892 and 1929, the number of households had decreased by 1,730,000 (from 5,700,000 to 3,970,000). According to official statistics, which are apt to conceal the truth, another 879,000 small households disappeared between 1929-1946.

The present agricultural crisis and the policy of subordination to American imperialism is accelerating this process.

These facts fully confirm the teachings of Marxism-Leninism and show that capitalism leads to the expropriation of the small peasantry.



Policy of the French Communist Party in the Countryside

Proceeding from these conditions in agriculture, the Communist Party at its national conference in Montreuil in April 1949 formulated its policy on the peasant question.

Speaking of the basic problem of relations between the working class and the peasantry, Maurice Thorez said:

“We differ from the Socialist leaders on this question, for they deny any possibility of a revolutionary movement among the peasants while we are of the opinion that the overwhelming majority of the peasantry can, and must, in its own interests, be drawn into the struggle for Socialism and will, therefore, enter into an alliance with the working class”.

How can this alliance between the working class and the mass of exploited peasants be secured?

“We must,” continued Thorez, “concern ourselves with the urgent needs of the working people in the countryside, organise the struggle for "their demands, while not losing sight of our main slogan: “Land to those who till it”.”

In its struggle for national independence and peace, the Communist Party of France has' always vigorously defended the interests of the working people of the countryside, the small and medium peasants, by advancing the following demands:—

Reduction in prices for manufactured goods and the fixing of agricultural prices favourable to the small and medium producers.

1949 taxes not to exceed 1948 taxes; reduced taxes for small peasants or their exemption from taxation.

Decrease the difference between the price paid to the producer and the charge to the consumer by substantial reduction in indirect taxes which cause agricultural prices to rise.

Lower rents and safeguards for the small and medium tenant farmers and sharecroppers.

The same benefits for agricultural workers as those enjoyed by workers in other professions.

Old-age pensions for all aged toilers.

An end to the destructive war in Indo-China and sharp reduction in war credits, in line with the policy of peace.

Finally, the demand to protect French agriculture against American competition. This means rejecting the Marshall Plan and fighting for the return to France of her national independence.

Thorez also pointed out that merely to fight for the immediate demands of the working peasantry was not enough.

He particularly stressed the need to carry out explanatory work among the peasantry and to answer all their questions, especially the question: what will the Communists do when they take power?

To prevent the enemy and big reactionary landowners from sowing confusion among the small peasants it should be clearly explained to the latter that Socialism, as distinct from capitalism which is their mortal enemy, means “the handing over of the land to those who till it, the expropriation of the expropriators and peace”.

Such is the aim of the French Communist Party’s agrarian programme, elaborated as early as 1921 at the congress held in Marseilles and approved as a whole, at the time, by Lenin.

The great ideas at the basis of this programme are:—

a) Confiscation, without compensation, of the lands held by the big landlords and confiscation, with compensation, of the land belonging to other holders who do not themselves cultivate it.

b) The handing over of these lands together with inventory to the working peasantry: tenant farmers, sharecroppers, agricultural labourers and smallholders.

c) The inalienable right of smallholders who cultivate the land themselves, to their land in perpetuity.

d) The prohibition of the sale and purchase of land so as to retain the land of those who till it and prevent it passing into the hands of capitalists and speculators.

e) The handing over for public use of big estates of economic significance in order to turn them into model socialist enterprises.

f) State aid to promote the development of agriculture. This aid to be given in the form of the electrification of the countryside, the production of tractors and special machines, fertilizers and selected seed to be supplied at low prices, agricultural credits to the working peasants, especially young peasants.

g) General and financial aid to all types of agricultural cooperatives, including producer cooperatives which, developing on the basis of the initiative and voluntary agreement of the working peasants will, through collectivisation, open the path to modem socialist aquaculture. This alone can contribute to the wellbeing and social progress of the countryside.

It is quite clear that the realisation of this programme would mean a great deal to the vast masses of the working people of France.

As Thorez stated at the national conference in Montreuil; there are two possible paths for the peasantry:—

“Either the path along which the bourgeoisie is still dragging them... the path of capitalism, exploitation, need, inevitable expropriation and war, or, the path of Socialism, in alliance with the working class, that is: land to those who till it, return of the land to those who were deprived of it and, in this way, in town and in countryside, the expropriation of the expropriators and peace for all”.


In order to advance and realise the alliance of the working class and working peasants on a more solid basis, it is necessary closely to combine the struggle for the immediate demands of the peasants with the agrarian programme of the Party and with the struggle for peace, national independence and Socialism. Unquestionably, the Communist Party of France has achieved considerable successes along this path.

As a number of elections have shown, the Communist Party today enjoys greater influence among the peasant masses than before the war. However, the rural Party organisations still suffer from a number of shortcomings. Many of the rural branches and sections, while carrying out a certain amount of work during election campaigns, are not very active in between elections and pay absolutely insufficient attention to organising the struggle for the peasant demands or to popularising the general line and basic aims of the Party.

Many Party members, instead of taking advantage of the great possibilities in the countryside arising from the sharpening agricultural crisis, display signs of discontent and are even leaving the agricultural workers’ trade union, this mass organisation of the peasants, on the pretext that there are reactionary elements in the union. Narrow sectarianism and opportunist passivity—such are the obstacles in the way to the successes of the Party in the countryside, which otherwise could have been quite considerable.

We must, above all, raise the ideological level of the Party in the sense that political reorganisation and improvement in the practical work depends on the leadership in the branches and especially on the leadership in the federations. Such tendencies in the rural branches and sections, which are made up for the most part of non-proletarian elements, are understandable. But less understandable and particularly harmful is the fact that, in a number of places, the leadership is not carrying out the necessary work to educate the Party organisations in the countryside and to help them in their work.

What is the reason for this? The reason is that many responsible functionaries fail to appreciate the importance of Party work in the countryside. They are of the opinion that the peasant question is a matter solely for individual Party members—peasants and experts on the peasant question. They do not see that this is the concern of the whole Party. They fail to realise that the leading role of the working class must be expressed in this sphere as in all other spheres.

Once it casts aside these survivals and eliminates the shortcomings in the work, once it masters the teachings of Marxism-Leninism, resolutely carries out its political line and redoubles its work in the countryside, the Communist Party will be able to convince the masses of the working peasants that their salvation lies in an alliance with the working class, in struggle against the exploiters and for Socialism and peace.


[page 3]





—Johann Koplenig, Chairman, Communist Party of Austria

On October 9 elections will be held in Austria, the second since the liberation of the country by the Soviet Army. The 1945 elections were a victory for reaction: the bourgeois People’s Party and the Right Socialist. In the course of four years the coalition, headed by these two parties, has pursued a policy of subordinating Austria to American imperialism, of systematically robbing the people and consolidating the reactionary regime. This disastrous policy of the ruling Marshall parties has aroused the deep discontent of the broad masses and the outcome of the elections will have a decisive bearing on the future destiny of the Austrian people.

By its activity the Government, headed by Chancellor Figl (People’s Party) and Vice-Chancellor Schaerf (Socialist Party), has shown that it is an obedient tool in the hands of American imperialism. It included Austria in the “Marshall Plan”, betrayed the independence of its country, adjusted Austria’s economy to meet the interests of the capitalist West thus opening the doors to crisis in Austria. The Figl-Schaerf Government has become a government of national betrayal and an active accomplice in turning Austria into an American colony.

The Austrian Government parties fear the people and know that they can retain power only with the protection of the troops and military police of the Western imperialists. The following incident is most indicative: When Vienna workers demonstrated on the streets in protest against insufficient food supplies the Socialist Minister of Home Affairs, Helmer, and the People’s Party Minister of Foreign Affairs, Gruber, turned to the American military police for help... Only the timely interference of the Soviet command prevented the American military police who had gone to Austrian reaction’s assistance from slaughtering the Vienna workers.

At the elections on October 9, the Fjgl-Schaerf Government will have to answer for its policy of plundering the people and protecting the rich. The war inflicted heavy damages on Austria. The essential task was to rehabilitate the liberated country. And here the burdens of the post-war period and rehabilitation should have been placed on those Austrians who had helped to unleash the Hitler war and who amassed fortunes as a result. But the Figl-Schaerf Government pursued an exactly opposite policy. They restored the system of mounting profits for the capitalists and transferred the burdens of the post-war period onto the shoulders of the working people. The government policy of protecting elements who profited from the war and post-war speculators helped the rich to multiply their income in the past four years. The balance sheets of the joint stock companies show enormous profits, and these do not include the incomes from speculation.

As for the working people, their standard of living is steadily deteriorating. The worker’s wage does not reach 50 per cent of the pre-war level, and this impoverishment does not only affect the workers. The small depositors were robbed of their last savings as a result of monetary reforms. The government is plundering the working people by sending up prices, taxes and tariffs.

This is leading to growing discontent with tile government’s policy among all sections of the people, and especially among the workers. A large number of Socialist workers are coming out against Right Socialist leaders such as Karl Renner, Adolf Schaerf and Oskar Pollak, inveterate enemies of the Soviet Union. The Socialist Party leadership has not only sold itself, lock stock and barrel to American imperialism but has also established close lies with the party of Austrian reaction—the Austrian People’s Party. Bohm, one of the Right Socialist leaders and head of the Austrian trade unions, speaking at a banquet of Austrian industrialists, correctly described the policy of the Right Socialists as follows:

We are sitting on the same branch and should one of us saw it off we will both crash.”

In spite of the ruthless repressions applied by the Right leaders against the discontented members of the party, the indignation of the Socialist workers at the policy being pursued by their Right leadership is growing with every passing day. A little over six months ago Erwin Scharf, former secretary of the central leadership and a parliamentary deputy was expelled from the Socialist Party for criticising the policy of its Right leaders. Together with his follower he founded the Left Socialist movement of Progressive Socialists.

In connection with the coming elections, the leadership of the Progressive Socialists proposed to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Austria to put up a common list. The Communist Party accepted this proposal and, on August, signed a corresponding agreement with the Progressive Socialists. For the first time in the history of the Austrian working-class movement a list of candidates of working-class unity will figure in the general election.

In alliance with all other democratically-minded sections of the people, the Communists and Left Socialists are fighting to introduce fundamental political changes and to establish a new government in Austria. “Austria needs a government which will be a government of democratic forces and without representatives and accomplices of reaction. This government must be truly representative of the workers, peasants, and middle sections of the town. Only such a government will be able to secure the independence and peaceful development of Austria, to improve the material conditions of the people, safeguard them against the threat of crisis and strengthen democracy”, states the joint declaration of the Communists and Left Socialists.

The anti-Communism of the Government parties has served ,to bring together all the forces of reaction and to give open encouragement to the activities of fascist elements. A number of fascist plots, hatched by Storm Troopers and S.S. men, was laid bare during the past year. And in each case it was disclosed that the threads of these plots stretched to the intelligence services of the Western Powers and to the leaders of the Austrian Government coalition.

The Peoples Party has openly taken the path of legalising fascist activity and stimulating the activity of former prominent Hitler officer and Nazis. At the end of last May, deputies of the People’s Party (Raab, Maleta, Brunner) held a conference in Oberweis (Upper Austria) with S.A. and S.S. officers. The Nazis were represented by: the S.S. Major Wilhelm Hottl, a high ranking Gestapo agent and former chief of the “South-East-Balkan” counter intelligence service; S. S. Major Theo Wuhrer, former aide-de-camp to S. S. General Kaltenbrunner; S.A. General Band, deputy to the Hitler Reichstag, and others. These Hitler officers and war criminals who enjoy full freedom in Austria, demanded representation in Parliament, leading posts in the State apparatus, the right to influence the selection of government officials, and so on. When these secret talks were exposed, the leaders of the People’s Party brazenly admitted that they had conducted such talks and that they needed Nazi officers to strengthen their “Right united front”.

In an attempt to make political capital the Socialist Party leadership at first came out against the talks between the People’s Party and the Hitlerites. But they soon fell silent when one of the members who attended the conference published the following statement in the press: “One can only advise Dr. Koref (member of the Socialist Party Board—J.K.) to close the mouths of his frenzied colleagues as quickly as possible otherwise details may be published of recent talks between the representatives of the Socialist Party and National Socialists”. The Socialist Party leaders quickly clamped down. It could not be otherwise when it is borne in mind that another group of fascists who enjoy the protection of the Home Minister, Helmer, have founded a new party, the so-called Union of Independents. This fascist party is headed by a former officer of the Hitler army who was an “expert on Russia” in the Hitler intelligence service during the war.

The Communist and Left Socialists are conducting their election campaign under the slogan of uniting all force in the struggle for peace. Of late, especially as the time draws nearer to conclude a peace treaty, the leaders of the Government coalition have started propaganda for the creation of an army. The Austrian Communists consider it the inalienable right of any sovereign nation to have its armed forces. But it is resolutely opposed to the reactionary plans to build up an army and to use the Austrians as cannon fodder in the war which the American imperialists are preparing. At the same time, it is intended to use such an army for civil war against the Austrian people. The American imperialists are keenly interested in this kind of army. That is why they are insisting that Austria be given the “right” to use “foreign specialists” in forming and training an army. The majority of the Austrians, however, are opposed to reaction’s plans. Our people remember how in February 1934 artillery and tanks of the Austrian army were hurled against the workers and democracy in defence of the fascists. Our people have not forgotten that in March 1938, when Hitler troops invaded Austria, this same army laid down arms without firing a single shot and, under the command of its reactionary officers, merged with the Hitler army.

The struggle to prevent reaction’s armed forces being established, the struggle against Austrian divisions for the Atlantic Pact and against a fascist army for civil war—such, today, is Austria’s biggest contribution to the common struggle for peace.

The Party entered the first elections in November 1945 after 12 years of illegality. It had not had time enough then to consolidate itself; it had no stable organisation and comparatively only a few politically experienced and trained functionaries. In the four years that have elapsed since then, the Party has grown ideologically and organisationally. Tens of thousands of Communists have enriched their knowledge in practical work and political studies. At the enterprises the Communists have established friendly relations with their Socialist comrades with whom they are waging a joint struggle for improved supplies, against rising prices and for wage increases. The Communist Party has been the only party to resolutely oppose the anti-people’s policy of the government coalition. The Communists are turning the election campaign into an energetic struggle for the vital interests of the Austrian people, to expose the anti-popular policy of the present government coalition, and for real independence for Austria.

[page 4]


The Yugoslav fascists, under whose feet the ground is burning, are trying out another method in their efforts to demonstrate to the world that they are, if you please, the real “builders of Socialism”: in all countries the Yugoslav Embassies are selecting “eye witnesses”. These “eye witnesses” are invited ,to visit Yugoslavia to dine and wine with Tito, and in this way first “convince” themselves and then, sing the praises of the “success” of the construction of “Yugoslav Socialism” with the help of the Anglo-American imperialists.

Tito scraped together one hundred or so people from among Yugoslavs resident in France. The reception held in Belgrade in honour of the “notable” guests was turned into a platform for a bitter onslaught against the Communist Party of France and the French working class.

But the “representatives” of the French working class completely betrayed themselves by confronting Tito with the question: “Can the Chetniks and Ustashi now living abroad return to Yugoslavia?” And so the “proletarian guests” of the Yugoslav Government who came to bear witness to the “blossoming socialist Yugoslavia” under the jackboot of the brutal Tito-Rankovic clique, made it quite clear whose interests they represented.

Democratic public opinion has also voiced its indignation at the activities of Mr. Zilliacus, the “independent” Labour M. P. and Tito’s advocate in Europe. This gentlemen obligingly agreed to visit Yugoslavia at the invitation of the Yugoslav fascists. He was received with open arms and, on his return, made a statement to Reuter and France Press in which he described the economic “prosperity”, the “improvement” in the standard of living of the working class of Yugoslavia, and so on. Zilliacus didn’t spare the colours in painting the “stability” of the Tito regime. He got so involved in his falsehoods that he completely forgot what is being said and written about Yugoslavia by people who know the country well, people incidentally, who in no circumstances can be regarded as Communists.

On August 26, the Belgrade correspondent of the “Daily Telegraph and Morning Post”, quoting authoritative Western economic experts, sent a report to his newspaper about the unstable economic position of Yugoslavia, about the possibility of a catastrophic disintegration of its economy. This correspondent also reported that in a number of the larger enterprises output had dropped by 20 per cent. A certain Western diplomat told the “Daily Telegraph” correspondent that Yugoslavia was on the rocks. Tito has already abandoned some of his more ambitious plans, wrote the correspondent, and in places where production is is lagging, targets had been lowered considerably.

But Zilliacus saw nothing of this. Paraphrasing a well known saying, it can be said that he “came, saw nothing, but talked much”. Contrary to reason he presents retrogression and decay as prosperity. And he did this at a time when the Yugoslav traitors desperately need the help of “Lefts”, knowing full well that, to champion the Tito-Rankovic espionage Gestapo gang is the same as defending Franco and Tsaldaris. Where is Zilliacus’ logic? On the one hand he speaks of peace and, on the other, enters into friendship with fascist adventurers—with hired agents of the warmongers.


[page 4]





Drawn by Rumanian artist, Doru

[page 4]






According to the designs of the Anglo-American imperialists, the dismemberment of Germany and the setting up of the reactionary “Bundestag” in Bonn are by way of preparation for attaching Western Germany to the Atlantic Pact. Above all, the separate German “government” is to help turn Western Germany into a military base. The Americans have mobilised the former Hitler generals, Guderian, Halder, Manteiffel, Student and Stumpf, Admiral Schulze and others to lay the foundation of the future German army and to establish permanent contact with Montgomery’s headquarters in Fontainebleau. The Nazi generals were invited to attend the large-scale American army manoeuvres, recently held in Western Germany, in which 110,000 men, more than 400 planes, warships and German auxiliary units took part.

The press reports that the first steps for the bringing in of Western Germany will be discussed at the conference of the Atlantic Pact signatories on September 17 in Washington.

Thus, Western Germany, where the Anglo-American imperialists are again trying to foment chauvinism and whip up sentiments of revanche, is to play a leading role in the war plans of the imperial ist aggressors. This is a grave warning to the peoples of France, Britain and other countries. The peace-loving peoples, including all honest Germans, must extend the struggle to save peace and frustrate the machinations of the enemies of mankind.



Over 200,000 prisoners, Communists, trade unionists and militant peasants are held in prisons in India, without trial. In this respect Nehru’s “independent” India has surpassed even the brutal record of the days when the country was ruled directly from London.

Many prisoners have died as a result of the inhuman treatment.

Nehru, who has declared that the imprisonment of the “suspects” must be prolonged, has become the hero of his imperialist masters. The “Times” eulogized him in these words: “In his determination to protect India... Mr. Nehru is giving a lead to other countries in South East Asia.”

The Indian puppets would do well to remember that, only recently, the “Times” was saying the same about Chiang Kaishek who, like a common bandit, has fled to Formosa.


[page 4]


—Ilya Ehrenburg

Mr. Acheson recently stated that Communism was incapable of drawing people into the intellectual and spiritual scheme of things, that it relied solely on brute force. And this brute force Mr. Acheson counter-posed with the “American way of life” which is supposed to be the ideal of the human intellect, the very peak of the human spirit.

I don't quite understand why Mr, Acheson and his colleagues are so insistent about the radius of the “B-35” if the “American way of life” is capable of vanquishing all thinking people. It is true that ideas have a wider radius than that of even the very latest bomber. Communism, which in the words of Mr. Acheson relies solely on brute force, has its adherents all over the world. It is hardly those “Reds” who today are being hounded in the United States, that rely on brute force. Just the opposite. Arrayed against them is the entire force (by no means gentle) of the State apparatus—from Mr. Acheson down to shabby detectives, sheriffs and the Ku Klux Klan. And if, nevertheless, the accused are courageously defending their right to be Communists, surely they are, to use an Acheson expression, strong in the intellectual and spiritual scheme of things.

There are Communists in a country quite remote from the Soviet-Union—in Australia. Recently the Minister of Information in that country declared that the army, navy, air force, should be used against the Communists. So who is relying on brute force?—the Labour Minister thirsting to destroy the Communist with the help of the army, navy and air force, or the Communists who are fortified by the knowledge that the ideas of creative labour, equality and justice are higher than the jungle morals of the world of money?

Surely, if Mr. Acheson and his colleagues really believed in the intellectual and spiritual superiority of the “American way of life” they would not be hammering away at the radius of action of the “B-36”.

At the words “American way of life”, there comes to mind the peculiar but hardly attractive scenes of American life: towns which look exactly alike, people always in a hurry, drug stores with their food counters, tawdry gilt and glitter, dirt, stuffiness, “coca cola” adverts, and the ideal laxative taken by Romeo and Juliet on the other side of the ocean to maintain spiritual balance. We assume however, that it is not these outward trappings of the New World that Mr. Acheson has in mind, but the profound intellectual and spiritual content of American life, One of Mr. Acheson’s supporters, Mr. Schweitzer, Director of Bloomfield College, has found a definition for the “American way of life” which, shows that it is not confined merely to chewing gum or vacuum cleaners. Mr. Schweitzer said that he had “Red” professors removed from his college for leaching science instead of Americanism.

Is it not clear after this that the Americanists have nothing in common with the American people, the only ones who have the right to call themselves the representatives of America?

The disciples of Americanism claim that Communism cramps and destroys individuality, while free enterprise, private trade, and the way of life followed in the New World secure the flowering of individuality.

Personally, I don't know of any other country in the world where individuality is so crushed, and, indeed obliterated, as in the United States.

A student in California studying for his degree quoted Pascal’s words that man is only a reed, the most fragile thing on earth, but, he is a thinking reed. To which the student added the words: Pascal was a Frenchman who lived 300 years ago. He could not have foreseen the strength of the contemporary American who can be compared to a giant baobab.

The Americanist is arrogant: have not Americans the tallest skyscrapers, the most wonderful way of life, the greatest thinkers and the most powerful bombers?

I don't want to offend him—assuming that he really is a baobab. But the Californian student forgot to add that, as distinct from the thinking reed, the American baobab does not think.

The American journalist, Elsie Maxwell, frankly declared that people in America do not think, that they repeat what she writes, that she, too, does not think. When people start to think, she continued, they lose time and make a mess of things.

A questionnaire circulated recently among students in Wisconsin University asking what interested them most apart from studies, elicited answers like these: Sport because it is an honest business while the mental sphere is just plain humbug; Whiskey, good Scotch whiskey; Films with women vampires; Girl students’ only if there’s whiskey about; Racing cars; How to make three hundred thousand dollars in three years; Absolutely nothing.

It isn’t important that all Americanists wear the same kind of tie, one could put up with that. What is awful is that ail Americanists repeat one and the same thing. They scan the front page of the newspapers. All newspapers, whether Republican, Democrat or “independent” dish up the same lie. This is their political education. In the “Readers’ Digest” the Americanist reads the old, old story of how John married Mary and Jenny married Bill, how John made two hundred thousand dollars on potash, how Bill murdered John and how Jenny, after a Negro “tried to rape her”, caught a “Red” spy and bought a lovely villa in Florida.

Real love is alien to the Americanist: he has no imagination. He repeats the radio advice of an expert on affairs of the heart. If the girl hesitates, the Americanist applies to the “Jealousy” office where, for fifty dollars, he hires a beauty whose job, as alleged rival, is to make the girl jealous. Everything is mechanised: there is no place for thought, or sentiment.

Mr. Norbert Viener, in a recently published book, wrote that machines can think far better than men. Already machines are able to make faultless calculations, they switch on the heat and then switch it off, they determine the location of a plane. Soon

they will do everything. Human robots sigh with relief: machines will invent, vote, make love, give birth, study. It will be the golden age for America: people will have nothing to do but chew gum and admire their dollars.

Where is their individuality? Where are their thoughts and sentiments? They go to idiotic films and are dazzled. They gulp five whiskies and get into a car with somebody else’s wife. They listen to Mr. Acheson and to any other charlatan who advertises laxatives. They read only “best sellers”. They are all alike. This is not human society, it is a herd of milling millions.

All Soviet writers have experienced readers’ conferences where they listened to heated arguments in which factory and office workers, students, school children, young and old, expressed their views about books, thoughts, sentiments, passions, exploits, mistakes and so on. The Soviet people are united by one creative will, but they are people with individuality of their own. The collective is a union of individualities, not just a herd.

The Americanist claims that Communism means slavery and that freedom of spirit exists only in the United States. A lot could be said about American freedom. Biologists in Tennessee know the term of imprisonment meted out for expounding the theory of evolution. Bloomfield College professors could tell how they were expelled by Mr. Schweitzer, the Americanist. Professor Craigie could tell how he was finger printed. Howard Fast could furnish the copy of a prison sentence and Charlie Chaplin the speeches of Senator Cain. And if this is not enough the list could be supplemented with the minutes of the “Un-American Committee” and also the evidence of ordinary people who are almost afraid to breathe. Where have you been? What are you thinking about? You were seen embracing a woman, where is your marriage certificate? You travelled in a carriage reserved for whites but isn’t there something dubious about your great-grandmother?

Communists consider that it is necessary to restrict the liberties of people who are too greedy, or who are brutal; that the freedom of evil-doers, parasites and malefactors should be restricted.

Whose freedom is protected in America? The freedom of murderers: a handful of greedy individuals are preparing for war in order to enrich themselves. The freedom of sadists: the Ku Klux Klan can lynch Negroes with impunity. The freedom of the exploiters: private railroads, private power stations, private water supplies. Grab while the grabbing is good. Such is their freedom. This freedom means wealth for a few, hunger for many, it means depriving some of work, for others, living without having to do any work.

The Americanist claims that human rights prevail in the United States, that respect for man is cultivated there. Who does he think he is fooling? His customs are brutal-gangsterism on a mass scale, lynching’s, doss-houses where unfortunate wretches sleep leaning against a rope, and when the rope gives way, they slump onto the floor.

Every day, tens of millions read the “comics” which feature murder, violence and torture — the world of the “supermen”, blood brothers of the S. S. “ubermensch”. The world shuddered when the simplified Nietzscheans passed over from talk about “deutschum” and beer to the gas chambers of Oswiecim. How should we react to the super-simplified Nietzscheans who know nothing about Nietzsche but who think themselves supermen and who are thirsting to pass over from Americanism and “coca cola” to super-Oswiecisms?

They would have us believe that their way of life is the height of culture. For the supermen, as was the case with the German ubermenschen, technique is culture. Certainly, the gas chambers of Oswiecim were beyond the dreams of the primitive cannibals. But the organisers of these gas chambers were out and out savages. We know now that a cannibal can sit in a “Cadilliac” and enjoy pineapple. We know that the barbarian can boast of his art collection, and with the help of the latest instruments can calculate how many towns he has laid waste and how many people he has destroyed. But technique cannot conceal, the intellectual poverty and spiritual barrenness of American life.

Soviet people are proud of the fact that the tractor has taken the place of the plough, but they take a far greater pride in the intelligence and conscience of the tractor driver. There can be no culture without the all-round development of man. This is a long and arduous process. And many difficulties still lie ahead of us. No such difficulties face the Americanist: he is not even aware that such a process exists.

The Americanist would have us believe that he respects the rights of other peoples, that he is peace-loving. Just ask the Negroes of the Mississippi. Ask the widows and orphans in Greece. They know whence the firing squads and hangman’s rope.

Is there any need to speak of his peace-loving altitude when he himself never misses a day without reminding us of this? Has he not the dove of peace—the “B-36”? He waves the olive branch — the atom bomb.

Communists are peace-loving because they stand for progress, believe in the future. The Communists do not want to drench the world in blood in order to hold up the march of time. The Americanist wants to take things by brute force because he is conscious of his impotence. He dreams of war as a means of staving off the hour of his doom.

Americanism personifies vulgarity and arrogance; robots and chewing gum, fornication in an automobile and a Negro soaked ,in petrol; supermen who crush sculls, frame-up of Communists, hypocrisy and savagery, talk of peace and the atom bomb; it is greed, falsehood and fear. For forty years Monsieur Jourdain, the hero of Moliere’s comedy, spoke prose and was astonished when he was told that it was precisely prose he spoke. The Americanist is surprised and hurt when he is told that he is speaking the language of Hitler, Goebbels and Rosenberg. He wants to be original: everything they have in America is of their own make. Fine, there’s no need to enumerate — they have their own brand of fascism, known by the name — Americanism.

This Americanism relies solely on brute force. It wants to spread out, to become world-wide. Trying to justify supplying the adopted governments of Western Europe with American arms, Mr. Acheson said that the existence of Communist groups in the countries receiving aid was a good enough reason. A candid statement to be sure, but it forgets to take into account that brute force alone cannot stamp out a great idea, for once it is grasped by millions this idea itself becomes a force. The Fuehrer learnt this not only on the battlefields of Russia but in the occupied countries as well. But he learned it a little too late—after he had started. It is to be hoped that Acheson and his colleagues appreciate this before they pass over from bellicose speeches and from tipping Jules Moch to other, more risky operations.


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Journal “For a Lasting Peace, for a People’s Democracy” appears every Friday. Address of Editorial Office and of Publishing House: Bucharest, Valeriu Bran işte, 56, Tel. 5.10.59