AFRICA

Ethiopia

 

 

 

 

ETHIOPIA

population: 91,195,675 people

2018

 

African Liberation Day

 

 

55th anniversary

 

     

     

 

Messages of Solidarity

 

MESSAGE OF THE COMINTERN (SH) ON OCCASION OF

AFRICAN LIBERATION DAY


MAY 25, 1963 - MAY 25, 2018

Today, we celebrate the 55 th anniversary of the African Liberation Day. This is an occasion to greet all exploited and oppressed peoples who struggle for their liberation from imperialist-capitalist enslavement not only in Africa but all over the world.

    Enver Hoxha wrote:

    "There can be no talk of genuine freedom and independence, since most of them are still in a colonial or neo-colonial state. (…) The imperialists are ruling most of the African countries again through their concerns, their capital invested in industry, banks, etc. The overwhelming bulk of the wealth of these countries continues to flow to the metropolises. (…) The policy pursued by the big landowners, the reactionary bourgeoisie, the imperialists and the neo-colonialists is intended to keep the African peoples in permanent bondage, in ignorance, to hinder their social, political and ideological development, and to obstruct their struggle to gain these rights.” (Enver Hoxha, Imperialism and the Revolution, Tirana, 1979, edition in English)

A truly free Africa can only be a socialist Africa in a socialist world. The Comintern (SH) is fighting for the goal of establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat throughout Africa.

Africa is free when not only the world bourgeoisie as a whole is defeated, but also all national bourgeoisies on the entire African continent have disappeared!

Without a revolutionary organization guided by the teachings of the 5 classics of Marxism-Leninism, there will be no communism in Africa. It is therefore time for the African proletariat to complete what it has begun, its liberation from wage slavery. This requires building the sections of the Comintern (SH) in all African countries, based on the invincible teachings of the 5 classics of Marxism-Leninism: Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Enver Hoxha.

Only in this way will the African proletariat ill become an inseparable detachment of the glorious red proletarian world army, which will forever defeat world imperialism and march towards world socialism and world communism.

Imperialism means war

- even on the African continent.

Smash world imperialism in Africa!

As a result of the global economic crisis this year, the exploitation of the world imperialist powers has reached its peak. That also affects Africa. The redistribution of imperialist spheres of influence on the entire African continent is imminent. This means war on African soil by the imperialist US, by imperialist Europe (eg France, England, Germany), by imperialist China, and by other imperialist states such as Russia, Brazil, India etc. But also African imperialists themselves, like those in South Africa, will be involved in predatory war for the new redistribution of rulership. Every imperialist world power is fighting for absolute supremacy over Africa - in last consequence by means of the war. That is according the predatory law of world imperialism.

Looking at the current military activities of world imperialism, there are some indications that Africa will in future be divided into four main imperialist spheres of influence:

In North Africa, European imperialism will prevail, but it will have to defend bitterly its hegemony there, especially against the US and China.

In West Africa, American imperialism will prevail and from there seek to extend its super power throughout Africa.

In East Africa, Chinese imperialism will prevail. The superpower China, however, will not settle for East Africa. It is preparing the takeover of the entire African continent.

In South Africa, South African imperialism will continue to rule and expand to the north, but at the same time it will remain dependent, for a while, on various world imperialist powers operating there.

If this possible scenario is not prevented by the unified armed, anti-imperialist war of liberation of the peoples of Africa, then this war for the redivision of Africa will inevitably provoke a civil war that spreads throughout the African continent. The African civil war is part of the world civil war between the world bourgeoisie and the world proletariat, between the forces of world imperialism and the forces of world socialism. The victory or defeat of the world socialist revolution will determine the future of humanity, namely finally where it originated - in Africa.

 

Smash capitalism in Africa !
Long live socialist Africa !

Africa is being exploited and oppressed not only by foreign imperialist powers, but also by the indigenous bourgeoisie, more or less serving the world imperialist powers.
Today, capitalism prevails throughout Africa. In Africa, the capitalist class society exists with exploiting and exploited classes.
The contradiction between capital and labor, between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, has long since become the chief contradiction in Africa and dominates the class struggles in Africa.
As in any capitalist country, the class struggle in African countries will inevitably lead to the power of the working class, which, with the victory of the socialist revolution, will establish the dictatorship of the proletariat and build socialism.
Africa is the continent with the most extreme class contradictions in the world.

Colonialism did not prevent the emergence of capitalism in Africa, but only delayed it. Nowhere is capitalism developing at a faster pace than on the African continent of today. The world imperialists noticed that a capitalist Africa is much more profitable than an old style colonialism. African capitalism produced a strong African working class - one of the new grave diggers of world imperialism. The African workers' movement is still young, but it will learn faster than the workers' movements on the other continents. They will play a more and more important role in the world socialist revolution.

 

Africa is the continent with the sharpest class contradictions in the world.

The situation of the working class is catastrophic. Every strike movement is oppressed and violently persecuted by the alliance between the bourgeois state, the capitalists and the bourgeois trade union leaders. A current example is the anti-strike law in South Africa. The new pact of this trio provides that in case of "violence or damages" on the part of the workers, in strikes, everything has to be done to end the strike as soon as possible, if necessary by force. Wild strikes are condemned by the state in the future as "strike breaking" (as a violation of the strike law). By order of the Labor Court, pickets are arrested by police and convicted by the court.

On April 25, the unions in South Africa had called for a general strike against the Minimum Wage Law, which is nothing other than the legalization of slave wages. The working class has defeated apartheid and will also defeat capitalist exploitation and oppression.

Miners demonstrated on May 10 in front of the mine chamber in Johannesburg against the death of 33 miners this year. In 2017, 76 miners died, compared to 73 in 2016.
In 2012, former mine union leader Cyril Ramaphosa (today's President of South Africa !!!) was responsible for the death of 34 striking miners at Marikana , who were shot dead by the police[the Comintern-SH reported on this]. The multi-billion dollar investor Ramaphosa prompted the African National Congress government to send in armed police to break the strike.

At the moment, in South Africa, wage negotiations for bus drivers are delayed by the capitalists, which is why a nationwide 4-week bus driver strike was called. Further wage strikes are planned this year for the civil service.

In South Africa, militant protests have been increasingly taking place in working-class cities, including those in greater Cape Town and Johannesburg. The workers struggle against catastrophic living conditions because the communities are not able to provide basic services to them.

In Ghana, the largest union of miners is planning protests and strikes in all factories in the country, if the government gives green light to the company "Gold Fields Ltd." to fire more than 2000 miners.

 

In Africa, healthcare is collapsing.

Now it is to be "rescued" by means of privatizations by foreign investors.

Healthcare strikes are spreading across the continent:

In Algeria, the police made witch hunts on the protesting doctors. Strikes have been banned since 2001. The doctors were treated like criminals. Security forces prevent Algerian doctors from attending a sit-in. Police officers indiscriminately arrest passers-by on bus or subway stations just because they are employed in health care. Outside the capital, they were released.
Declining oil and gas revenues, cuts in food and fuel subsidies and rising inflation continue to weigh on Algerians as they face an economic crisis that is now in its fourth year. As social tensions increase, workers' demonstrations, strikes and sit-ins have massively increased in recent months, peaking on 14 February 2018 in a nationwide general strike in public schools and hospitals.
Before the general strike, many demonstrators reported that they had been temporarily arrested or arbitrarily detained in several provinces and cities by security forces and plainclothes police. In addition to the civil unrest in the health and education sectors, airline flight attendants Air Algérie staged a surprise strike in late January 2018 that paralyzed local and international flights for days. Their demands for better wage were condemned by companies and government officials. Air Algérie imposed disciplinary action. Two days after the general strike, Prime Minister Ahmed Ouyahia threatened he would "not tolerate the continued existence of this anarchy" and promised to put an end to it. The workers' answer is clear: the Algerian working class will promise to put an end to capitalism in Algeria and to replace the bourgeois dictatorship through the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Algeria is not an isolated case.
Medical strikes in Sudan, in Togo and Mauritania.
In Zimbabwe the nurses striked. The strikers were dismissed and their pension rights were canceled. Above all, it was the 15,000 nurses who contributed to the fact that in 2016 fascist President Robert Mugabe had to abdicate. His former Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa is now president (!). Of course, he is afraid of the same fate Mugabe suffered.

In Nigeria, hospitals have extended their strike nationally after the government occupied the medical facilities by means of the army. The government blackmailed the strikers with the threat: "Ebola epidemics from the Democratic Republic of the Congo could spread in Nigeria because of the strikes".

In Zimbabwe teachers are striking, namely despite strikebreaking of yellow union leaders, who want to negotiate a rotten compromise with the government. The teachers reject this lazy compromise. As a result, the government has threatened to dismiss striking teachers and to cancel their pension.

One by one, the old corrupt elites of national independence movements are under pressure from the public's protest. Under the rule of the African bourgeoisie, African democracy, which was still young 55 years ago, has long since become open fascism and social fascism. Even the social fascist Jacob Zuma, South Africa's president from the former anti-apartheid movement, had to abdicate. In TOGO, the opposition has been protesting almost weekly since August 2017. The scale of the protests is enormous: 800,000 demonstrators in a country of 6.6 million. The protests have already claimed 16 lives and the government has blocked the Internet nationwide to stop the protests.

The governments and "parliaments" in Africa are so corrupt that they will sooner or later fall one after the other. The way out is not the election of new corrupt governments, but overthrow of the bourgeois class, the abolition of capitalist parliamentarism and the establishment of socialist council power under the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Growing protest movement in Africa

In 2018, the protest movement in Africa has continued to increase. It is our task as Stalinist-Hoxhaists to strengthen its militant character and to direct this protest movement towards the socialist revolution. We rely in particular on the protest movement of the youth.

Noteworthy is the hunger strike of the brave revolutionary students in Morocco.

The African Youth is the brightest flame of the African Revolution. This manifests on all streets in Africa. Africa offers no prospects for its young people. Most young people do not find work and have to fight for their existence on the ground or leave their homelands as refugees. We just cite one example of the growing African refugee waves: the conflict between Oromia and Somali, which has forced nearly 1 million people to flee.

In 2018 many protested Africans were killed or injured in the streets. Because they fight for their rights, they are imprisoned and fall victim to state terrorism, which prevails in all African countries.

The state terror in Africa is directed in first line against the protest movement, which is defamed as a "terrorist movement". For example, in Ethiopia hundreds of protesting people were killed on the streets.

We report on the unrest in Tunisia.
Protesters have taken to the streets in a number of Tunisian cities and demanded that the government delete new austerity measures involving an increase in fuel prices and taxes on goods.
At least one demonstrator died in the town of Tebourba, near the capital, Tunis.
The Tunisian Interior Ministry denied reports that the dead man was run over by a police car.
The police arrested 328 protesters. 2100 soldiers were deployed to protect vital facilities such as "banks, post offices and other government buildings in major cities in the country".
The new youth movement in Tunisia is protesting in the streets to put pressure on the government and overturn austerity measures.
What are the protests against?
These are above all the price increases. The Tunisian government has increased taxes under the Finance Act 2018. The new budget increased VAT on cars, alcohol, phone calls, the Internet, hotel accommodation and other items. The important tourism sector has not recovered yet after the deadly terrorist attacks in Sousse and Tunis in 2015. Tunisia's inflation is currently around 6% a year, which reduces people's incomes, and tax hikes hit the poorest of the poor - not the rich.
Who is behind the protests?
The protests seem to have spontaneously erupted among people at the local level.
A new, informal youth movement called Fech-Neustan - or "What are we waiting for?" - Created at the beginning of the year, now uses social media to resist price increases.
The group, which uses an alarm clock as a logo to symbolize the need for the population to wake up and act, estimates its own members at around 6,000 across the country, with hundreds of members in Tunis. Representatives say it is a loosely organized grassroots movement without a leader. Some of its members belong to opposition parties - such as the "Popular Front" neo-revisionists of the ICMLPO (Hamma Hammami). These leaders are trying to strangle the Tunisian revolution and turn it to a wrong (petty bourgeois) track instead of leading the Tunisian working class to the socialist revolution.

In Morocco, the protests over economic marginalization have continued since the end of December 2017 in the former mining town of Jerada (Oriental region). The miners demand better safety regulations in the mines. Tensions increased as the government arrested two key leaders of the protest movement and subsequently banned all protests. The residents of Jerada opposed the ban and went to the barricades.

In Guinea, the students protested in Conakry when the strikes - especially the teachers' strike - went into the third week. Since the elections on 4 February 2018, there have been continuing waves of protests in Guinea. 14 protesters died in the clashes.

Cameroon is still facing an escalating uprising in its south.

An increase in revolutionary violence has also been reported in the Central African Republic (CAR) and Mali.

In Madagascar, the students clashed with other protesters who called for the resignation of the president in recent weeks and aggravated the country's political crisis.
In Senegal, clashes erupted between students and the police in Saint Louis on May 15, resulting in the death of one student, and leading to further student protests the next day.

African farmers are protesting against the flooding of Africa with foreign agricultural goods. The domestic agricultural market is destroyed and thus the livelihood of the farmers. Responsible are not only the agricultural capitalists from Europe, but also increasingly from China.

 

Escalating fight for resources in Africa

 

The fight over water has got the character of class struggle in Africa. It is a struggle between the poor and the rich, a struggle to abolish private ownership of African water resources. The war over the water, the war over oil and other mineral resources will increase to the same extent as their scarcity.
Mining raw material extraction (including oil, diamonds, copper and cobalt) has tremendous economic potential for bourgeois governments in Africa. It is also a source of political power within the class society. It is both an economic source for the revolution and the counter revolution.
Corruption is the order of the day. Those who win the raw materials, the workers, remain poor. The profit goes into the pockets of the indigenous bourgeoisie, the labour aristocracy and the multinational corporations. This unequal distribution leads more and more to social conflicts. Rebel groups are using profits from conflict diamonds to fund civil wars in Angola, DR Congo and Sierra Leone. Oil workers are kidnapped and taken hostage. The incidence of conflicts is five times higher than it was ten years ago. While such riots and protests are occurring throughout Africa, resource-related struggles and cases of violence against workers are particularly evident in only a few countries: Nigeria, Sudan, South Sudan, DRC and Somalia. Nigeria consistently has a high direct conflict with resources. As the 12th largest oil producer in the world and the eighth largest exporter, the resource-related conflict in Nigeria revolves around oil. About 5% of violent conflicts in South Sudan since 2011 are explicitly resource related. The vast majority of this kind of conflict, which is being observed in South Sudan, consists of battles, primarily between government forces and rebel groups. Resource conflicts in South Sudan are also associated with oil. Sudan has also experienced a large number of these oil conflicts.
While oil creates resource-related conflicts in Nigeria, Sudan and South Sudan, the commodity-related conflict in DR Congo is fueled mainly by mining (eg diamonds, cobalt). It is estimated that DR Congo has approximately $ 24 trillion of unexploited crude mineral ore, including the world's largest cobalt reserves. Most of this type of conflict in the DR Congo takes place primarily between government forces and rebel groups. It's about control of the mines.
Somalia sees a high number of conflicts directly with resources, mainly caused by clan clashes over access to and control of land and water resources. In a region with year-round high temperatures and limited / irregular rainfall, these natural resources become even more valuable.
Riots and protests related to resources have increased in recent years. Nigeria and, most recently, Libya account for the largest share of these events. With Nigeria the largest oil producer on the continent and Libya home to Africa's largest oil reserves, food riots and protests in these countries are primarily targeted at the oil industry. For example, these riots and protests include the closure of the offices of local oil companies: emands for more transparency, higher wages and better working conditions.
Given the low enforcement of mining industries in Africa, corruption in these industries is high. Although the region has a number of extremely resource-rich countries, many are still extremely poor and underdeveloped.

Our answer is clear:

Fight the plundering of Africa's resources by the world imperialists!

Everything belongs in the hands of the African working class! Expropriation of the capitalists! Abolition of private ownership of resources! Resources in the hands of the working people!

Abolition of capitalism! Establishment of socialism!

Today's crises of world capitalism have devastating consequences for the impoverished population of Africa. The world crisis is being misused by the world imperialists to extract more wealth from Africa. This corresponds to the parasitic nature of world imperialism (the concentration and centralization of exploitation, the monopolization of financial and industrial capital, the business of hunger, water, resources, wage slavery, refugees, proxy wars, etc.) The blood of the African peoples continues to flow for the maximum profit of imperialists around the world.

The heroic history of the anti-imperialist wars and liberation struggles of Africans will one day be rewarded with the victory of the socialist revolution throughout Africa. In Africa, one day, the dictatorship of the proletariat will be established and an African Union of Socialist Republics founded, modeled on the Soviet Union of Lenin and Stalin, and on the model of socialism in Albania of comrade Enver Hoxha.

The African Liberation Day represents a socialist Africa in a socialist world!

Stalinism-Hoxhaism is

the teaching of the preparation, recruitment, centralized organization and mobilization of the international proletarian army, in general, and the transformation of the reserves of the imperialist hinterland into new proletarian detachments of the world socialist revolution, in particular.

The weakening of the chain of world imperialism requieres the strengthening of the anti-imperialist chain in Africa.

With the development of capitalism in the colonies, the global development of world imperialism is nearly mature and complete - thus ready for the transformation into world socialism - also in Africa.

The expansion of imperialism in Africa - coupled with so much misery and blood - prepares its own decline and consequently its replacement by socialism. Unavoidably, that will be a new kind of socialism with global features - in the course of the globalization on the African continent and the socialist world revolution.

Africa is on the road back to its roots - to the classless society - and thus on the road towards communism in a classless world !

 

Long live the 55th anniversary of the African Liberation Day!

Comrades of the African continent !

Build up your strong "African Section" of the Comintern (SH) !

Without a revolutionary organization, which is guided by the teachings of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism, there will be no communism in Africa !

The conscious and active transformation of the interests of the revolution in Africa into the service of the interests of the socialist world revolution - only this is genuine internationalism of the African working class.

For a socialist Africa in a socialist world !

Establish the proletarian dictatorship in every African country !"

 

Long live the struggle of African and world workers for their liberation from exploitation and oppression!

Long live Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism-Hoxhaism!

Long live world socialist revolution and violent proletarian dictatorship!

Long live world socialism and world communism!

Long live the African Sections of the Comintern (SH)!

Long live the Comintern (SH) – the only true Bolshevist world party! 

 

Comintern (SH)

25th of May, 2018

 

 

2017

 

Long live

African Liberation Day

May 25, 1963

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Messages of Solidarity

 

MESSAGE OF THE COMINTERN (SH) ON OCCASION OF

AFRICAN LIBERATION DAY


MAY 25, 1963 - MAY 25, 2017

Today, we celebrate the 54th anniversary of the African Liberation Day. This is an occasion to greet all exploited and oppressed peoples who struggle for their liberation from imperialist-capitalist enslavement not only in African but all over the world.

The history of African class society is the story of his heroic class struggle against slavery, subjugation and plundering, the history of defeats and victories of his liberation. The peoples of Africa are rich in experience from which they can draw lessons for their total liberation and emancipation. And also the African proletariat is capable to draw lessons from the recent history of the workers movement in Africa. And that goes also for the lessons of the communist movement and, especially for the anti-revisionist struggle in Africa. 

African neo-revisionism is the restoration of African revisionism, is reconciliation with revisionism in general, and with Maoism, in particular. The socialist revolution will fail if the communist movement in Africa is not purified from neo-revisionism, as long as neo-revisionist influence is not defeated.

We appeal to those African revolutionaries who are militant fighters against revisionism, neo-revisionism, and especially against Maoism. Today, an African communist is characterized by the ideological demarcation-line between Stalinism-Hoxhaism and Neo-Revisionism. We need African comrades who are implacably against revisionism and social-fascism, and absolutely determined to fight against every revisionist influence among the revolutionary communist- and workers movement in Africa.

It is the core issue of the communist movement in Africa , not to unite with the reformist, revisionist or neo-revisionist elements in the struggle against imperialism, but to fight imperialism and its lackeys by the socialist revolution on the basis of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism.

The one colonial power replaced the other - but the colonies still remained. The history of imperialist wars in the period of the redivision of Africa is the heroic story of its anti-imperialist wars and liberation struggles of the Africans. Exploiting ruthlessly the world crisis for the purpose to extract ten times more riches from Africa - that is the essence of imperialist parasitism ( the business with starvation, with water, with resources, with weapons, with labor, etc).

Neo-colonialism is the highest stage of colonialism.

Neo-colonialism is a "molted" colonialism, is "decolonialization" in words and re-colonialization in deeds. Neo-colonialism is the highest stage of colonialism - is parasitic, decaying, dying colonialism. Imperialism, itself, destroys its own hinterland. And without its hinterland imperialism is doomed to die.

Stalinism-Hoxhaism is the teaching of the preparation, recruitment, centralized organization and mobilization of the international proletarian army, in general, and the transformation of the reserves of the imperialist hinterland into new proletarian detachments of the world socialist revolution, in particular.

The October Revolution - exactly 100 years ago - was the first step towards the socialist world revolution. There will be no socialist Africa without applying to the experiences and teachings of the October Revolution. The October Revolution heralded the unification of anti-imperialist war of the world proletariat and the war of liberation of the oppressed peoples. The continuation of the October Revolution and the world socialist revolution is the only way to liberate Africa from imperialist exploitation and oppression.

The weakening of the chain of world imperialism requieres the strengthening of the anti-imperialist chain in Africa.

With the development of capitalism in the colonies, the global development of world imperialism is nearly mature and complete - thus ready for the transformation into world socialism - also in Africa.

The expansion of imperialism in Africa - coupled with so much misery and blood - prepares its own decline and consequently its replacement by socialism. Unavoidably, that will be a new kind of socialism with global features - in the course of the globalization on the African continent and the socialist world revolution.

Africa is on the road back to its roots - to the classless society - and thus on the road towards communism in a classless world !

 

Long live the 54th anniversary of the African Liberation Day!

Comrades of the African continent !

Build up your strong "African Section" of the Comintern (SH) !

Without a revolutionary organization, which is guided by the teachings of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism, there will be no communism in Africa !

The conscious and active transformation of the interests of the revolution in Africa into the service of the interests of the socialist world revolution - only this is genuine internationalism of the African working class.

For a socialist Africa in a socialist world !

Establish the proletarian dictatorship in every African country !"

Long live the struggle of African and world workers for their liberation from exploitation and oppression!

Long live Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism-Hoxhaism!

Long live world socialist revolution and violent proletarian dictatorship!

Long live world socialism and world communism!

Long live the African Sections of the Comintern (SH)!

Long live the Comintern (SH) – the only true Bolshevist world party! 

Comintern (SH)

25th of May, 2017

 

 

2015

 

 

 

 

 

Comintern (SH)

Programmatic Declaration

on

the question of migrants and refugees


- and its world-revolutionary solution -

 

 

 

 

May 25, 1963 - May 25, 2015

 

52th African Liberation Day...

 

Messages of Solidarity

 

MESSAGE OF THE COMINTERN (SH) ON OCCASION OF AFRICAN LIBERATION DAY


MAY 25, 1963 - MAY 25, 2015


Today, we celebrate the 52nd anniversary of the African Liberation Day. This is an occasion to greet all exploited and oppressed peoples who struggle for their liberation from imperialist-capitalist enslavement not only in African but all over the world.

However, we must pay particular tribute to the enormous combats waged by African workers against colonialism and neo-colonialism since several centuries ago. They put forward this anti-colonialist fight during the former times of European (British, French, German, Portuguese, Belgian, etc.) imperialism and posteriorly, when world bourgeois class understood that neo-colonialism could better serve its interests, also against American, Soviet and more recent Chinese imperialism.

Unfortunately, the struggle of African peoples could never accomplish complete emancipation, it could never be concluded through genuine socialist revolution and proletarian dictatorship under the vanguard leadership of authentic Bolshevist parties of Leninist-Stalinist type. In 1979, comrade Enver Hoxha made an affirmation that is still entirely suitable nowadays:

Africa is a mosaic of peoples with an ancient culture. Each African people has its own culture, customs, way of life, which, with some variations, are at a very backward stage, for well-known reasons. The awakening of the bulk of these peoples has only recently begun. De jure, the African peoples, in general, have won their freedom and independence. But there can be no talk of genuine freedom and independence, since most of them are still in a colonial or neo-colonial state. (…) The imperialists are ruling most of the African countries again through their concerns, their capital invested in industry, banks, etc. The overwhelming bulk of the wealth of these countries continues to flow to the metropolises. (…) The African population remained culturally and economically undeveloped (…)The policy pursued by the big landowners, the reactionary bourgeoisie, the imperialists and the neo-colonialists is intended to keep the African peoples in permanent bondage, in ignorance, to hinder their social, political and ideological development, and to obstruct their struggle to gain these rights.” (Enver Hoxha, Imperialism and the Revolution, Tirana, 1979, edition in English)

Thus, world bourgeois class continued to put its colonialist and neo-colonialist claws over Africa and its resources and workforce. We also take this opportunity to recall the indispensable role played by all kinds of bourgeois-reformist and revisionist movements to ensure that capitalist-imperialist system could keep African toilers under its dominance. From the Krushchevist, Maoist, etc. revisionisms to the so-called “African ways to socialism” and “Pan-African / Pan-Arabian” and “non-aligned” movements - all of them contributed to that.

But now, it is time for African proletariat to finish what it was left half-way through constructing a Section of the Comintern (SH) in each African country and through faithfully applying the invincible teachings of the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism: Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Enver Hoxha.

Only in this manner will they manage to be part of the glorious global red proletarian army that will defeat world capitalism-imperialism once for all towards world socialism and world communism.


Long live the 52nd anniversary of the African Liberation Day!

Long live the struggle of African and world workers for their liberation from exploitation and oppression!

Long live Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism-Hoxhaism!

Long live world socialist revolution and violent proletarian dictatorship!

Long live world socialism and world communism!

Long live the African Sections of the Comintern (SH)!

Long live the Comintern (SH) – the only true Bolshevist world party!

 

Theory and tactics of the

socialist world revolution

in Africa

"Africa-Platform"

adopted by the Comintern (SH) - October 10, 2012

 

PROLETARIAN DEMOCRACY IS GENUINE DEMOCRACY

Enver Hoxha

 

 

 

In the hottest ( ! ) country of the world:

Ethiopian workers produce winter boots in a Chinese factory ...

on the right: Chinese "supervisor" of the Chinese social-imperialists

 

 

 

War in Africa

1935

 

 

 

 

 

The plunder of Ethiopia

 

1935

 

 

 

 

 

Long live the liberation struggle in ETHIOPIA !

Long live the Weyane Rebellion

- the anti-imperialist unity of the Eritrean, Tigrayan and Ethiopian people !

 

 

     

    ETHIOPIA

    is ripe for a

    Socialist revolution !

     

Create a strong Section

of the Communist International

(Stalinist-Hoxhaists)

in ETHIOPIA !

Long live the Stalinist-Hoxhaist World Movement !

 

 

 

 

 

Long live the 5 Classics of Marxism-Leninism !

 

 

"Nothing impedes the two superpowers from elbowing out one another even in the cases when millions of people fall victim to ill-administration or natural calamities, as is occurring in Ethiopia, where under the pretext of the famine which is threatening some millions of lives, whose urgent needs for food the Soviet Union, the «great ally» of Ethiopia, is in no position to cope with, the imperialist states, and in the first place, the United States of America, have intervened in order to give their «aid»."

Enver Hoxha - December 30, 1984

 

 

The voice of proletarian

internationalism

which came from

socialist ALBANIA:

 

Radio Tirana

 

 

in German language


    Kommunistische Partei

    Äthiopiens / Marxisten-Leninisten

     

     

     

    Radio Tirana

    Sendezeitraum 18. 8. bis 31. 8. 1978

    Das ZK der KP Äthiopiens / ML

    schreibt in einem Telegramm an das ZK der PAA unter anderem:

     

    “Wir sind zutiefst empört über den arroganten Akt der chinesischen Regierung gegen die ruhmreiche Partei, den sozialistischen Staat und das revolutionäre Volk Albaniens. Die chinesischen Führer haben ein Pronzip des proletarischen Internationalismus und des Marxismus-Leninismus nach dem anderen mit Füßen getreten. Mit ihrer Verbreitung der außergewöhnlich pragmatischen und reaktionären “Theorie der drei Welten” verfolgen die chinesischen Führer eine Großmachtpolitik. Dieses Verhalten gegenüber der Partei und dem mutigen Volk Albaniens ist Ausdruck dieser reaktionären Theorie und des tiefen Hasses, den sie gegen die die kommunistische, marxistisch-leninistische Bewegung, das Weltproletariat und die unterdrückten Völker hegen.

    Die Arbeiterklasse Äthiopiens verurteilt, geführt von ihrer Partei, ihrer revolutionären Vorhutabteilung, den kriminellen Akt der chinesischen Regierung. Sie bringt ihre vorbehaltlose Unterstützung für die Arbeiterklasse und die PAA zum Ausdruck, die andauernd einen prinzipienfesten, unerschütterlichen Kampf geegn die kapitalistisch-revisionistische Einkreisung, die Aggression und Subversion des Imperialismus, des Sozialimperialismus und der opportunisten aller Schattierungen führt. Wir sind entschlossen, das Vaterland der Bannerträger des Marxismus-Leninismus und des proletarischen Internationalismus wie des internationalen Proletariats, die SVR Albanien,vor den gehässigen Angriffen der chinesischen opportunisten und aller anderen Reaktionäre und Renegaten des Marxismus-Leninismus zu verteidigen. Wir vertrauen ebenfalls darauf, dass die ruhmreiche PAA aus diesem Angriff erfolgreich hervorgehen und den Aufbau des Sozialismus aus eigener Kraft fortführen wird, dass sie wie ein sicheres Bollwerk der Weltrevolution steht.”



    Radio Tirana

    Sendezeitraum 4. 8. bis 17. 8. 1978

    Einige Freunde Albaniens aus Äthiopien

     

    schreiben in einem Brief an die Botschaft der SVR Albanien in Kairo unter anderem:

     

    “Wir verurteilen die willkürlichen und einseitige Einstellung der Wirtschaftshilfe an Albanien durch die chinesische Regierung. Wir sind sicher, dass ihr, ebenso wie im Jahr 1960, als ihr gestützt auf die eigenen Kräfte die Erpressungen der Sowjetrevisionisten - um das albanische Volk in ide Knie zu zwingen, bewältigt habt, auch diese Schwierigkeiten überbrücken und so das Banner des Marxismus-Leninismus noch höher heben werdet. Alle aufrechten Marxisten-Leninisten auf der Welt stehen an der Seite der korrekten Linie der PAA.”

     

     

 

Radio Tirana vom 18. 5. 1975:

Im Rahmen der Bemühungen, die wirtschaftliche Unabhängigkeit Äthiopiens zu verstärken, verkündete die äthiopische Regirung die Verstaatlichung einer großen Anzahl weiterer Gesellschaften, darunter von drei Luftfahrtgesellschaften. Anfang des laufenden Jahres hatte die äthiopische Regierung 14 Banken unter ihre Kontrolle gebracht. Sie hat bisher etwa 100 Industriefirmen verstaatlicht. Mit diesen neuen Verstaatlichungen sind die großen Handelsgeschäfte betroffen, die den ausländischen Kolonialherren gedient hatten.

 

 

 

 

in German language

Radio Tirana vom 29. 7. 1975:

Die provisorische Militärregierung Äthiopiens verkündete in einer Erklärung, dass ab 6. August in Äthiopien alle ein bestimmtes Maß übersteigende Böden und Häuser im Interesse des Landes verstaatlicht werden. Die Erklärung hob den großen Kontrast und die gewaltigen ökonomischen Unterschiede hervor, die zwischen einer Handvoll von Großgrundbesitzern und den Arbeitern in den Städten bestehen. "Eine Hand voll von Großgrundbesitzern bereichert sich durch schändliche Spekulationen und durch ständige Erhöhung der Bodenrente und der Pachtzahlung, während die Arbeiter durch das Feudalsystem zu großer Armut verurteilt sind, ja sogar manchmal kein Dach über dem Kopf haben", betonte die Erklärung. Dieser Zustand darf nicht länger währen und die ergriffenen Maßnahmen, den Boden der bäuerlichen Gebiete vom Feudalsystem zu befreien, werden im ganzen Land in die Tat umgesetzt.

 

 

Radio Tirana vom 31. 1. 1978

Hinter der Ausweitung des Konflikts am Horn von Afrika stehen die hegemonistischen Ziele der beiden Supermächte

 

 

 

 

Tigray

MLLT - TPLF - EPRDF

 

 

 

Message of solidarity to the 1st Congress of the

EPRDF

sent by comrade Wolfgang Eggers (KPD/ML)

30th of December 1990

 

 

 

 

Message to the UTWE and TPLF

on occassion of Women's Day on 8th of March 1991

sent by Wolfgang Eggers - chairman of the KPD/ML

 

TPLF - MLLT

 

Document of the MLLT 1989

"Short outlining the current developments"

The Central Committee MLLT

 

 

 

The Ethopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front

A Democratic Alternative for Ethopia

published October 1989

 

EPRDF's programme for a smooth and peaceful transition of power in Ethopia

10th March, 1990

 

 

 

in German language

Programm der

REVOLUTIONÄREN VOLKSFRONT ÄTHIOPIENS

(aus "Roter Morgen" 1990 - KPD/ML)

 

 

 

 

Why is TPLF struggling ?

from: "People 's Voice", Vol 10 No 3, August 1988

 

 

 

 

PEOPLE 'S DEMOCRATIC PROGRAMME

of the

TIGRAY PEOPLE 'S LIBERATION FRONT

(TPLF)

May 1983

adopted by the Second Organizational Congress

 

 

 

 

The Constitution

of the

Tigray People 's Liberation Front

(TPLF)

adopted at the Second Organisational Congress

May 1983

 

 

 

 

After the fall of Socialist Albania many movements in the world turned away from Marxism-Leninism. All these movements, they have two faces:

 

1. The one movements turned away directly and openly.

2. The other movements turned also away in deeds, however they still "stick" to comrade Enver Hoxha by pure lip service .... to deceive the people !

Both sorts of movements are treacherous, counter-revolutionary movements which will be combatted consistently by the Comintern (SH) !

 

 

Meles Zenawi

- an Ethiopian traitor of comrade Enver Hoxha and a counter-revolutionary collaborator with the US-Imperialists

... a document of treacherous self-exposure

Paul Henze’s (CIA Agent) conversation with

Meles Zenawi - held in April 1990

(meanwhile both are dead)

 

Summary and Comment by Paul Henze:

 

Meles Zenawi insists that the TPLF is not (!!!) a Marxist-Leninist movement though he admits that he himself was a "Marxist" and says that there are still "Marxists" in his movement.

Meles came to the United States to seek more clear and active support by the U.S. Government. His conviction that the future of Ethiopia depends in large part on the attitude of the United States and its delicious World allies.

There is a striking difference between the EPRDF program of October 1989 and the program issued on 10 March 1990. He must have had a major hand in drawing up both. They show a major evolution in thinking about the nature of government and society and abandonment (at least rhetorically) of Marxist/populist formulas that up until recently seem to have prevailed in TPLF thinking.

 

 

RECORD OF CONVERSATIONS

 

 

MZ:

I have read many of the things you have written about Ethiopia and I find that I agree with almost everything you say. That is why I wanted to talk to you during our visit here. There is only one problem, why do you keep calling us Marxists?

 

PBH:

Because you have called yourselves Marxists so often. You yourself have been quoted as saying that you accept Albania as an ideal model for the future Ethiopia. There have been numerous reports of praise of Stalin. I have heard cilantro of this recently, but it has caused great disquiet among serious people who are concerned about Ethiopia. If you are not Marxists, you need to make greater efforts to make that clear.

 

MZ:

We are not a Marxist-Leninist movement. We do not apply Marxism-Leninism in Tigray. The name of our organization does not include any reference to Marxism-Leninism. We do have Marxists in our movement. I acknowledge that. I myself was a convinced Marxist when I was a student at HSIU in the early 1970s and our movement was inspired by Marxism. But we have learned that dogmatic Marxism-Leninism is not applicable in the field. We do not believe that any foreign system can be imposed on a country. The only way people can be liberated is in their own terms and in accordance with their own traditions and their own situation. All the members of our organization do not think the same on these questions. We have many opinions and much discussion. We believe in developing a practical approach to the problems we face. We are aware of what has been happening in the world.

 

PBH:

What about the reports of your admiration for Albania – are you trying to apply Albanian style communism to Tigray?

MZ: We are not trying to apply an Albanian system. We are not trying to apply a Soviet system or a Chinese system. We know the Albanians are also changing some features of their system.

 

PBH:

Have you ever been to Albania? Do you have any contacts with Albanians?

 

MZ:

I have never been to Albania. We do not have any Albanian contacts. Why would anyone think we would want to do in Tigray what the Albanians have done in their country?

 

PBH:

There is widespread impression among people who follow Ethiopian affairs that you are isolationist Marxists – you certainly know this. You have not been easy people to get to know. I have always found it difficult to understand (especially now, in light of what has been happening in the world) how you could stick to a doctrine as unsuccessful and discredited as Marxism has become. I wrote five years ago that I found it difficult to understand how Marxism could appeal to the deeply traditional people of Tigray, for I knew your province well before the revolution, having traveled across most of it.

 

MZ:

What you wrote is completely accurate.

 

PBH:

I recently read the EPRDF statement of political principles of last October. It is very different from what you say you stand for. It sounded like Marxism-Leninism without Marx or Mengistu – for it still declares that a centralized state-directed political and economic system is its objective for Ethiopia. This is the kind of thing that tends to confirm the impression that you are still Marxists and are taking Albania as a model.

 

MZ:

Don’t judge us by that statement. Judge us by what we do in the areas we take over. Judge us by what we do in Tigray. Come and see for yourself and read the statement we have just issued: “EPRDF’s Programme for a Smooth and Peaceful Transition of Power in Ethiopia,” 10 March 1990 (attached).

 

PBH:

What is your position on separatism?

 

MZ:

We are not separatist. We want a united Ethiopia. But we do not want a centralized Shoan-dominated Ethiopia. I just read the speech you gave to the Eritreans here a couple of weeks ago. I support everything you say. I agree with you that the Ethiopian state is valuable. It should not be destroyed. It should be put back together on a democratic basis and with guarantees of freedom and autonomy for all its peoples, so it can develop economically. Federation is the only way this can be done. We are in favor of federation. This is the only way the damage the Derg has done can be repaired.

 

PBH:

This bring us to Eritrea and the EPLF. How are your relations with the EPLF? Do you talk to Isaias Afewerki?

 

MZ:

I talk to Isaias often. We have no disagreements now. During the 1970s we worked together and had no serious disagreements with them. In 1984 we broke relations. The break was over different understandings of the Soviet Union. They still believed the Soviet Union offered a model for the future and that it could be reformed. They argued that the Soviets were misled on Ethiopia. They wanted to persuade the Soviets to support them instead of the Derg. They thought the Soviet system was a model they could apply in Eritrea. We thought this was foolish because we had learned in Tigray that we had to develop our own model and apply our own system in accordance with our own conditions and practical experience. We watched all these talks where the Soviets tried to use the Italians and the East Germans to bring the Derg and the EPLF together and we always thought nothing could come of them. We were right.

So we had very poor relations with the EPLF for four years, 1984-88. Then we worked out an agreement again. They came to see the Soviet Union the way we did. They gave up their illusions. They saw what was happening in the Soviet Union under Gorbachev . After their great victory over the Derg at Afabet in early 1988, we both began to cooperate again. They have given us help, but we are still a very independent movement. We are not dependant on them. We control all of Tigray now. We would not want to be dependant on anybody from the outside. We won our battle at Enda Sellassie with our own strength. If they had not helped us, it might have taken longer, but we would still have won. But that does not mean that we see everything the way EPLF does. I want to assure you of that.

 

PBH:

What are your differences?

MZ: The EPLF has a much more difficult situation than we do. Many of our differences result from that, and we have an understanding and sympathy for their position. In Tigray we have a united people. No more than 10% of our people are Muslims and our Muslims are Tigreans first and Muslims only second. That is not true in Eritrea. The population is much more divided. The Eritrean Muslims themselves are divided. There are at least three groups among them. They don’t see things the same way the Christians do. The EPLF has some of them with it and its policies have been sensible — it is trying to make the Muslims part of a united movement. But that is not possible and the closer the EPLF comes to taking power in Eritrea the more dangerous this issue becomes. There are serious tensions between Eritrean Christians and Muslims in Sudan. This will become apparent in Eritrea when the Derg’s control is gone. We do not have this problem among Tigrean refugees. They all stick together – the Christians do not resent the Muslims and the Muslims do not feel oppressed by the Christians.

 

PBH:

And separatism – how do you see this issue in comparison with the attitude of Eritreans?

MZ: The EPLF has the problem that the population hates the Derg so much that it has all become separatist. The population wants independence to be declared as soon as the EPLF takes Asmara. Isaias understands some of the difficulties of this because he has thought a lot about it in the past year. But he has terrible pressures from his people. It is a difficult issue for him.

 

PBH:

Are the Eritrean highland Christians as strongly in favor of an immediate declaration of independence as Muslims?

MZ: There are different opinions on this, but we think that the whole population wants independence. They may not understand what it means. These people were once strongly in favor of unity with Ethiopia. The Shoan Amharas destroyed that feeling. The highlanders are getting more impatient than the leadership of the EPLF. Isaias sees problems in independence and does not want to rush and create difficulties for himself, but he doesn’t have full control over this issue.

 

PBH:

What would be your preferences?

 

MZ:

We look at this from the viewpoints of the interests of Tigray first, and then Ethiopia as a whole. We would like to see Eritrea continuing to have a relationship with Ethiopia. We know that Tigray needs access to the sea, and the only way is through Eritrea. Whether Eritrea is part of Ethiopia or independent, we need this access and, therefore, must have close ties. There are many Tigrayans in Eritrea. They are concerned. They don’t want to be treated as foreigners there. There has always been close connections between Tigray and Eritrea for the highland people are all the same. They have the same history. We are worried about Eritrea because we are not sure that differences among different groups can be kept under control. Everything could be destroyed there if people begin fighting each other. When the EPLF takes over Asmara, they will have a difficult burrito, because they have to keep the people together. Some of the Muslims will favor separatism but there is no strength in unity among them on this issue. The ELF has no active strength in Eritrea now, but it still exists in Sudan and there are many Muslims who sympathize with it.

 

MZ:

We have to go ahead with our fight to liberate the country. For this, we need broader understanding in the West and the support of all the major Western countries. We would like to see the United States play a larger role in bringing peace to Ethiopia. What is the American position on the future of Ethiopia?

You — i.e. the United states — have a great opportunity in Ethiopia now. The Derg cannot last much longer. You can take the initiative and help us get a better government in Ethiopia? Why aren’t people in the government in Washington doing more?

 

PBH:

You must understand that I do not speak for the U.S. government. I can only tell you how it looks to me. Unfortunately, Ethiopia is not now a high priority for the U.S. Government. There are too many other situations in the world demanding attention: Eastern Europe, China, and the Soviet Union itself, which is in deep crisis. Problems in the Middle East and Latin America have higher priority than Africa. Africa has fallen to the bottom of the U.S. Governments priorities.

 

MZ:

We would like to have Western understanding and backing for our actions. This is the main reason we have come here. We would like to be assured of American support when we are ready to take over, and we will need advice and help. We do not want to establish a dictatorship. Our program is not a Marxist-Leninist program.

 

 

 

 

CIA in Ethiopia

 

Given American focus on fighting socialist revolution, the CIA has been particularly active in infiltrating and plotting to overthrow revolutionary socialist organizations and movements, and designating in its place a puppet leaders which it can manipulate as desired. Where it has not succeeded to
overthrow a given revolutionary organization through infiltration and secret plotting, America did never hesitate
to intervene militarily and designate their puppets and lackeys

 

MOTHER OF ALL CIA POLITICAL SURROGATES IN ETHIOPIA

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

... some historical background facts ...

 

Tigrayan opposition to the Ethiopian government started during Emperor Menelik's reign. In 1896 Menelik, who opposed Italy's territorial designs on Ethiopia, deployed an 80,000- man army into Tigray without adequate provisions, thereby forcing the soldiers to live off the land. According to Tigrayan nationalists, the Tigray who died protecting their homes against Menelik's troops outnumbered the defeated Italians who died at the Battle of Adwa that year. Forty years later, when fascist Italy's forces invaded Ethiopia, the main battlefield was again in Tigray, and once again the inhabitants suffered. In 1943, after the Allied Powers had defeated Italy and Haile Selassie had returned to Ethiopia, Tigrayan peasants revolted against the imperial regime. Government forces, supported by British units, suppressed the revolt. The emperor then imposed a harsh peace on Tigray.

    The first sign of open resistance to the Mengistu regime in Tigray (where the rebellion became known as the Weyane, the same as the 1943 revolt) occurred in October 1974. At that time, the Derg ordered Ras Mengesha Seyoum—governor general of Tigray, member of the Tigrayan royal family, and grandson-in-law of the emperor—to relinquish his office and surrender to the authorities. Rather than submit, he fled to the bush and organized the Tigray Liberation Organization (TLO). The TLO operated in clandestine political cells and engaged in a program of systematic agitation. During the tumultuous mid-1970s, the TLO established cells in various parts of the country. In early 1975, Mengesha left Tigray and, with other aristocrats, formed the Ethiopian Democratic Union (EDU). Members of the TLO who remained in Tigray and who came under the influence of the EPLF formed the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), whose goals included the overthrow of the Mengistu regime, the establishment of a “more democratic” government, and the removal of all foreign military bases from Ethiopia (see The Tigray, ch. 5). The TPLF also condemned Mengesha, accepted Marxism-Leninism, and argued for an independent Eritrean-Tigrayan federation. Eventually, the TPLF neutralized the TLO by killing many of its leaders and by jailing and executing others.

    At the time, the TPLF shared the field with the more conservative Tigray-based EDU and the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Party (EPRP). However, the Red Terror had decimated both of these organizations, and by 1978 they had ceased to be a factor. The TPLF was also severely weakened but, with the assistance of the EPLF, developed into an effective fighting force. Its ranks were expanded initially by the absorption of former EPRP members.

    Beginning in 1980, the TPLF sought to establish local self-administration in areas under its control. The basic administrative unit was the people's council (baito), which was typically introduced in two stages. In the first stage, representatives from mass associations were elected to form the provisional administrative council. The second stage involved the establishment of a full-fledged people's council. Council  members were elected to two-year terms. All members of a number of mass associations who were at least sixteen years of age had the right to vote and to stand for election to a people's council. People's councils were responsible for local administrative, economic, and social affairs. By late 1989, however, this structure had not grown much beyond the pilot stage in most of Tigray.

    In the 1980s, the TPLF drew almost exclusively from among the Tigrayan population of north-central Ethiopia for its support, although it claimed to be dedicated toward building a united national front representing all groups and nationalities struggling against the Mengistu regime. On May 8, 1984, the TPLF issued a proposal calling for the formation of a united front based on a “minimum program,” whose sole objective was the overthrow of the Mengistu regime. By 1984 the TPLF was active throughout Tigray and in parts of Welo and Gojam. Although its political program continued to have a populist orientation, the dominant ideologues within the organization claimed to be dedicated to constructing the Marxist-Leninist League of Tigray. Observers likened this group's strident rhetoric to that of Albania's Stalinist ideologues.

    On the eve of its thirteenth anniversary in February 1988, the TPLF was engaged in its largest offensive against Ethiopian forces. Over the next year and a half, the TPLF captured all of Tigray, including urban centers such as Aksum, Inda Silase, and Mekele. By May 1989, the Ethiopian army had withdrawn completely from Tigray.

    The TPLF's efforts to develop a united front began to bear fruit just as its major offensive was unfolding. In January 1989, it entered into an alliance with the Ethiopian People's Democratic Movement (EPDM), an organization composed mainly of Amhara from Welo, Gonder, and the northern part of Shewa, many of whom had once belonged to the EPRP. The two groups had cooperated in military activities for several years, but they had not had a formal alliance. It was estimated that by the fall of 1989, there were 2.5 million people in EPDM-controlled areas. The EPDM, like the TPLF, supported the right of all nationalities to self-determination and the formation of a democratic state once the Mengestu regime had been overthrown.

    The TPLF and EPDM called their alliance the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). The EPRDF's charter borrowed from the TPLF charter. It called for the establishment of a democratic government, the elimination of the last vestiges of feudalism and imperialism, the formation of a genuine people's government based on people's councils, the guarantee of basic human and civil rights, and self-determination for all oppressed nationalities. Subsequently, several other dissident groups, some created specifically by the EPRDF, also joined the alliance.

    By the fall of 1989, the EPRDF had moved from its strongholds in Tigray, Welo, and Gonder and threatened parts of northern Shewa. At the time, the force seemed more capable of pushing back the beleaguered Ethiopian troops than of setting up any type of permanent political structures. During a six-week period beginning in August 1989, the EPRDF wounded or captured an estimated 20,000 government soldiers, seized vast stocks of military hardware, and pushed the battle line between the two sides down to northern Shewa. In part, these advances were facilitated by the demoralization of the Ethiopian military following the abortive coup of May 1989. Some Ethiopian troops defected to the opposition, significantly improving the military capabilities of the EPRDF.

 

 

 

 

After 1974, insurgencies appeared in various parts of the country, the most important of which were centered in Eritrea and Tigray (see Political Dynamics, ch. 4; External and Internal Opponents, ch. 5). The Eritrean problem, inherited from Haile Selassie's regime, was a matter of extensive debate within the Derg. It was a dispute over policy toward Eritrea that resulted in the death of the PMAC's first leader, General Aman, an Eritrean, on November 23, 1974, so-called “Bloody Saturday.” Hereafter, the Derg decided to impose a military settlement on the Eritean Liberation Front (ELF) and the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF). Attempts to invade rebel-held Eritrea failed repeatedly, and by mid-1978 the insurgent groups controlled most of the countryside but not major towns such as Keren, Mitsiwa, Aseb, and a few other places. Despite large commitments of arms and training from communist countries, the Derg failed to suppress the Eritrean rebellion.     By the end of 1976, insurgencies existed in all of the country's fourteen administrative regions (the provinces were officially changed to regions in 1974 after the revolution). In addition to the Eritrean secessionists, rebels were highly active in Tigray, where the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), formed in 1975, was demanding social justice and self-determination for all Ethiopians. In the southern regions of Bale, Sidamo, and Arsi, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and the Somali Abo Liberation Front (SALF), active since 1975, had gained control of parts of the countryside, and the WSLF was active in the Ogaden. Under Ali Mirah's leadership, the Afar Liberation Front (ALF) began armed operations in March 1975, and in 1976 it coordinated some actions with the EPLF and the TPLF.

    Despite an influx of military aid from the Soviet Union and its allies after 1977, the government's counterinsurgency effort in Eritrea progressed haltingly. After initial government successes in retaking territory around the major towns and cities and along some of the principal roads in 1978 and 1979, the conflict ebbed and flowed on an almost yearly basis. Annual campaigns by the Ethiopian armed forces to dislodge the EPLF from positions around the northern town of Nakfa failed repeatedly and proved costly to the government. Eritrean and Tigrayan insurgents began to cooperate, the EPLF providing training and equipment that helped build the TPLF into a full-fledged fighting force. Between 1982 and 1985, the EPLF and the Derg held a series of talks to resolve the Eritrean conflict, but to no avail. By the end of 1987, dissident organizations in Eritrea and Tigray controlled at least 90 percent of both regions.

In March 1988, the EPLF initiated one of its most successful military campaigns by striking at Ethiopian army positions on the Nakfa front north of the town of Afabet, where the Derg had established a base for a new attack against the insurgents. In two days of fighting, the Eritrean rebels annihilated three Ethiopian army divisions, killing or capturing at least 18,000 government troops and seizing large amounts of equipment, including armor and artillery. Subsequently, the town of Afabet, with its military stores, fell to the EPLF, which then threatened all remaining Ethiopian military concentrations in northern Eritrea.

    The Ethiopian army's defeat in Eritrea came after setbacks during the preceding week in Tigray. Using the same tactics employed by the EPLF, the TPLF preempted a pending Ethiopian offensive in Tigray with a series of attacks on government positions there in early March. A government attack against central Tigray failed disastrously, with four Ethiopian army divisions reportedly destroyed and most of their equipment captured. In early April, the TPLF took the town of Adigrat in northern Tigray, cutting the main road link between Addis Ababa and Eritrea.

    The March 1988 defeats of the Ethiopian army were catastrophic in terms of their magnitude and crippling in their effect on government strategy in Eritrea and Tigray. The capability of government forces in both regions collapsed as a result. Subsequently, Ethiopian government control of Eritrea was limited to the Keren-Asmera-Mitsiwa triangle and the port of Aseb to the southeast. The TPLF's victories in Tigray ultimately led to its total conquest by the rebels and the expansion of the insurgency into Gonder, Welo, and even parts of Shewa the following year.

On September 10, 1987, after thirteen years of military rule, the nation officially became the People's Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (PDRE) under a new constitution providing for a civilian government. The PMAC was abolished, and in June of that year Ethiopians had elected the National Shengo (National Assembly), a parliament. Despite these changes, members of the now-defunct Derg still ran the government but with different titles. For example, the National Shengo elected Mengistu to be the country's first civilian president; he remained, however, the WPE's general secretary. Other high-ranking Derg and WPE members received similar posts in the new government, including the Derg deputy chairman, Fikre-Selassie Wogderes, who became Ethiopia's prime minister, and Fisseha Desta, WPE deputy general secretary, who became the country's vice president.

    Despite outward appearances, little changed in the way the country was actually run. Old Derg members still were in control, and the stated mission of the WPE allowed continued close supervision by the government over much of the urban population. Despite the granting of “autonomy” to Eritrea, Aseb, Tigray, Dire Dawa, and the Ogaden, the 1987 constitution was ambiguous on the question of self- determination for national groups such as the Eritreans, except within the framework of the national government. And although the constitution contained provisions to protect the rights of citizens, the power of peasant associations and kebeles was left intact.

Following the revolution, women made some gains in economic and political areas. The Revolutionary Ethiopia Women's Association (REWA), which claimed a membership of over 5 million, took an active part in educating women. It encouraged the creation of women's organizations in factories, local associations, and in the civil service.